LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

Class 


THE    LIFE 


OF 


JOSHUA    R.    GIDDINGS 


M 


THE    LIFE 


OF 


JOSHUA    R.   GIDDINGS 


BY 

GEORGE   W.  JULIAN 

AUTHOR  OF  "POLITICAL  RECOLLECTIONS" 


CHICAGO 
A.   C.   McCLURG    AND    COMPANY 

1892 


COPYRIGHT, 
BY  A.  C.  MCCLURG  AND  Co. 

A.  D.    1892. 


TO   THE   MEMORY  OF 

fflg  ®TOe, 
LAURA    GIDDINGS    JULIAN, 

THIS    LIFE  OF   HER   FATHER 
IS  AFFECTIONATELY  DEDICATED. 


226522 


PREFACE. 


TN  the  following  pages  I  have  dealt  with  the  chief 
facts  in  the  public  life  of  JOSHUA  R.  GlDDiNGS. 
Its  importance  centres  entirely  in  his  warfare  against 
Slavery.  To  this  he  dedicated  himself  with  absolute 
singleness  of  purpose  and  the  whole  strength  of  his 
nature.  It  seems  to  have  been  his  predestined  work ; 
for  he  was  drawn  to  it  by  every  fibre  of  his  heart  and 
every  prompting  of  his  judgment  and  conscience.  It 
was  this  fervor  of  spirit  and  perfect  concentration  of 
energy  which  armed  him  with  his  power,  and  enabled 
him  to  link  his  name  imperishably  with  a  cause  which 
vitally  involved  the  fortunes  of  the  Republic  and  the 
progress  of  liberty  throughout  the  world. 

That  such  a  life  should  be  fitly  commemorated,  will 
not  be  disputed.  Interesting  sketches  of  his  career 
have  been  given  to  the  public,  but  as  yet  no  adequate 
life  of  the  man  has  appeared.  Whether  I  have  pro 
duced  this  in  the  volume  now  submitted,  I  must 
leave  my  readers  to  determine.  I  have  made  an 
honest  endeavor,  and  this  was  prompted  by  several 
considerations.  I  was  personally  acquainted  with  Mr. 


IV  PREFACE. 

Giddings  during  the  greater  part  of  his  public  service, 
and  have  long  been  familiar  with  his  anti-slavery 
labors;  my  relations  to  his  family  gave  me  free 
access  to  his  private  correspondence  and  other  papers 
of  interest  and  value  in  the  preparation  of  such  a 
work;  and  it  was  the  wish  of  his  surviving  relatives 
and  friends  that  I  should  undertake  it.  While  I  have 
written  i'n  sympathy  with  my  subject,  I  trust  it  will  be 
found  that  I  have  not  slighted  the  duty  of  discrimina 
tion,  or  seriously  failed  in  the  endeavor  to  deal  fairly 
and  impartially  with  the  famous  men  and  stirring 
events  of  a  grand  epoch. 

G.  W.  J. 
IRVINGTON,  IND., 

January,  1892. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    I. 

PAGE 
Ancestry  and  Early  Life.  —  Pioneer  Trials  and  Hardships.— 

Military   Experience.  —  Teaching    School.  —  Choice    of 
the  Legal  Profession.  —  Marriage.  —  Children    .     .     .     .     n 

CHAPTER    II. 

Success  at  the  Bar.  —  Sent  to  the  Ohio  Legislature.  —  Part 
nership  with  Benjamin  F.  Wade.  —  Business  Troubles 
and  Failing  Health.  —  Election  to  Congress.  —  The 
Slavery  Question  27 

CHAPTER    III. 

DECEMBER,    1838,  TO  MARCH,   1839. 

Personal  Journal.  —  Last  Session  of  the  Twenty-fifth  Con 
gress. —  Scenes  and  Incidents.  —  Growing  Domination 
of  Slavery.  —  Development  of  Character 46 

CHAPTER   IV. 

MARCH,    1839,  TO  MARCH,    1841. 

The  "Amistad"  Case.  —The  Twenty-sixth  Congress.  — The 
Famous  New  Jersey  Election  Contest.  —  The  Slave- 
ship  "Enterprise."  —  The  Harrison  Campaign.  —  Nomi 
nation  of  Birney.  —  Speech  on  the  Florida  War  ...  73 


vi  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   V. 

MARCH,   1841,  TO  DECEMBER,    1842. 

PAGE 

Meeting  of  the  Twenty-seventh  Congress.  —  Trial  of  John 
Quincy  Adams.  —  The  Case  of  the  "  Creole,"  and  Cen 
sure  of  Giddings.  —  Letters  from  Mr.  Chase. — The 
"  Pacificus  "  Papers.  —  Weary  of  Public  Life  ....  102 

CHAPTER   VI. 

DECEMBER,    1842,  TO  DECEMBER,  1844. 

Second  Session  of  the  Twenty-seventh  Congress.  —  The 
Twenty-first  Rule.  —  Southern  Intolerance. —  Claim  of 
West  Florida  Slaveholders.  —  Claim  for  Slaves  lost 
in  the  Coastwise  Trade.  —  Speech.  —  Encounter  with 
a  Southern  Bully.  —  Annexation  of  Texas.  —  The 
Twenty-eighth  Congress.  —  Presidential  Canvass  of 
1844.  —  Position  of  Mr.  Clay.  —  His  Letters.  —  Attitude 
of  Giddings.  —  Friendship  of  Adams  and  Himself  .  .  140 


CHAPTER    VII. 

DECEMBER,  1844,  TO   MARCH,    1847. 

Last  Session  of  the  Twenty-eighth  Congress. —  Repeal  of 
the  Gag-rule.  —  Insolence  of  Southern  Members.  — 
General  Jessup  as  a  Slave-trader.  —  Mr.  Calhoun's  New 
Argument  for  Annexation.  —  The  Measure  consum 
mated.  —  First  Session  of  the  Twenty-ninth  Congress.— 
The  Oregon  Question.  —  The  War  with  Mexico.  — 
Minor  Questions.  —  Last  Session  of  the  Twenty-ninth 
Congress 171 


CONTENTS.  VI 1 

CHAPTER   VIII. 

MARCH,   1847,   TO  DECEMBER,    1848. 

PAGE 

Novel  State  of  Parties.  —  Correspondence.  —  Meeting  of 
the  Thirtieth  Congress.  —  Struggle  for  the  Speaker- 
ship.  —  Controversy  with  Winthrop.  —  Other  Ques 
tions.  —  Death  of  Mr.  Adams.  —  Speech  on  General 
Politics.  —  Escape  of  Slaves  on  the  Schooner  "  Pearl." — 
Mob  in  Washington.  —  Speech.  —  Hope  H.  Slatter  and 
Rev.  Mr.  Slicer.  —  The  Claim  of  Hodges.  —  Campaign 
of  1848.  — Letter  to  Truman  Smith.  —  Effect  of  the 
Free-Soil  Movement 206 

CHAPTER    IX. 

DECEMBER,   1848,  TO  MARCH,    1851. 

Second  Session  of  the  Thirtieth  Congress.  —  Slavery  and 
the  Slave-trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  —  The 
Pacheco  Case.  —  The  Ohio  Senatorship.  —  Address  of 
Southern  Members.  —  The  Effort  to  establish  Slavery 
in  California.  —  Meeting  of  the  Thirty-first  Congress. — 
The  Speakership.  —  Defence  of  the  Free  Soilers.  — 
Speeches.  —  Work  of  this  Congress 258 

CHAPTER   X. 

MARCH,    1851,  TO   MARCH,    1855. 

Effect  of  the  Compromise  Measures.  —  Meeting  of  the 
Thirty-second  Congress.  —  Agitation  to  prevent  Agita 
tion.  —  Encounter  with  Stanley.  —  The  Welcome  of 
Louis  Kossuth. —  Death  of  Mr.  Clay.  —  Slave  Claim  of 
Watson.  —  Speech  on  the  Compromise  Measures. — 
Presidential  Nominations  of  1852.  —  The  Second  Ses 
sion  of  the  Thirty-second  Congress.  —  Claim  of  William 


VI 11  CONTENTS. 

Hazzard  Wigg.  —  Meeting  of  the  Thirty-third  Con 
gress.  —  The  "  Amistad"  Case.  —  Repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise.  —  The  Case  of  the  "  Black  Warrior."  — 
Second  Session  of  the  Thirty-third  Congress  ....  286 


CHAPTER   XI. 

MARCH,    1855,  TO  MARCH,    1859. 

The  Congressional  Vacation.  —  Meeting  of  the  Thirty-fourth 
Congress.  —  State  of  Political  Parties.  —  The  Speaker- 
ship.  —  Election  of  Banks.  —  Birth  of  the  Republican 
Party.  —  Letters  from  John  Brown.  —  Speech  on  the 
Deficiency  Bill;  on  the  Assault  on  Sumner.  —  The 
Philadelphia  Convention  and  its  Platform.  —  Last  Ses 
sion  of  this  Congress.  —  Speeches.  —  Letters  from  John 
P.  Hale.  —  The  Dred  Scott  Decision.  —  Work  in  Vaca 
tion. —  First  Session  of  the  Thirty-fifth  Congress. — 
The  Lecompton  Constitution  and  the  Crittenden-Mont- 
gomery  Amendment.  —  Diary  of  Giddings.  —  The 
English  Bill.  —  Speech  on  "American  Infidelity."  — 
On  the  African  Slave-trade.  —  Nomination  of  his  Suc 
cessor.  —  Letters  from  Friends.  —  Voice  of  the  Press.  — 
Second  Session  of  the  Thirty-fifth  Congress.  —  Farewell 
Speech.  —  Testimonials 320 


CHAPTER   XII. 

MARCH,    1859,  TO   MAY,    1864. 

The  "  Exiles  of  Florida."  — The  John  Brown  Raid.  — The 
Lecture  Field. — Scene  in  the  Chicago  Convention. — 
Campaign  of  1860.  —  Letter  to  Hon.  Thomas  Ewing.  — 
Another  Literary  Venture.  —  Appointed  Consul-General 
to  Canada.  —  Correspondence  with  Sumner.  —  Life  in 
Montreal.  —  The  Reciprocity  Treaty.  —  Further  Cor 
respondence. —  Declining  Health.  —  "History  of  the 
Rebellion."  — Death 365 


CONTENTS.  ix 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

CHARACTERISTICS. 

PACK 
Personal  Traits.  —  Devotion  to  Family.  —  Friendships.  — 

Fondness  for  Athletic  Sports.  —  Religious  Principles. — 
Political  Foresight.  —  Moral  Earnestness.  —  Practical 
Qualities  as  a  Reformer.  —  His  Place  in  History  .  .  .  396 


APPENDIX. 

PACIFICUS  :  THE  RIGHTS  AND  PRIVILEGES  OF  THE  SEV 
ERAL  STATES  IN  REGARD  TO  SLAVERY  ;  being  a  Series 
of  Essays  published  in  the  "  Western  Reserve  Chron 
icle"  in  1842 415 


INDEX 463 


MR,     GIDDINGS, 

AT    THE    AGE    OF    TWENTY-EIGHT 
i,  From   an    Old    Portrait  V 


THE    LIFE 


OF 


JOSHUA    R.   GIDDINGS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Ancestry  and  Early  Life.  —  Pioneer  Trials  and  Hardships.  —  Military 
Experience.  —  Teaching  School.  —  Choice  of  the  Legal  Profession. 
—  Marriage.  —  Children. 


ancestors  of  JOSHUA  REED  GlDDlNGS  were 
English,  and  their  descendants  are  now  to  be  found 
in  almost  every  section  of  the  Union.  They  are  indus 
trious,  enterprising,  and  thrifty,  and  their  influence  has 
always  been  on  the  side  of  education  and  progress,  and 
of  civil  and  religious  liberty.  They  are  noted  for  their 
devotion  to  the  principles  of  morality,  and  it  is  their 
boast  that  no  one  of  the  name  has  brought  disgrace 
upon  the  family  by  violating  any  criminal  statute. 
They  are  generally  found  in  the  humbler  walks  of  life  ; 
but  their  genealogy  is  honored  by  famous  names,  in 
cluding  those  of  Nathaniel  Hawthorne  and  Rufus 
Choate,1  while  several  of  the  name  have  served  their 
country  in  the  halls  of  Congress  and  other  conspicu 
ous  positions.  They  are  equally  remarkable  for  their 
patriotism,  as  shown  by  the  record  of  their  service  in 
the  French  and  Indian  wars,  the  American  Revolu 
tion,  the  War  of  1812,  and  the  late  War  for  the  Union. 

1  The  Giddings  Family,  by  Minot  S.  Giddings,  published  in  1882. 


'I21'     '  'T'HE'LIFE  OF  JOSHUA  R.  GID DINGS. 

The  family  is  not  less  noted  for  its  pioneer  spirit, 
which  brought  its  first  emigrants  from  the  Old  World 
to  New  England,  and  sent  their  descendants  to  the 
western  frontier,  where  they  took  the  lead  in  planting 
civilization  in  the  wilderness. 

The  first  of  the  name  who  came  to  this  country  was 
George  Giddings,  who  settled  in  Ipswich,  Massachu 
setts,  in  1635.  HG  emigrated  from  St.  Alban's,  Hert 
fordshire,  and  was  a  man  of  property  and  position. 
From  1 66 1  to  1675  ne  was  selectman  for  the  town,  and 
for  a  long  time  a  ruling  elder  of  the  first  church.  He 
had  a  strong  will,  as  is  shown  by  the  record  of  a  long 
lawsuit,  which  he  carried  through  all  the  courts  for 
the  purpose  of  establishing  a  principle.  Of  his  son 
John  and  his  grandson  Thomas,  through  whom  the 
descent  of  Joshua  R.  is  traced,  very  little  is  known. 
The  latter  removed  to  Lyme,  Connecticut,  about  the 
year  1725.  His  son  Joshua  settled  in  Hartland,  Con 
necticut,  in  1756.  He  was  a  man  of  influence,  holding 
many  town  offices,  and  was  a  prominent  member  of 
the  Congregational  church.  He  had  five  sons,  three 
of  whom  served  in  the  Revolution,  Joshua,  the  fourth 
son,  being  with  Arnold  on  Lake  Champlain.  This  last- 
named  Joshua  removed  in  1773  to  Tioga  Point,  now 
called  Athens,  Bradford  County,  Pennsylvania,  where 
he  married  Submit  Jones,  who  died  in  1785,  leaving 
three  children.  He  afterwards  married  Elizabeth 
Pease,  of  Enfield,  Connecticut,  a  descendant  of  John 
Pease,  who  settled  on  Martha's  Vineyard  in  1635.  Of 
this  marriage  there  were  four  children,  the  youngest 
of  whom  was  Joshua  Reed,  born  Oct.  6,  1795.  Six 
weeks  after  his  birth  his  parents  removed  to  Canandai- 
gua,  then  near  the  western  limit  of  civilization,  and 
afterwards  holding  its  place  as  the  chief  town  of  west 
ern  New  York. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   G  ID  DINGS.  13 

In  the  winter  of  1805  the  elder  Joshua  resolved  to 
go  farther  west,  and  he  and  his  eldest  son  visited 
Wayne  Township,  in  Ashtabula  County,  Ohio,  in 
search  of  a  new  home.  Here  he  selected  a  large  tract 
of  land,  which  he  secured  in  exchange  for  his  Canan- 
daigua  farm ;  and  having  built  a  cabin,  cleared  a  little 
patch  of  ground,  and  planted  a  garden  and  small  corn 
field,  he  awaited  the  coming  of  his  family  in  the  spring 
of  1806.  The  journey  was  toilsome  and  difficult,  and 
was  made  in  a  farm  wagon,  which  also  conveyed  the 
household  goods,  and  was  drawn  by  four  oxen.  On 
June  1 6,  just  as  they  were  crossing  the  Ohio  and 
Pennsylvania  line,  a  total  eclipse  of  the  sun  left  them 
in  darkness  and  compelled  them  to  camp  in  the 
woods.  They  were  several  weeks  on  the  way,  but  at 
last  reached  the  centre  of  Wayne  Township,  where 
they  found  the  cabin  already  prepared  for  them,  and 
were  welcomed  by  the  father  and  son. 

Here  the  battle  of  life  for  young  Giddings  was  to  be 
fought.  Ohio  had  been  admitted  into  the  Union  only 
three  years  before.  The  country  was  a  wilderness,  in 
habited  by  Indians  and  wild  beasts ;  but  it  was  to  be 
the  nursery  and  training-ground  of  Western  Reserve 
character  and  manhood.  The  story  of  his  early  years 
strongly  resembles  that  of  Lincoln's,  barring  the  differ 
ence  between  life  in  Kentucky  and  on  the  Western  Re 
serve.  It  has  been  the  fashion  to  dwell  upon  the 
straitened  circumstances  which  have  so  often  dark 
ened  the  early  lives  of  public  men,  and  thus  to  appeal 
to  popular  sympathy  while  contrasting  their  famous 
achievements  with  the  obscurity  of  their  early  strug 
gles.  The  people  of  fifty  years  ago  were  very  familiar 
with  the  story  of  "  Corwin,  the  wagoner  boy,"  and  of 
"  Ewing,  the  salt-boiler  of  the  Muskingum."  A  little 
later,  the  admirers  of  Henry  Clay  appealed  to  the  pop- 


14  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

ular  heart  by  picturing  him  as  "  the  mill-boy  of  the 
slashes,"  while  still  later,  Abraham  Lincoln  was 
paraded  as  "  the  rail-splitter  of  Illinois."  This  style  of 
biography  is  now  out  of  date ;  and  it  never  had  any 
better  justification  than  the  demands  of  campaign  poli 
tics.  It  is  not  probable  that  any  of  the  famous  men 
referred  to  ever  felt  the  need  of  sympathy  in  their 
early  struggles.  Each  formed  a  part  of  the  pioneer 
community  in  which  his  lot  was  cast,  and  simply  did 
his  co-operative  share  in  the  work  of  the  family,  while 
all  were  ready  to  face  their  trials  and  privations  bravely, 
if  not  joyfully. 

But  frontier  life  always  has  its  charms,  and  these 
were  not  lessened  when  New  England  Puritanism  was 
transplanted  to  the  wilds  of  northeastern  Ohio.  It  was 
the  birth  of  the  Western  Reserve,  and  the  forerunner 
of  a  broader  and  better  type  of  humanity  than  that  of 
New  England  itself.  The  area  of  this  famous  Reserve 
is  about  five  thousand  square  miles,  and  its  population 
may  now  be  estimated  at  six  hundred  thousand.  "  No 
other  five  thousand  square  miles  of  territory  in  the 
United  States,"  says  Hinsdale,  "  lying  in  a  body  out 
side  of  New  England,  ever  had,  to  begin  with,  so  pure 
a  New  England  population,"  and  "  no  similar  territory 
west  of  the  Alleghany  mountains  has  so  impressed  the 
brain  and  conscience  of  the  country."  l  This  is  due, 
in  part,  to  the  fact  that  these  pioneers  emancipated 
themselves  from  the  religious  dogmatism  and  invet 
erate  political  conservatism  in  which  they  had  been 
reared.  Congregationalism  on  the  Reserve  was  no 
longer  an  established  religion,  while  Federalism  grad 
ually  relaxed  its  hold  upon  the  people.  From  the  be 
ginning  the  spirit  of  reform  was  in  the  air,  and  the 
people  gradually  outgrew  their  provincialism,  while 
holding  fast  their  fundamental  principles. 
1  The  Old  Northwest,  p.  388. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  15 

The  settlement  of  this  region  by  such  a  community 
marked  an  epoch  in  American  civilization.  "  Puritan 
ism,"  says  Bancroft,  "  was  religion  struggling  for  the 
people."  These  pioneer  settlers  brought  with  them 
their  love  of  liberty  and  respect  for  law.  They  be 
lieved  in  the  sacredness  of  human  rights  because  they 
accepted  Christianity  as  "  the  root  of  all  democracy." 
They  had  no  respect  for  any  distinctions  resting  upon 
property,  color,  or  race.  They  had  among  them  men 
of  education,  who  took  the  lead  in  founding  common 
schools,  academies,  town-libraries,  and  debating-clubs, 
while  churches  sprang  up  in  every  direction,  in  evi 
dence  of  the  common  zeal  for  religion.  Through  toil 
and  self-denial  they  sought  the  establishment  of  well- 
ordered  Christian  homes,  which  they  valued  as  the 
basis  of  society  and  the  foundation  of  the  state.  In 
dustry,  frugality,  endurance,  courage,  and  hardihood 
were  demanded  by  the  situation,  and  these  virtues 
were  never  found  wanting.  Their  lives  were  necessa 
rily  primitive.  They  were  obliged  to  subdue  the  earth 
and  make  the  forests  and  streams  tributary  to  their 
wants,  and  this  was  literally  a  struggle  for  existence ; 
but  they  were  ready  for  it,  and  entered  upon  it  with 
strong  will  and  irrepressible  courage.  Flax  had  to  be 
raised  and  hatchelled,  and  spinning-wheels  and  looms 
constructed  for  its  manufacture  into  clothing.  Sheep 
had  to  be  introduced,  and  their  wool  spun  and  woven 
into  winter  garments.  Houses  and  barns  had  to  be 
provided,  and  roads  and  bridges  constructed.  Game 
and  fish  had  to  be  supplied  in  abundance  while  the 
forests  were  being  felled  and  the  soil  fitted  for  tillage. 
Maple-sugar  had  to  be  manufactured,  and  nameless 
miscellaneous  drudgery  performed. 

In  nearly  all  this  work  the  boy  of  ten  years  did  his 
part.  His  training  was  physical  and  altogether  prac- 


1 6  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   G 'ID DINGS. 

tical,  and  his  naturally  vigorous  constitution  became 
thoroughly  developed.  He  grew  with  the  growth  of 
the  community  of  which  he  was  a  member,  and  was 
never  found  wanting  in  any  task.  In  the  use  of  the 
axe  he  became  an  expert,  and  before  he  was  grown  he 
could  chop  and  put  up  six  cords  of  wood  in  a  day. 
No  man  better  understood  the  use  of  the  shot-gun  and 
rifle.  In  the  wrestling-match  and  the  foot-race  he  was 
second  to  none.  He  was  a  recognized  athlete,  growing 
to  the  height  of  six  feet  two  inches,  broad-shouldered, 
compact,  and  well-proportioned.  It  must  not  be  un 
derstood,  however,  that  his  moral  training  was  neg 
lected,  for  his  father  was  a  devout  Presbyterian,  who 
thoroughly  imbued  his  children  with  his  own  moral 
and  religious  principles. 

Nor  was  his  education  forgotten.  He  had  learned 
the  alphabet  in  school  in  Canandaigua,  and  on  begin 
ning  life  in  Ohio  he  soon  taught  himself  to  read  and 
write.  No  systematic  education  was  then  possible, 
and  his  entire  school  attendance  from  first  to  last  was 
only  a  few  weeks.  He  was  obliged  to  learn  what  he 
could  in  the  little  snatches  of  time  which  the  constant 
pressure  of  his  active  duties  permitted.  There  were 
no  libraries,  and  books  were  exceedingly  few;  but  his 
appetite  for  reading  was  ravenous,  and  he  devoured 
every  newspaper,  pamphlet,  or  book  he  could  lay  his 
hands  on,  no  matter  how  ancient  or  dog-eared.  He 
read  such  books  of  travel,  biography,  poetry,  fiction, 
and  theology  as  he  could  pick  up,  and  his  mental 
digestion  was  as  remarkable  as  his  appetite.  A  copy 
of  Lindley  Murray's  Grammar  which  fell  in  his  way 
was  thoroughly  studied,  and  he  also  became  interested 
in  mathematics.  He  studied  late  at  night  by  the  fire 
light  in  his  father's  cabin,  or  at  springtime  by  the  blaz 
ing  light  of  the  sugar-camp ;  and  yet  in  this  desultory 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GID DINGS.  17 

and  handicapped  struggle  for  self-education  he  laid  a 
substantial  foundation  for  the  career  which  awaited 
him. 

But  at  the  age  of  sixteen  the  regular  course  of  his 
life  was  suddenly  interrupted  by  the  War  of  1812,  which 
startled  the  country  and  cast  its  shadow  over  the  North 
west.  The  settlers  on  the  Western  Reserve  were  in 
a  state  of  commotion.  The  Indians  in  that  region  left 
their  wigwams  to  join  the  enemy,  whose  ravages  on  the 
Maumee  were  reported.  General  Hayes  commanded 
a  regiment  of  soldiers  composed  of  men  residing  in 
Trumbull  and  Ashtabula  counties.  Giddings  joined 
this  regiment,  which  marched  to  the  Huron;  and  on 
September  25  Major  Frasier,  with  a  detachment  of 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  was  ordered  to 
proceed  as  far  as  Lower  Sandusky.  At  that  place 
there  had  been  a  stockade  erected  for  the  defence  of 
the  people  dwelling  there,  which,  having  been  deserted 
upon  the  surrender  of  General  Hull,  remained  unoccu 
pied  till  Major  Frasier  took  possession.  It  became 
known  as  Fort  Stephenson.  From  this  point  a  scout- 
ing-party  was  sent  out  upon  the  peninsula  in  quest  of 
provisions  which  had  been  left  at  Sandusky,  and  a 
body  of  Indians,  estimated  at  forty-seven,  was  discov 
ered  on  the  farm  of  one  Ramsdell,  at  Two  Harbors, 
on  the  shore  of  the  lake.  The  news  of  this  discovery 
found  the  forces  at  Camp  Avery  so  reduced  by  ex 
posure  and  sickness  that  they  were  able  to  muster  but 
two  guards,  consisting  each  of  two  relieves,  so  that 
each  man  was  actually  compelled  to  stand  at  his  post 
one  fourth  of  the  time.  Mr.  Giddings  was  on  duty  at 
the  time  the  news  reached  camp,  and  in  an  account  of 
the  situation  he  says :  — 

"  When  relieved  from  my  post  at  a  little  before  sunset  I  found 
them  beating  up  for  volunteers.  I  soon  learned  the  cause,  and 


1 8  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GID DINGS. 

without  going  to  my  quarters  I  joined  the  small  party  who  were 
following  the  music  in  front  of  the  line  of  troops.  According  to 
my  recollection,  there  were  in  all  sixty-four  who  volunteered  to 
share  the  clangers  of  the  enterprise.  We  were  dismissed  for 
thirty  minutes  to  obtain  our  evening  meal.  It  was  between  sun 
set  and  dark  when  we  again  assembled  at  the  beating  of  the 
drum  and  prepared  for  our  departure.  Daylight  had  fully  dis 
appeared  before  we  shook  hands  with  our  companions-in-arms 
and  marched  forth  in  the  silent  darkness  of  the  night." 

The  little  company,  under  command  of  Captain  Cot 
ton,  advanced  by  boats  that  night,  steering  for  what 
was  then  called  the  Middle  Orchard,  on  the  shore  of 
the  bay,  nearly  opposite  to  Bull's  Island,  not  far  from 
the  point  where  the  enemy  had  been  discovered.  Two 
battles  were  fought  that  day,  with  the  loss  of  twelve 
men  and  their  boats.  The  enemy  stripped  and  scalped 
two  of  our  dead  who  were  left  on  the  field,  and  the 
scalping-knife  of  the  Indian  chief  Omick  was  found 
plunged  to  the  hilt  in  the  breast  of  one  of  them.  This 
chief  resided  in  Wayne  township,  and  Giddings  had 
known  him  for  years.  The  Indians  now  deserted  the 
peninsula,  and  these  two  battles,  the  first  that  were 
fought  in  Ohio  during  the  War  of  1812,  have  been  over 
looked  by  all  the  historians  of  the  war ;  but  Mr.  Gid 
dings  himself  wrote  a  detailed  account  of  them  in  1843, 
which  forms  an  important  contribution  to  the  history 
of  that  war  and  to  the  annals  of  the  Western  Reserve. 
His  service  lasted  five  months,  at  the  end  of  which  he 
was  mustered  out  and  returned  to  his  home.  It  tested 
his  strength  and  endurance  on  the  march,  his  good 
conduct  in  camp,  and  his  courage  in  the  face  of  dan 
ger.  It  taught  him  the  value  of  discipline  and  self- 
reliance.  It  gave  him  a  better  knowledge  of  himself 
and  of  human  nature,  and  new  ideas  of  life  and  incite 
ments  to  thought. 

During  the  progress  of  the  war   the  Reserve  was 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   £.    GIDDINGS.  19 

several  times  menaced,  but  no  other  conflicts  followed, 
and  there  was  no  occasion  for  any  further  military 
duty  by  Giddings.  This  was  fortunate  for  his  father, 
who  sorely  needed  his  help ;  for  the  title  to  the  lands 
in  which  he  had  invested  his  all  failed,  and  the  family 
was  again  thrown  upon  its  resources  and  obliged  to 
renew  the  hard  struggle  with  poverty  on  another  tract. 
Giddings  was  the  youngest  of  four  brothers;  and 
while  he  manfully  did  his  part  in  this  struggle,  he 
availed  himself  of  every  possible  opportunity  to  push 
forward  the  work  of  self-education.  He  was  now 
nearly  eighteen  years  old,  and  his  thirst  for  knowl 
edge  constantly  increased.  In  a  fragment  found 
among  his  papers,  referring  to  this  period,  he  says 
that  from  his  childhood  he  had  accustomed  himself 
to  earnest  thinking,  and  that  at  an  early  age  he  had 
been  led  to  study  the  idioms  of  our  language  and 
the  philosophy  of  arithmetical  rules.  As  he  found 
his  mind  constantly  enlarged  by  new  ideas  and  in 
creased  knowledge,  he  determined  to  know  more  than 
he  could  ever  hope  to  do  as  a  day  laborer.  He  keenly 
felt  the  shackles  which  bound  him,  and  longed  for 
untrammelled  liberty  to  think  and  act  for  himself.  His 
diligence  in  study  was  noticed  by  the  people  of  his 
neighborhood,  and  it  soon  became  understood  that  he 
was  a  scholar.  He  was  known  to  be  a  student,  and 
they  quite  naturally  took  his  scholarship  for  granted. 

It  was  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  at  the  age  of 
nineteen  he  was  called  upon  by  his  neighbors  to  teach 
school.  He  frankly  pleaded  lack  of  qualification;  but 
the  plea  was  not  accepted,  and  he  entered  upon  the 
work.  This  was  fortunate  for  the  children  of  the  vici 
nage,  who  greatly  needed  instruction,  and  equally  for 
tunate  for  the  teacher.  He  was  stimulated  in  his  work 
by  the  desire  to  keep  in  advance  of  his  scholars,  while 


20  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

he  constantly  refreshed  his  memory  of  what  he  had 
previously  learned.  He  applied  himself  to  his  new 
vocation  with  all  the  ardor  that  had  marked  his  out 
door  labors.  He  resumed  his  study  of  mathematics, 
besides  more  completely  mastering  the  use  of  the  Eng 
lish  language.  His  teaching,  of  course,  was  confined 
to  the  winter  months,  for  he  held  his  place  in  all  the 
hard  work  of  clearing  the  land  and  cultivating  the  soil 
during  the  season ;  but  his  work  as  a  teacher  seems  to 
have  inspired  him  with  a  burning  desire  to  pursue  his 
studies  more  systematically,  and  to  master  them  more 
thoroughly. 

At  this  time  the  Rev.  Harvey  Coe  was  settled  as 
a  minister  at  Vernon,  in  Trumbull  County.  He  had 
been  liberally  educated,  and  according  to  the  custom 
of  that  day,  had  a  room  appointed  for  the  use  of  such 
young  men  as  desired  to  obtain  the  benefits  of  his  in 
struction.  They  boarded  with  him,  or  with  neighbors 
near  by,  and  at  stated  hours  visited  him  at  his  rooms. 
Under  the  instructions  of  this  country  parson,  Giddings 
now  devoted  himself  to  mathematics  and  Latin,  and 
continued  his  studies  nine  months,  when  he  resumed 
the  business  of  teaching,  which  he  prosecuted  during 
the  school  season  for  four  years,  attending  to  his  farm 
duties  in  the  summer.  The  education  thus  acquired 
was  necessarily  fragmentary  and  unsystematic ;  but  his 
strong  grasp  of  mind,  tireless  industry,  and  unquench 
able  zeal  gave  a  remarkable  thoroughness  to  his  work, 
and  increased  confidence  in  himself  as  the  time  ap 
proached  when  he  must  deal  with  the  vexed  question 
of  a  business  for  life. 

In  the  autumn  of  1818  he  returned  to  his  home  at 
Williamsfield,  and  his  friends  and  neighbors  were 
anxious  to  know  his  intentions  and  plans  for  the  fu 
ture.  He  told  them  frankly  that  he  had  decided  upon 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  21 

the  study  of  the  law.  This  was  a  great  surprise  to  them. 
He  had  lived  with  them  from  childhood,  and  toiled 
with  them  in  the  fields.  He  had  never  enjoyed  the 
means  of  obtaining  even  a  common-school  education, 
and  they  regarded  his  course  as  the  effect  of  a  vain 
desire  to  defeat  the  designs  of  Providence,  according 
to  which  they  believed  that  people  born  in  humble  life 
should  be  content  with  their  lot.  They  ridiculed  his 
theory  that  success  and  distinction  in  the  profession 
could  be  obtained  by  diligence.  They  told  him  he 
could  not  make  a  lawyer,  and  that  by  changing  his 
habits  he  would  lose  his  love  of  labor,  while  he  could 
not  make  a  living  by  his  profession.  Only  two  of  his 
neighbors  encouraged  him  in  his  ambition  ;  these 
were  his  brother-in-law,  Nathaniel  Coleman,  and  Anson 
Jones,  who  were  both  men  of  education,  and  regarded 
as  the  most  influential  citizens  of  the  township. 

In  spite  of  all  dissuasions,  Giddings  was  unwav 
ering  in  his  purpose;  and  seeing  this,  several  of  his 
friends  and  two  of  his  brothers  offered  him  pecuniary 
aid  in  prosecuting  his  studies.  In  December  he  left 
his  father's  home  on  foot  to  begin  the  study  of  law 
under  Elisha  Whittlesey,  Esquire,  of  Canfield,  in 
Trumbull  County.  Mr.  Whittlesey  was  a  lawyer  of 
eminence,  and  several  of  the  distinguished  lawyers  and 
famous  men  of  northern  Ohio  studied  in  his  office. 
He  was  subsequently  a  member  of  Congress  sixteen 
consecutive  years,  being  the  immediate  predecessor  of 
Mr.  Giddings;  and  he  afterwards  served  many  years 
as  First  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury.  The  distance 
from  Williamsfield  to  Canfield  was  forty  miles,  and 
Giddings  carried  his  own  baggage,  consisting  of  three 
shirts,  two  pairs  of  stockings,  four  white  neckcloths, 
and  two  pocket-handkerchiefs.  He  had  also  sev 
enteen  dollars  in  cash.  He  had  now  defined  to  his 


22  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

own  satisfaction  his  future  course.  He  saw  his  pathway 
unmistakably  before  him,  and  he  determined  to  bend 
all  his  energies  to  the  accomplishment  of  his  purpose. 

In  the  village  of  Canfield  he  was  a  stranger  to  every 
one  but  his  preceptor,  whom  he  had  met  before ;  but 
he  soon  became  acquainted,  and  was  greatly  pleased 
with  the  society  of  the  village.  He  was  invited  to  the 
houses  of  the  best  citizens,  and  his  temperate  habits, 
diligence  in  study,  and  correct  deportment  brought 
him  into  general  favor.  He  entered  upon  the  study 
of  law  with  great  spirit.  At  all  hours  of  the  day  he 
was  to  be  found  in  the  office,  sweeping  it  out  and 
building  the  fire  before  sunrise,  and  continuing  his 
studies  till  late  at  night. 

Soon  after  he  came  to  the  village,  he  made  his  first 
essay  in  public  speaking.  The  young  men  of  the  place 
had  formed  a  lyceum,  at  which  important  questions  of 
government  and  state  policy  were  discussed.  William 
A.  Whittlesey,  a  nephew  of  his  preceptor  and  a  grad 
uate  of  Yale  College,  was  a  fellow-student  of  Giddings, 
and  they  were  both  invited  to  join  the  lyceum,  which 
they  did,  and  at  the  next  meeting  arrangements  were 
made  for  the  two  young  men  to  take  the  lead  in  de 
bate  on  opposite  sides  of  the  question.  Whittlesey 
held  the  decided  advantage  over  his  opponent  in  the 
matter  of  educational  qualifications  ;  but  in  the  opinion 
of  the  large  audience  who  had  assembled  to  hear  the 
debate,  Giddings  acquitted  himself  admirably,  and  the 
two  young  men,  who  had  had  no  previous  intimacy, 
now  became  attached  friends.  This  friendship  con 
tinued  during  life,  and  they  served  together  many 
years  later  in  the  lower  branch  of  Congress. 

It  was  not  long  after  this  that  these  students  began 
to  find  employment  in  the  small  litigation  at  all  times 
carried  on  in  country  towns  before  sheriffs'  courts  and 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  2$ 

justices  of  the  peace.  They  were  generally  on  differ 
ent  sides,  and  often  travelled  many  miles  to  attend 
these  courts,  charging  their  clients  five  dollars,  which 
they  found  quite  convenient  in  paying  for  their  board 
and  supplying  themselves  with  pocket-money.  At 
this  time  Elisha  Whittlesey  was  engaged  in  an  exten 
sive  business,  and  Giddings  was  often  sent  to  different 
counties  to  look  after  the  affairs  of  his  employer.  This 
enabled  him  to  extend  his  acquaintance  and  make 
friends  among  the  people.  During  the  second  year  of 
his  study  he  began  to  look  forward  to  his  admission  to 
the  Bar,  and  his  preceptor  suggested  to  him  that  what 
ever  business  might  come  to  him  from  that  time  he 
might  enter  in  court  in  the  name  of  Mr.  Whittlesey, 
and  on  his  admission  he  could  substitute  his  own  name 
as  attorney  and  receive  the  fees.  Of  this  kind  offer  he 
gladly  availed  himself,  and  at  the  first  term  of  the 
court  after  his  admission  he  entered  a  list  of  more 
than  thirty  causes  in  his  own  name. 

According  to  the  custom  of  that  day,  the  preceptor 
was  required  to  propose  for  the  consideration  of  the 
Bar  the  names  of  such  young  men  as  he  desired  to 
have  admitted  to  an  examination,  and  secure  their 
unanimous  consent  to  present  these  names  to  the 
judges  of  the  Supreme  Court.  In  observance  of  this 
custom,  Mr.  Whittlesey  presented  the  names  of  Joshua 
R.  Giddings  and  William  A.  Whittlesey  as  candidates 
for  examination.  Two  objections  to  Giddings  were 
made,  —  first,  that  he  had  not  received  the  proper  lit 
erary  training;  and  second,  that  the  sphere  in  which 
he  had  been  reared  was  not  such  as  to  entitle  him  to 
associate  with  members  of  the  Bar.  To  these  objec 
tions  the  friends  of  Giddings  replied  that  his  literary 
training  would  be  tested  by  the  examination  proposed ; 
and  that  as  to  association,  it  would  have  to  be  mutual, 


24  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

or  it  could  not  exist.  They  urged  that  the  only  ques 
tion  for  the  Bar  to  pass  upon  was  his  moral  character 
and  legal  knowledge,  and  not  the  sphere  in  which  he 
moved.  The  objections,  however,  were  strongly  urged 
by  two  members  of  the  Bar,  who  were  quite  aristocratic 
in  their  feelings,  and  warm  words  were  exchanged ; 
but  seventeen  out  of  nineteen  members  voted  for  the 
admission  of  Giddings  to  an  examination,  and  Mr. 
Whittlesey  was  instructed  to  give  him  the  necessary 
certificate.  Of  this  opposition  he  was  never  informed 
till  after  his  admission.  At  the  examination  he  ac 
quitted  himself  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  the  judges, 
and  by  some  of  the  oldest  members  he  was  pronounced 
the  best  theoretical  lawyer  of  the  county  at  the  time. 
One  week  after  his  admission,  which  occurred  in  Feb 
ruary,  1821,  he  appeared  before  the  Court  of  Common 
Pleas  of  Ashtabula  with  a  list  of  cases  which  might 
well  have  awakened  the  pride  of  a  lawyer  who  had 
been  years  in  practice. 

While  yet  a  student,  Giddings  was  married  to  Miss 
Laura  Waters,  of  Trumbull  County,  —  a  young  woman 
of  more  than  common  intelligence  and  worth.  She 
was  the  daughter  of  Abner  Waters,  who  had  removed 
from  Granby,  Connecticut,  to  Ohio  in  1816.  To  the 
eye  of  worldly  prudence  the  wisdom  of  his  marriage 
at  this  time  would  have  seemed  at  least  debatable. 
He  had  not  yet  entered  the  threshold  of  his  profes 
sion.  Without  the  help  of  friends  he  could  not  buy  a 
library.  If,  during  the  first  few  years  of  his  practice, 
he  could  earn  more  than  enough  for  his  own  support, 
he  would  need  it  in  preparing  for  the  responsibilities 
of  marriage.  Miss  Waters  was  likewise  poor,  earning 
her  livelihood  by  teaching.  But  their  marriage  was 
the  special  concern  of  nobody  but  themselves,  and  the 
sequel  vindicated  their  action.  The  practice  of  Gid- 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  2$ 

dings  proved  remunerative  from  the  beginning,  and 
his  young  wife  contributed  her  earnings  as  a  teacher 
to  the  purchase  of  a  law  library.  They  began  house 
keeping  in  Wayne  Township  upon  his  father's  farm, 
and  he  built  an  office  in  the  adjoining  village  of 
Williamsfield,  where  he  began  his  professional  career. 

Eight  children  were  born  to  them,  three  of  whom 
died  in  infancy.  Of  the  remaining  five,  the  eldest  was 
Comfort  Pease,  who  was  born  Jan.  7,  1820.  He  is  a 
farmer,  and  resides  in  the  vicinity  of  Jefferson. 

The  second  son,  Joseph  Addison,  was  born  Feb. 
17,  1822.  He  began  life  as  a  lawyer,  and  was  sub 
sequently  elected  judge  of  the  Probate  Court  of  his 
county.  For  a  number  of  years  he  edited  "  The 
Ashtabula  Sentinel,"  of  which  his  father  was  corre 
sponding  editor  during  the  greater  part  of  his  con 
gressional  term,  and  he  was  vice-consul  at  Montreal 
at  the  time  of  his  father's  death.  He  resides  on  the 
old  homestead  at  Jefferson. 

The  eldest  daughter,  Lura  Maria,  was  born  Sept. 
24,  1825,  and  died  Aug.  23,  1871.  She  was  among 
the  early  workers  in  the  anti-slavery  reform,  and 
was  thoroughly  devoted  to  her  father,  whom  she  ac 
companied  to  Washington  during  several  sessions  of 
Congress.  She  was  also  with  him  in  Montreal  at  the 

o 

time  of  his  death.  She  was  a  woman  of  more  than 
ordinary  endowments,  and  possessed  admirable  traits 
of  character;  and  during  the  last  years  of  her  life  she 
took  the  lead  in  the  erection  of  a  beautiful  monument 
to  her  father,  which  fitly  commemorates  a  daughter's 
devotion,  and  the  public  services  of  him  whose  like 
ness  it  bears. 

Grotius  Reed,  the  youngest  son,  was  born  June  21, 
1834,  and  died  in  1867,  on  his  thirty-third  birthday. 
He  began  the  practice  of  law  in  1860,  but  on  the 


26  THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G1DDINGS. 

breaking  out  of  the  Rebellion  he  raised  a  company  of 
men  for  the  war,  and  was  unanimously  elected  captain. 
He  was  soon  afterwards  appointed  major  in  the  Four 
teenth  Regiment  of  United  States  regulars,  and  as 
sumed  command  at  Fort  Trumbull,  Connecticut.  He 
was  subsequently  ordered  to  New  Orleans  as  a  general 
mustering  and  disbursing  officer,  where  he  mustered  in 
the  first  two  colored  regiments  raised  in  Louisiana. 
From  this  position,  at  his  own  request,  he  was  relieved 
and  ordered  to  the  field,  where  he  distinguished  him 
self  for  his  bravery  in  the  battles  of  Chancellorsville 
and  Gettysburg,  for  which  conduct  he  was  publicly 
complimented.  An  injury  received  by  the  falling  of  his 
horse  while  in  command  of  the  first  brigade  of  regu 
lars  in  the  New  York  riots  unfitted  him  for  field 
service  during  the  remainder  of  the  war,  and  he  died 
at  Macon,  Georgia,  while  in  command  of  the  military 
post  at  Savannah. 

The  younger  daughter,  Laura,  was  born  May  19, 
1839.  She  was  the  favorite  child  of  her  father,  and 
largely  inherited  his  qualities.  Like  her  sister,  she 
shared  his  society  in  Washington  during  a  portion  of 
his  Congressional  service,  and  in  Montreal  afterwards. 
On  Dec.  31,  1863,  she  was  married  to  George  W. 
Julian,  of  Indiana,  and  died  March  31,  1884,  at  her 
home  in  Irvington,  in  that  State. 

The  wife  of  Mr.  Giddings  was  born  Jan.  19,  1798, 
and  died  Nov.  15,  1864,  surviving  her  husband  a  little 
less  than  five  months.  She  was  noted  for  her  piety, 
her  complete  consecration  to  the  service  of  her  hus 
band  and  family,  and  her  faithfulness  to  duty  in  all 
the  relations  of  life. 


CHAPTER   II. 

Success  at  the  Bar.  —  Sent  to  the  Ohio  Legislature.  —  Partnership  with 
Benjamin  F.  Wade.  —  Business  Troubles  and  Failing  Health.  — 
Election  to  Congress.  — The  Slavery  Question. 

IN  his  famous  speech  on  Conciliation  with  America, 
in  1775,  Burke  says  the  study  of  law  "renders 
men  acute,  inquisitive,  dexterous,  prompt  in  action, 
ready  in  debate,  full  of  resources."  Among  the 
causes  which  kept  alive  the  spirit  of  independence  in 
the  Colonies,  he  names  their  familiarity  with  English 
law,  which  enabled  them  to  "  augur  misgovernmerit 
at  a  distance,  and  snuff  the  approach  of  tyranny  in 
every  tainted  breeze."  The  political  career  of  Gid- 
dings  recalls  these  passages  and  aptly  illustrates  their 
force.  Whoever  will  read  the  Congressional  debates 
from  1838  to  1858,  in  which  he  took  a  considerable 
part,  will  see  how  well  his  legal  training  served  him 
in  discussing  the  constitutional  relations  of  slavery 
to  the  government,  and  with  what  admirable  readiness 
and  skill  he  parried  the  assaults  and  exposed  the 
sophisms  of  the  slaveocracy.  It  thus  happened,  quite 
unwittingly  to  Giddings  himself,  that  during  the  seven 
teen  years  of  his  professional  life,  beginning  with  his 
admission  to  the  Bar  in  1821,  and  closing  with  his 
election  to  Congress  in  1838,  he  was  arming  himself 
for  his  great  battle  with  the  slave-masters,  which  ended 
only  with  his  retirement  from  public  life  in  1859. 


28  THE  ZTFTi    OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

His  entry  upon  the  work  of  his  profession,  as  we 
have  seen,  was  singularly  unpretentious.  He  was  not 
long,  however,  in  finding  out  his  mistake  in  locating 
in  Williamsfield,  and  the  following  year  he  established 
himself  in  Jefferson,  the  shire  town  of  the  county, 
where  he  resided  during  the  remainder  of  his  life. 
It  is  difficult  now  to  realize  the  condition  of  the 
country  and  the  state  of  society  in  northern  Ohio 
seventy  years  ago,  when  he  entered  the  profession. 
Ashtabula  and  the  adjacent  counties  were  sparsely 
populated,  and  the  courts  were  held  in  rough  log- 
houses.  The  people  generally  lived  in  rude  huts  or 
cabins,  and  were  nearly  all  poor.  The  whole  aspect 
of  affairs  in  this  border  life  was  raw  and  aboriginal. 
The  vast  litigation  since  created  by  our  railway  sys 
tem  and  other  forms  of  corporate  property  was  not 
dreamed  of  by  the  people  of  that  generation.  As 
little  did  they  dream  of  the  marvellous  increase  of 
wealth  through  commercial  development  which  was 
to  open  new  fields  for  the  lawyer,  and  offer  him  large 
fees  for  his  services  in  important  causes.  The  Bar  of 
that  day  had  to  content  itself  with  a  country  practice 
and  small  fees,  because  cities  and  great  causes  were 
unknown. 

But  such  a  country  practice  had  its  advantages.  It 
dealt  with  small  cases,  but  with  a  great  variety  of  ques 
tions,  while  the  lawyer  of  to-day  usually  devotes  him 
self  to  a  special  branch  of  his  profession  or  to  a 
particular  class  of  cases.  The  practice  of  Giddings 
also  brought  him  into  contact  with  all  classes  of  men, 
and  thus  acquainted  him  with  human  nature  and 
broadened  his  mind.  It  is  easy  to  see  that  in  such 
ways  as  these  he  constantly  trained  and  invigorated  his 
faculties,  and  prepared  himself  for  the  leadership  in 
politics  which  awaited  him.  It  must  be  understood, 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  29 

too,  that  although  his  cases  were  comparatively  un 
important  and  his  fees  small,  the  legal  principles  in 
volved  were  substantially  the  same  as  those  arising  in 
controversies  in  which  great  interests  are  at  stake. 
The  schooling  thus  acquired  was  of  inestimable  value, 
giving  him  at  once  a  ready  familiarity  with  legal  prin 
ciples  and  a  practical  knowledge  of  men  and  their 
affairs. 

At  this  time  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Court  of  Com 
mon  Pleas  included  five  or  six  counties,  in  which  its 
sessions  were  held  three  times  in  each  year.  The  Su 
preme  Court  was  composed  of  four  judges,  and  was 
also  a  Circuit  Court,  with  a  jury,  sitting  in  each  county 
once  a  year,  and  reserving  cases  to  be  heard  by  the 
four  judges  in  bane.  Giddings,  with  his  chief  profes 
sional  brethren  of  the  county,  joined  the  presiding 
judge  of  the  circuit  in  his  journey  on  horseback  to  the 
different  courts,  which  were  always  largely  attended 
by  the  people. 

Lawyers  at  that  time  commanded  more  genuine  re 
spect  from  the  public  than  they  now  receive,  and  the 
potency  of  oratory  and  personal  magnetism  was  greater 
than  at  present.  To  the  people  of  that  day  there  was 
something  fascinating  and  theatrical  in  a  trial  in  court. 
The  stalwart  form  of  Giddings  and  his  great  strength 
singled  him  out  for  general  observation  and  special 
comment.  He  was  not  remarkable  for  volubility  of 
speech.  He  often  hesitated  for  a  word,  and  generally 
waited  for  it;  but  sometimes  he  would  persist  in  hav 
ing  it  at  once,  when  he  would  close  his  eyes  very  tight, 
and  compel  it.1  He  had  but  one  gesture  in  speaking, 
and  that  was  with  both  arms  and  clenched  fists,  as  if 
determined  to  hammer  his  ideas  into  his  hearers ;  but 
with  his  clear  common-sense,  perfect  mastery  of  the 
i  A.  G.  Riddle,  in  "  Bart  Ridgely." 


30  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

main  points  of  his  case,  and  his  knowledge  of  the  jury, 
he  was  a  formidable  advocate,  and  had  few,  if  any, 
rivals  at  the  bar.  He  studied  his  cases  thoroughly, 
and  knew  how  to  elicit  the  facts  from  the  witnesses, 
while  his  tact,  perfect  self-possession,  and  unfailing 
good-nature  did  him  excellent  service,  and  tempered 
the  asperities  of  his  professional  work. 

Early  in  his  practice  Giddings  became  connected 
with  some  important  cases  which  greatly  aided  his 
reputation.  One  of  these  was  the  famous  malpractice 
case  of  Williams  vs.  Hawley,  which  attracted  more  at 
tention  than  any  ever  litigated  in  Ashtabula  County. 
The  wife  of  Williams  was  thrown  from  her  horse  and 
her  ankle  dislocated,  the  outer  bone  of  the  leg  pro 
truding  about  half  an  inch.  The  surgeon,  Dr.  Hawley, 
laid  the  bone  open  along  the  perpendicular  line  some 
four  inches,  and  then,  prying  the  ligaments  aside,  sawed 
off  two  and  a  half  inches  from  the  lower  end  of  the 
bone,  thus  rendering  her  a  cripple  for  life.  He  was 
a  man  of  great  wealth,  high  professional  reputation, 
and  surrounded  by  influential  friends ;  while  the  hus 
band  of  the  woman  was  a  poor  farmer  without  the 
means  to  carry  on  a  lawsuit.  Dr.  Hawley  had  sued 
him  for  his  bill,  which  the  farmer  thought  exorbitant, 
and  desired  to  reduce  on  the  trial.  Giddings,  after 
carefully  acquainting  himself  with  the  case,  advised 
him  to  bring  suit  against  the  surgeon  for  damages  for 
malpractice.  The  professional  reputation  of  Dr.  Hawley 
was  thus  involved,  and  he  prepared  himself  for  a  most 
resolute  and  stubborn  fight.  All  the  physicians  of  the 
vicinity  were  his  witnesses,  and  every  possible  effort 
was  made  in  his  defence ;  but  the  plaintiff  obtained  a 
verdict  for  five  hundred  dollars. 

The  defendant  appealed  the  case  to  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  in  this  second  trial  John  C.  Wright,  of  Cin- 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS,  3  I 

cinnati,  then  famous  as  a  lawyer,  was  retained  for  the 
defendant,  and  the  evidence  of  the  most  noted  physi 
cians  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia  was  introduced. 
The  case  was  far  more  vigorously  and  elaborately  con 
tested  on  both  sides  than  before,  and  the  popular  in 
terest  in  it  was  lively  and  wide-spread.  Mr.  Wright 
spoke  five  hours  in  behalf  of  his  client,  during  which 
the  court,  jury,  and  spectators  were  frequently  con 
vulsed  with  laughter  by  his  wit,  humor,  and  sarcasm, 
while  not  a  muscle  of  his  solemn  face  was  moved.  The 
tide  seemed  to  be  strongly  in  his  favor.  Giddings  oc 
cupied  only  two  and  a  half  hours  in  his  closing  speech. 
The  attempt  to  laugh  his  case  out  of  court  seemed  to 
inspire  him  with  redoubled  courage  and  fervor,  and 
throwing  aside  his  notes,  he  devoted  his  argument  to 
the  simple  facts  of  the  case,  which  he  analyzed  with 
great  skill.  He  made  it  perfectly  clear  from  the  testi 
mony  that  Mrs.  Williams  had  been  made  a  cripple  for 
life  by  the  professional  misconduct  or  stupidity  of  the 
defendant,  and  that  he  should  be  adequately  punished 
by  a  verdict  for  damages.  He  had  the  close  attention 
of  the  jury  and  all  present  from  the  beginning  to  the 
end  of  his  speech,  and  the  absolute  seriousness  of  the 
discussion  was  in  noted  contrast  with  the  effort  of  Mr. 
Wright.  The  jury  brought  in  a  verdict  of  five  hundred 
and  seventy-five  dollars  for  the  plaintiff,  while  the  voci 
ferous  plaudits  of  the  people  aggravated  the  disap 
pointment  of  the  defendant  and  his  counsel. 

The  defendant  then  prayed  an  appeal  to  the  court 
in  bane,  and  made  such  representations  touching  the 
popular  feeling  in  the  case  in  Ashtabula  County,  and 
urged  such  technical  grounds  for  setting  aside  the  ver 
dict,  that  it  was  done,  and  a  change  of  venue  was 
ordered  to  Trumbull  County.  After  a  continuance  of 
one  year  it  was  again  brought  to  trial;  but  this  time 


32  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA  R.    GIDDINGS. 

there  was  no  laughter  or  levity.  The  case  was  argued 
at  length,  and  after  the  retirement  of  the  jury  and  a  re 
ported  disagreement,  involving  the  charge  of  bribery 
of  one  of  the  jurors,  they  were  discharged,  and  the 
cause  continued  till  the  following  term.  At  that  term 
the  case  was  again  argued  before  another  jury,  and  the 
plaintiff  obtained  a  verdict  for  nine  hundred  dollars. 
Judgment  was  entered  upon  this  verdict,  and  the  tri 
umph  of  Giddings  was  complete.  The  litigation  had 
lasted  six  years,  and  it  does  not  appear  that  he  ever 
received  any  compensation  from  the  plaintiff;  but  the 
value  of  his  triumph  was  worth  more  to  him  than  any 
fee  at  that  time  would  have  been. 

Giddings  was  more  especially  successful  in  criminal 
cases,  and  his  practice  in  such  cases  was  quite  as  ex 
tensive  as  that  of  any  lawyer  in  northern  Ohio.  He 
often  declared  that  some  of  his  clients  were  convicted 
of  crimes  of  which  he  thought  them  innocent,  and  that 
in  every  such  instance  he  believed  he  suffered  more 
mental  anxiety  during  the  trial  than  the  victims  who 
sat  by  his  side. 

Soon  after  the  trial  in  the  civil  suit  just  mentioned, 
his  moral  courage  and  professional  ability  were  sub 
jected  to  a  severe  test.  A  young  woman  was  mur 
dered  in  the  Kirtland  woods,  in  Geauga  County.  A 
man  named  Barnes,  a  pedler  with  a  wagon,  was  seen 
to  enter  the  forest  immediately  after  the  girl  on  the 
same  road.  The  people  of  the  vicinity  were  unani 
mously  of  opinion  that  he  was  the  murderer.  Before 
the  examining  court  many  circumstances  conspired  to 
show  his  guilt.  The  friends  of  Barnes  were  anxious  to 
obtain  the  services  of  Giddings;  but  politicians  declared 
it  would  be  fatal  to  the  reputation  of  any  man  to  de 
fend  one  so  obviously  guilty.  This  determined  his 
course,  for  he  declared  he  would  not  live  in  a  com- 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA  R.    G  ID  DINGS.  33 

munity  that  believed  him  capable  of  being  swayed  by 
such  considerations.  After  consulting  with  Barnes, 
Giddings  came  to  the  conclusion  that  he  was  innocent; 
but  on  account  of  the  highly  exasperated  feeling  against 
his  client,  he  availed  himself  of  his  legal  privilege  of  se 
lecting  the  Supreme  Court  as  the  tribunal  for  the  trial, 
by  which  means  it  was  postponed  ten  months. 

When  this  court  convened,  however,  the  popular 
feeling  seemed  to  have  increased,  and  the  friends  of 
the  murdered  girl  employed  Hon.  Sherlock  J.  Andrews, 
a  distinguished  lawyer  of  Cleveland,  to  assist  the 
attorney  for  the  State.  Barnes  was  penniless ;  and 
although  Giddings  was  now  assigned  for  his  defence, 
the  law  at  that  time  allowed  him  no  compensation. 
The  trial  proceeded,  and  after  elaborate  argument  on 
both  sides,  the  jury  rendered  a  verdict  of  Not  guilty. 
The  friends  of  Barnes  rushed  from  the  crowd  and 
overwhelmed  Giddings  with  their  expressions  of  grati 
tude,  which  he  often  declared  was  the  richest  reward 
he  ever  received  for  defending  any  man.  Barnes  lived 
several  years  afterwards,  and  it  finally  appeared  by  the 
testimony  of  a  convict  in  the  penitentiary  that  he  was 
innocent;  and  Barnes  himself  on  his  death-bed,  when 
assured  that  his  recovery  was  impossible,  denied  all 
knowledge  of  the  murder. 

These  cases  were  followed  by  important  suits  in  Buf 
falo  and  the  western  counties  of  New  York  and  Pennsyl 
vania,  in  one  of  which  Millard  Fillmore  was  the  opposing 
counsel.  Large  interests  were  involved  in  this  case,  and 
Giddings  succeeded  by  his  tact  and  vigilance,  greatly  to 
the  mortification  of  Mr.  Fillmore,  who  prided  himself  on 
his  skill  and  assiduity  in  the  preparation  of  his  cases. 

While  in  the  full  tide  of  his  professional  success,  Gid 
dings  was  announced  as  a  candidate  for  representative 
in  the  Ohio  Legislature.  This  was  done  without  his 

3 


34  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GID DINGS. 

consent  or  knowledge,  and  he  had  no  disposition  to  be 
drawn  into  politics  at  this  time,  as  it  would  seriously  in 
terfere  with  his  business.  His  friends,  however,  urged 
him  to  make  the  race,  and  so  did  his  relatives,  except 
his  mother,  who  remonstrated  against  his  entering  into 
political  life.  After  much  hesitation  he  determined  to 
enter  the  canvass,  but  with  the  public  avowal  that  he 
would  not  consent  to  another  election.  He  engaged 
in  the  contest  with  great  zeal,  and  in  his  journal  of  that 
date  he  relates  that  his  anxiety  for  success  completely 
filled  his  mind  till  the  election ;  but  that  afterwards  he 
so  felt  the  responsibility  of  his  position  that  he  would 
have  made  almost  any  sacrifice%to  escape  it.  He  says 
that  the  difficulties  of  travel  were  then  such  that  it  re 
quired  a  week  to  reach  Columbus  from  Jefferson.  In 
the  organization  of  the  House  he  was  made  chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs.  No  exciting 
questions  came  before  the  Legislature  at  this  session, 
and  although  he  took  an  active  part  in  urging  certain 
judicial  reforms,  the  chief  advantage  of  this  brief  legis 
lative  experience  was  the  knowledge  of  parliamentary 
law  which  it  gave  him.  He  declined  a  renomination, 
but  two  years  later  he  became  a  candidate  for  the 
State  Senate,  and  failed  of  an  election,  this  being  the 
only  time  he  was  ever  defeated  at  the  polls. 

In  1831  he  formed  a  partnership  with  Benjamin  F. 
Wade,  of  Ashtabula  County,  then  a  young  lawyer  of 
much  promise,  who,  like  himself,  had  studied  under 
Elisha  Whittlesey.  It  was  a  profitable  partnership  for 
both  parties,  and  their  business  rapidly  extended  over 
the  counties  of  Ashtabula,  Trumbull,  and  Geauga. 
Mr.  Wade  had  only  recently  been  admitted,  and  his 
lack  of  self-confidence  for  a  time  kept  him  in  the  office 
in  the  preparation  of  cases,  so  that  Giddings  had  the 
management  of  business  in  the  courts.  Wade,  however, 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  35 

was  not  long  in  coming  to  the  front,  and  the  practice 
of  the  firm  became  one  of  the  largest  in  the  State. 
Their  earnings  far  exceeded  the  demands  of  their  sim 
ple  village  life,  and  in  an  ill-fated  moment  both  en 
tered  into  large  land  purchases,  principally  in  Toledo, 
being  carried  away  by  the  fever  of  town-lot  specula 
tions.  Giddings  counted  himself  so  rich  as  to  warrant 
his  retirement  from  practice,  and  in  1836  dissolved  his 
partnership  with  Wade,  his  place  being  filled  by  Rufus 
P.  Ranney,  who  had  been  a  student  in  the  office. 

But  his  bright  prospects  were  suddenly  blighted  by 
the  great  financial  panic  which  followed.  The  price  of 
land  declined  alarmingly,  and  purchasers  were  made 
bankrupt.  The  result  was  that  Giddings  found  himself 
a  poor  man  at  the  age  of  forty,  while  his  troubles  were 
seriously  aggravated  by  his  failing  health.  A  distress 
ing  form  of  dyspepsia  and  an  irregular  action  of  the 
heart,  which  greatly  troubled  him  in  his  later  life, 
made  his  condition  wretched ;  he  believed  his  splendid 
constitution  was  fatally  undermined.  Hypochondria 
followed,  and  for  months  in  succession  he  kept  up 
his  fight  with  Giant  Despair.  His  physician  advised 
him  to  travel,  and  he  set  out  on  horseback,  pass 
ing  through  the  State  of  New  York  to  Hartford 
and  Enfield  in  Connecticut,  where  he  visited  rela 
tives  of  his  mother  by  the  name  of  Pease.  On  his 
return  he  visited  sundry  points  in  the  West,  including 
the  then  infant  city  of  Chicago.  In  the  light  of  subse 
quent  events  the  following  extract  from  a  letter  to  Mrs. 
Giddings,  dated  Chicago,  July  20,  1837,  mav  interest 
the  reader:  — 

"  I  arrived  here  last  evening.  My  health  and  spirits  have  im 
proved  in  travelling.  I  find  this  to  be  much  more  of  a  city  than 
I  had  expected.  There  are  said  to  be  between  seven  and  eight 
thousand  inhabitants  now,  whereas  there  were  about  one  hundred 
four  years  since.  There  are  now  large  and  spacious  brick  build- 


36  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

ings,  for  the  accommodation  of  all  kinds  of  business,  where  there 
was  not  even  a  frame  building  four  years  since.  There  is  a  fine 
harbor  crowded  with  shipping,  and  the  bustle  of  business  con 
stantly  salutes  the  ears  of  the  inhabitants.  I  have  seen  much  of 
the  Western  country,  and  certainly  I  have  been  highly  pleased 
with  my  present  tour.  Never  until  yesterday  did  I  see  a  bound 
less  prairie,  where  in  any  one  direction  the  eye  cannot  rest  on  hill 
or  mountain,  forest-tree  or  shrub,  or  bush  or  water,  —  where  one 
vast  ocean  of  prairie,  of  unlimited  extent,  presented  itself  to  view. 
The  prospect  was  boundless  and  cheerless.  It  seemed  that  by 
some  means  Nature  had  been  disrobed  of  her  forest  mantle,  and 
now  lay  reposing  under  a  rich  vesture  of  green  herbage,  dotted 
and  bespangled  with  innumerable  flowers  and  blossoms  of  the 
most  gaudy  hue.  I  wish  you  could  have  seen  it ;  it  gave  me  a 
feeling  of  solemnity.  The  view,  though  beautiful,  was  solitary. 
Occasionally  a  lark  or  blackbird  would  start  up  before  us,  flitting 
along  and  trying  to  find  a  limb  or  twig  or  fence  to  alight  upon  ; 
but  finding  none,  its  weary  wings  would  again  guide  it  to  the 
bending  grass.  Now  and  then  a  prairie  hen  would  start  suddenly 
from  the  ground,  and  whirring  through  the  air  for  a  distance,  dive 
amid  the  waves  of  green  herbage  and  disappear  from  the  view. 
These  winged  creatures  alone  appeared  to  be  at  home  amid  this 
lovely,  this  lonely,  this  majestic  scene. 

"  Well,  I  have  seen  so  much  that  I  intend  to  see  more.  I  assure 
you  that  I  have  felt  quite  at  home  for  two  days  past  while  eating 
pone  and  pork  in  the  woodman's  shanty,  and  I  never  slept  sounder 
than  the  night  before  last,  although  I  had  neither  bed  nor  mat 
tress,  pillow  nor  blanket.  I  would  certainly  like  to  spend  one  or 
two  months  in  rambling  through  the  Western  wilds,  and  I  believe 
nothing  would  be  better  for  my  health  than  to  travel,  live  poorly, 
and  sleep  on  the  floor  or  ground  as  occasion  should  require." 

His  travels  so  improved  his  health  and  spirits  that 
he  returned  to  his  practice,  forming  a  partnership  with 
Flavel  Sutliff,  a  clever  young  man  whose  promising 
career  was  suddenly  terminated  two  years  later  by 
insanity.  The  retirement  of  Giddings  from  the  Bar 
for  so  short  a  time  did  not  greatly  interfere  with  his 
business,  and  the  new  firm  was  at  once  overrun  with 
important  cases.  But  his  professional  career  was  sud 
denly  cut  short  forever  by  unexpected  events.  Elisha 
Whittlesey,  who  had  served  his  district  in  Congress  for 
sixteen  years,  was  appointed  by  President  Van  Buren 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  37 

Fourth  Auditor  of  the  Treasury,  and  resigned  his  seat 
in  the  Twenty-fifth  Congress  in  the  midst  of  his  term. 
For  the  place  thus  vacated,  Giddings  became  a  candi 
date,  his  Whig  competitors  being  Hon.  Ralph  Granger 
and  Hon.  Horace  Wilder.  He  received  the  nomina 
tion,  and  as  the  Democrats  were  in  a  hopeless  minority 
in  the  district,  his  election  was  assured.  Thus  the  way 
was  opened  for  his  historic  career  in  Congress  and  the 
great  work  of  his  life. 

Before  attempting  to  follow  Giddings  in  his  anti- 
slavery  labors,  it  will  be  well  to  clear  the  way  by  a 
brief  summary  of  important  preliminary  facts.  Slavery 
in  the  American  colonies  was  not  of  their  seeking.  It 
was  thrust  upon  them  by  a  foreign  hand,  and  was 
utterly  repugnant  to  their  principles,  and  alien  to  their 
spirit  and  policy.  In  all  the  colonies,  unless  we  except 
Georgia  and  South  Carolina,  the  evil  was  endured,  but 
never  embraced.  It  existed  in  Virginia  forty  years 
before  it  received  any  legal  recognition.  Hostility  to 
slavery  was  manifested  in  Pennsylvania  by  some  Ger 
man  Quakers  as  early  as  the  year  1688.  This  was  fol 
lowed  by  the  official  condemnation  of  it  by  the  Yearly 
Meeting  of  Friends  for  the  colonies  of  Pennsylvania 
and  New  Jersey  in  1696.  The  New  England  Quakers 
took  similar  action  against  the  slave  trade  in  1715. 
Two  prominent  Quakers,  Ralph  Sandiford  and  Benja 
min  Lay,  wrote  against  slavery  in  1729  and  1737;  and 
they  were  followed  by  Anthony  Benezett  and  John 
Woolman,  whose  services  largely  aided  the  complete 
emancipation  of  the  Society  of  Friends  from  the  evil  in 
the  colonies  in  which  they  labored.  A  vigorous  effort 
was  made  to  save  the  colony  of  Georgia  from  the 
scourge  of  slavery  by  General  Oglethorpe,  who  had 
the  co-operation  of  John  Wesley;  but  slavery  finally 
triumphed.  The  stand  taken  by  Wesley  and  Whitefield 


38  THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

is  well  known,  and  Jonathan  Edwards  and  Dr.  Samuel 
Hopkins  belonged  to  the  same  class  of  thoroughgoing 
abolitionists. 

Hostility  to  slavery  and  the  slave  trade  so  increased 
in  the  colonies  that  those  of  New  England,  New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  and  Virginia  petitioned  the  Throne  for 
the  abolition  of  the  foreign  traffic,  and  their  Legisla 
tures  passed  laws  against  it;  but  the  parent  country 
turned  a  deaf  ear  to  their  wishes.  As  the  era  of  inde 
pendence  approached,  the  anti-slavery  tide  reached  its 
flood,  as  was  shown  by  the  non-importation  resolves  of 
the  Continental  Congress  of  1774,  and  the  concurring 
action  of  the  separate  colonies.  In  1775,  the  year 
before  Thomas  Paine  electrified  the  country  by  his 
"  Common-Sense,"  he  wrote  an  anti-slavery  article 
which  appeared  in  Bradford's  "  Pennsylvania  Journal," 
in  which  he  predicted  the  separation  of  America  from 
Britain,  and  expressed  the  hope  that  our  gratitude  for 
the  event  might  be  shown  by  "  an  Act  of  continental 
legislation  which  shall  put  a  stop  to  the  importation  of 
negroes,  soften  the  hard  fate  of  those  already  here,  and 
in  time  procure  their  freedom."  During  the  Revolu 
tionary  War  and  up  to  the  year  1789  slaves  escaping 
from  one  colony  to  another  became  legally  free. 

The  champions  of  independence  were  the  chief  foes 
of  the  slave  trade  and  slavery,  while  the  revolutionary 
movement  had  its  strongholds  where  the  slave  popula 
tion  was  smallest  and  the  institution  was  in  a  state  of 
decline.  Indeed,  it  is  safe  to  say  that  in  a  very  impor 
tant  sense  independence  had  its  genesis  in  the  anti-  ' 
slavery  opinions  and  labors  which  preceded  it ;  and 
this  honor  ought  freely  to  be  accorded  to  the  aboli 
tionism  of  the  colonial  period.  It  is  true  that  the 
struggle  for  independence  was  political ;  but  it  is 
equally  true  that  its  basis  was  the  inborn  rights  of 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  39 

man,  or,  as  Madison  phrased  it  after  the  struggle  was 
over,  "  the  rights  of  human  nature."  It  was  the  relig 
ious  conviction  that  liberty  is  the  birthright  of  all  men 
which  inspired  the  anti-slavery  zeal  of  the  colonists 
and  prepared  them  to  rebel  against  the  power  which 
asserted  the  right  to  bind  them  in  all  cases  whatsoever. 
This  view  is  well  supported  by  historic  facts.  In 
the  year  1774  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society  was 
formed,  of  which  Benjamin  Franklin  was  for  years  the 
president.  John  Jay  was  the  president  of  a  similar 
society  in  New  York,  organized  a  few  years  later. 
Abolition  societies  were  formed  in  Maryland,  Virginia, 
New  Jersey,  Delaware,  Rhode  Island,  and  Connecticut. 
At  the  beginning  of  the  Revolutionary  struggle,  and 
during  its  continuance,  the  churches  were  all  anti- 
slavery.  In  1784  the  ordinance  of  Jefferson,  prohibit 
ing  slavery  after  the  year  1800  in  all  "  the  territories 
ceded  already  or  to  be  ceded  by  individual  States  to 
the  United  States,"  only  failed  by  an  accident,  while 
three  years  later  the  famous  ordinance  forbidding  the 
introduction  of  slavery  in  all  territory  then  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  National  Government  was  adopted 
by  the  unanimous  vote  of  the  States  then  represented 
in  Congress,  including  Georgia  and  the  Carolinas.  At 
that  time  slavery  had  already  been  abolished,  or  meas 
ures  were  soon  afterwards  to  be  taken  for  its  abolition, 
in  seven  of  the  States,  while  in  the  six  remaining  it 
was  understood  to  be  in  course  of  inevitable  decay. 
The  new  Constitution  provided  for  cutting  off  the  for 
eign  supply,  the  source  of  its  life,  while  private  eman 
cipations  were  going  on  in  all  the  States  under  the 
prevailing  spirit  of  liberty,  which  had  gathered  new 
life  in  the  struggle  for  independence.  The  Constitu 
tion  made  concessions  to  slavery.  The  foreign  traffic 
was  not  to  be  interdicted  prior  to  1808.  Fugitive 


40  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

slaves  were  to  be  surrendered,  and  three  fifths  of  the 
slave  population  counted  in  the  basis  of  representation. 

With  these  qualifications,  slavery  was  a  State  institu 
tion  with  which  it  was  neither  the  right  nor  the  duty 
of  the  National  Government  to  intermeddle,  either  to 
help  or  hinder  it;  and  the  concessions  named,  were 
only  agreed  to  because  of  the  assurance  everywhere 
felt  that  the  evil  was  to  have  only  a  transient  suffer 
ance,  a  brief  hospitality  pending  the  adoption  of 
measures  for  its  peaceable  but  total  extirpation ;  and 
this  bargain  with  slavery  never  would  have  been  made 
if  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  could  have  foreseen 
that  the  power  thus  abetted  would  treacherously  de 
mand  perpetuity,  and  assert  its  absolute  political  su 
premacy  in  the  government.  Mr.  Madison  declared  it 
to  be  wrong  to  admit  in  the  Constitution  "  the  idea 
that  there  can  be  property  in  man ;  "  and  on  this  ground 
its  framers  studiously  omitted  the  words  "  slave,"  "slav 
ery,"  and  "  servitude  "  from  its  text.  They  referred  to 
slavery  by  circumlocution  and  innuendo,  turning  upon 
it  an  averted  face,  and  shying  away  from  it  as  a  pro 
fane  thing,  while  reluctantly  granting  it  a  temporary 
tolerance. 

The  anti-slavery  spirit  of  the  times  was  so  dominant 
that  in  the  year  1791  Granville  Sharpe,  the  head  and 
front  of  English  abolitionism,  was  made  a  doctor  of 
laws  by  the  University  of  William  and  Mary  in  Vir 
ginia.  The  cause  of  emancipation  was  then  supported 
by  public  opinion,  and  only  opposed  by  a  diminishing 
fraction  of  society.  It  was  as  easy  to  be  an  abolitionist 
then  as  to  be  in  favor  of  prison  reform  or  the  improve 
ment  of  the  condition  of  the  aborigines.  Slavery  had 
not  yet  become  a  great  political  and  moneyed  power. 
It  was  not  supported  by  formidable  ecclesiastical  back 
ing.  It  attempted  no  social  outlawry.  It  was  not  pre- 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  41 

eminently  a  respectable  institution.  The  men  who 
sought  its  abolition  were  not  obliged  to  encounter 
brickbats  and  unmerchantable  eggs.  The  age  of  mar 
tyrdom  was  yet  in  the  distance,  and  no  one  dreamed 
of  the  dispensation  which  was  to  startle  the  civilized 
world  in  the  following  century,  and  drench  the  land  in 
blood. 

In  the  entire  history  of  human  progress  it  would  be 
difficult  to  find  a  more  curious  chapter  than  that  which 
records  the  complete  miscarriage  of  the  hopes  and  ex 
pectations  of  the  founders  of  the  government  touching 
the  fortunes  of  slavery  in  the  United  States.  Its  as 
cendency  finds  a  partial  explanation  in  the  invention 
of  Whitney's  cotton-gin,  in  1793,  —  making  the  pro 
duction  of  cotton  exceedingly  profitable,  through  the 
breeding  of  slaves  for  its  cultivation,  —  and  in  the  ac 
quisition  of  Louisiana  in  1803,  opening  to  slavery  an 
immense  area  of  fertile  soil  in  latitudes  remarkably 
adapted  to  the  growth  of  this  plant.  But  slavery  be 
gan  to  play  the  master  prior  to  these  events.  The 
concessions  made  to  it  in  the  Constitution  gave  it  a 
new  birth.  In  the  debate  in  Congress  in  1790  on  the 
anti-slavery  petition  headed  by  Dr.  Franklin,  Southern 
members  exhibited  the  same  spirit  of  domination  which 
marked  their  discussions  in  later  times ;  and  one  of 
them  intimated  that  the  lives  of  certain  members  who 
favored  the  doctrines  of  the  petition  would  be  endan 
gered  should  they  happen  to  be  found  in  certain  Slave 
States.  In  the  same  year  a  treaty  was  concluded  with 
the  Cherokee  Indians  by  which  Georgia  slaveholders 
were  enabled  to  recover  their  fugitive  slaves  who  had 
fled  to  the  Spanish  province  of  Florida,  and  providing 
a  perpetual  annuity  of  fifteen  hundred  dollars  as  com 
pensation  to  said  Indians  for  their  services  in  the  re 
capture  of  such  fugitives.  This  treaty,  negotiated  by 


42  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   A'.    GIDDINGS. 

Washington,  and  ratified  by  the  Senate,  was  the  first 
exercise  of  the  treaty-making  power  under  the  govern 
ment;  but  it  was  unauthorized  by  the  Constitution, 
which  made  no  provision  for  the  recovery  of  fugitives 
escaping  into  a  foreign  State. 

The  power  of  slavery  was  strikingly  illustrated  in 
the  passage  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  law  of  1793.  It  was 
enacted  in  secret  session.  It  is  not  known  who  intro 
duced  the  measure,  nor  what  reasons  were  urged  in  its 
favor,  nor  whether  it  was  debated.  It  was  not  author 
ized  by  any  express  provision  of  the  Constitution,  and 
so  far  as  it  imposed  duties  upon  State  magistrates  it 
was  unconstitutional,  and  was  afterwards  so  declared 
by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  By  its 
perfectly  unguarded  provisions,  the  free  colored  people 
of  the  Northern  States  were  exposed  to  the  Southern 
kidnapper  for  nearly  three  quarters  of  a  century,  and 
thousands  of  them  were  carried  into  bondage ;  but  it 
passed  the  House  of  Representatives  by  a  vote  of 
forty-eight  to  seven,  and  its  repeal  was  impossible  prior 
to  the  Civil  War. 

In  1797  the  Quakers  of  North  Carolina  emancipated 
their  slaves.  The  Legislature  of  the  State  passed  an 
Act  authorizing  their  re-enslavement.  The  victims  of 
this  outrage  petitioned  Congress  for  redress,  and  the 
House  of  Representatives,  by  a  vote  of  fifty  to  thirty- 
three,  refused  to  receive  the  petition.  This  question 
gave  rise  to  a  debate  in  which,  for  the  first  time,  threats 
were  made  to  dissolve  the  union  if  Congress  should 
persist  in  discussing  the  question  of  slavery. 

When  the  District  of  Columbia  was  created  by  ces 
sions  from  Virginia  and  Maryland,  Congress  acquired 
the  sole  and  exclusive  jurisdiction  over  it,  and  in  1801 
proceeded  to  re-enact  the  slave  codes  of  those  States 
for  its  government,  and  thus  nationalized  slavery  and 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  43 

the  traffic  in  slaves  therein.  Congress  had  no  power 
to  do  this,  because  the  Constitution  expressly  provides 
that  no  person  (under  Federal  jurisdiction)  shall  be 
deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property  without  due  pro 
cess  of  law. 

The  Act  of  Congress  of  1807,  prohibiting  the  for 
eign  slave  trade  and  branding  it  as  piracy,  made  ample 
provision  for  the  coastwise  trade  between  the  border 
States  of  the  North  and  the  cotton  States  of  the  South, 
—  a  traffic  far  more  barbarous  and  cruel  than  the  pirati 
cal  trade  with  Africa.  The  Constitution  conferred  no 
power  upon  Congress  thus  to  legislate  for  slavery. 

The  cases  cited  show  the  unmistakable  trend  of  the 
National  Government  towards  slavery  in  the  earlier 
and  better  days  of  the  Republic,  and  it  steadily  grew 
stronger.  Florida  was  purchased  in  the  interest  of 
slavery,  and  received  into  the  Union  as  a  Slave  State, 
in  palpable  contravention  of  the  anti-slavery  policy  of 
the  ordinance  of  1787.  Three  large  Slave  States  were 
carved  out  of  the  Territory  of  Louisiana  and  admitted 
into  the  Union,  thus  again  stretching  the  compromises 
of  the  Constitution  over  a  large  region  which  the 
founders  of  the  government  believed  they  had  no 
right  to  acquire.  The  National  Government  assisted 
in  expelling  the  red  man  from  seven  or  eight  States 
of  the  South  at  the  cost  of  many  millions,  so  that  the 
white  man  could  enter  with  his  peculiar  institution 
where  otherwise  it  was  forbidden.  The  Government 
carried  on  two  disgraceful  Florida  wars  at  the  bidding 
of  the  slave-catchers  of  Georgia  and  South  Carolina, 
and  these  national  slave-hunts  cost  the  country  at  least 
forty  millions  of  dollars.  The  Missouri  struggle  in 
1820  plainly  revealed  the  fact  that  slavery  had  become 
a  great  political  power,  while  the  abolition  societies, 
once  so  flourishing,  had  been  disbanded  or  had  lost 


44  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

their  spirit.  Slavery  expurgated  our  literature,  muti 
lated  the  school-books  of  our  children,  rifled  the  mails, 
and  trampled  upon  the  right  of  petition  and  the  free 
dom  of  debate,  while  it  controlled  our  foreign  diplo 
macy  and  all  the  departments  of  the  government. 

The  startling  political  apostasy  which  had  been 
gradually  nearing  its  climax  was  accompanied  by  a 
like  apostasy  in  the  churches,  which  at  last  became 
the  bulwarks  of  the  slave  power ;  and  that  power  was 
finally  interwoven  with  the  whole  fabric  of  American 
society  and  institutions.  The  church  and  the  state 
joined  hands  with  it  as  the  new  trinity  of  the  nation's 
faith.  It  made  and  unmade  politicians.  To  oppose 
it  was  to  confront  mobs,  persecution,  and  sometimes 
death.  It  was  to  give  up  reputation,  honor,  ease,  and 
all  the  prizes  of  life  which  worldly  prudence  or  ambi 
tion  could  covet.  It  was  to  take  up  the  heaviest  cross 
yet  fashioned  by  this  century  as  the  test  of  Christian 
character  and  heroism.  Such  was  the  appalling  out 
come  of  the  concessions  made  to  slavery  as  embodied 
in  the  Constitution  of  1789.  Instead  of  opening  the 
way  for  "  liberty  throughout  all  the  land  to  all  the  in 
habitants  thereof,"  as  the  fathers  of  the  government 
so  confidently  anticipated,  these  concessions,  in  the 
words  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  made  "the  propagation, 
preservation,  and  perpetuation  of  slavery  the  vital  and 
animating  spirit  of  the  National  Government."  The 
slaveholders  so  willed  it,  and  they  never  intermitted 
their  purpose;  and  the  Northern  States  acquiesced. 

It  was  in  this  epoch  of  slave-holding  arrogance  on 
the  one  hand,  and  Northern  cowardice  on  the  other, 
that  Joshua  R.  Giddings  took  his  seat  in  the  lower 
branch  of  the  Twenty-fifth  Congress,  in  December, 
1838.  Slavery  had  not  yet  found  its  way  into  politics. 
The  Liberty  party  and  the  Free  Soil  party,  which  sue- 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDIA^GS.  45 

ceeded  .it,  were  not  organized  till  years  afterwards. 
Giddings  was  a  Whig,  and  his  Whig  constituents  were 
hostile  to  slavery ;  but  as  yet  they  had  formulated  no 
well-defined  method  of  resisting  its  usurpations.  The 
Abolitionists  were  few,  and  everywhere  misunderstood 
and  hounded  by  the  mob.  The  people  of  the  non- 
slaveholding  States  were  asleep,  while  the  slave  oli 
garchy  was  meditating  new  schemes  of  aggression, 
and  stealthily  plotting  their  complete  subjugation. 
The  right  of  petition  and  the  freedom  of  debate  had 
been  stricken  down  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
two  years  before.  Lovejoy  had  been  murdered  in 
Alton  the  year  previous  for  refusing  to  surrender  the 
freedom  of  the  Press  to  pro-slavery  ruffians;  Penn 
sylvania  Hall  had  been  burned  by  a  Philadelphia  mob 
only  a  few  months  before. 

The  same  spirit  of  lawlessness  had  prostituted  the 
mail  service  of  the  United  States  as  a  means  of  silen 
cing  the  voice  of  freedom.  Up  to  this  time  Giddings 
had  devoted  himself  to  his  profession,  and  had  not 
seriously  examined  the  relations  of  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment  to  slavery,  and  the  rights  and  duties  of  the 
Free  States  respecting  it ;  but  he  had  now  become  pro 
foundly  interested  in  the  subject  through  the  speeches 
of  Theodore  D.  Weld,  one  of  the  most  eloquent  of 
the  early  Abolitionists,  who  had  spoken  at  Jefferson 
and  other  points  in  northern  Ohio  the  year  before. 
-Under  this  awakening,  Mr.  Wade  and  himself  had 
taken  the  lead  in  forming  an  anti-slavery  society, 
which  at  first  contained  only  four  members.  This 
was  the  beginning  of  his  warfare  with  slavery.  He 
was  now  to  confront  it  on  the  floor  of  Congress,  and 
as  an  earnest,  conscientious,  and  brave  man  to  define 
his  position  and  maintain  it. 


CHAPTER   III. 

DECEMBER,    1838,  TO  MARCH,   1839. 

Personal  Journal.  —  Last  Session  of  the  Twenty-fifth  Congress.  — 
Scenes  and  Incidents.  —  Growing  Domination  of  Slavery.  —  De 
velopment  of  Character. 

DURING  the  first  session  of  his  congressional 
service  Giddings  kept  a  private  journal,  in  which 
he  made  a  daily  record  of  his  impressions  about  men 
and  affairs.  It  was  intended  only  for  the  amusement 
of  his  family  and  particular  friends ;  but  there  are  pas 
sages  in  it  which  properly  belong  to  the  story  of  his 
political  career,  and  they  are  all  the  more  valuable  be 
cause  they  relate  to  the  formative  period  of  his  public 
life,  and  lay  bare  the  real  thoughts  of  the  man. 

He  left  his  home  for  Washington  on  the  24th  of 
November,  1838.  His  journal  describes  the  tedious 
journey  over  the  Alleghanies  as  it  was  made  at  that 
time ;  and  after  reaching  Frederick  City  on  the  29th, 
we  find  this  entry :  — 

"  This  morning,  soon  after  breakfast,  we  were  joined  by  a  num 
ber  of  Members  of  Congress  who  had  travelled  night  and  day  with 
out  any  stopping  except  to  eat  their  meals.  Among  them  I  was 
introduced  to  a  gentleman  by  the  name  of  Crockett,  —  a  name 
familiar  to  most  of  our  American  people,  for  I  think  few  among 
us  are  ignorant  of  the  biography  of  David  Crockett,  his  father. 
The  son  appears  to  possess  few  of  the  leading  traits  of  character 
which  distinguished  his  father.  He  seemed  to  be  a  modest,  un 
assuming  man,  and  is  said  to  be  very  amiable  in  his  character 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  47 

and  disposition.  He  spoke  with  great  veneration  and  affection 
of  his  father.  In  company  with  him  I  was  introduced  to  Mr. 
Senator  Smith,  of  Indiana,  a  man  of  plain,  blunt  manners,  about 
forty-five  years  of  age,  stoutly  built,  and  with  no  attempt  to  play 
the  gentleman.  He  is  a  man  of  plain  common-sense,  and  a 
lawyer  by  profession.  He  somewhat  distinguished  himself  in  a 
speech  on  the  Sub-treasury  bill  two  years  since.  Thomas  Cor- 
win,  of  Ohio,  also  formed  one  of  the  company.  He  is  a  man  of 
middle  size,  well  built,  with  dark  complexion  and  black  eyes. 
He  was  born  in  the  lower  walks  of  life,  and  up  to  the  time  he 
was  two-and- twenty,  probably  never  thought  of  rising  from  ob 
scurity.  In  1812  he  was  a  wagoner  in  the  Northwestern  army. 
At  that  time,  it  is  said,  his  unrivalled  wit  and  the  brilliancy  of 
his  imagination  used  to  draw  around  a  lazy  throng  during  the 
long  evenings,  and  he  then  prided  himself  as  much  probably  on 
attracting  the  notice  and  admiration  of  teamsters  and  soldiers 
as  he  now  does  on  standing  forth  as  one  of  the  most  brilliant 
orators  in  the  councils  of  the  nation." 

Mr.  Giddings  gives  the  following  description  of 
the  ride  over  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad  to 
Washington:  — 

"  At  eleven  o'clock  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  passengers, 
seated  in  three  cars,  carrying  from  forty  to  sixty  passengers  each, 
started  upon  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad  for  Washington. 
The  cars  are  well  carpeted,  and  the  seats  cushioned.  We  had 
also  a  stove  in  each  car,  which  rendered  them  comfortably  warm. 
Thus  seated,  —  some  conversing  in  groups,  others  reading  news 
papers,  and  some,  from  loss  of  sleep  in  travelling,  sleeping  in  their 
seats,  — we  were  swept  along  at  the  rate  of  fifteen  miles  per  hour. 
At  the  usual  time  our  candles  were  lighted,  and  we  presented  the 
appearance  of  three  drawing-rooms  filled  with  guests  travelling 
by  land.  At  about  seven  o'clock  we  arrived  at  Washington  City. 
The  moment  we  stopped  we  were  surrounded  on  every  side  with 
runners,  porters,  hackmen,  and  servants,  —  one  calling  to  know  if 
you  would  go  to  Gadsby's,  another  if  you  would  go  to  Brown's, 
another  if  you  would  take  a  hack,  etc.  They  are  a  source  of 
great  annoyance,  which  the  police  ought  to  prevent." 

On  Saturday  evening  of  December  I  Mr.  Giddings 
attended  a  caucus  of  the  Whig  members  of  the  House, 
of  which  he  says  :  — 

"  I  was  pleased  with  the  talent,  foresight,  and  acumen  exhib 
ited  by  the  leaders  of  our  party ;  Sergeant  of  Pennsylvania,  Bell 
of  Tennessee,  and  Evans  of  Maine  are  among  the  leaders." 


48  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

He  was  sworn  in,  with  other  members,  Decem 
ber  3,  and  in  his  entry  of  that  evening  we  find  the 
following :  — 

"  I  this  day  for  the  first  time  had  an  opportunity  of  observing 
many  of  the  distinguished  men  of  the  nation,  and  I  confess  I 
was  disappointed  in  their  appearance.  There  was  not  that 
dignity  of  carriage  about  them  which  I  expected.  Among  them 
was  John  Q.  Adams,  formerly  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  now  a  Representative  from  Massachusetts.  He  was,  strictly 
speaking,  educated  a  politician,  and  has  continued  in  political 
life  from  his  youth  up  to  this  time.  He  is  said  to  have  spent 
more  than  twenty-eight  years  of  his  life  at  foreign  courts.  He 
has  held  many  responsible  offices  under  the  government,  and  is 
said  always  to  have  acquitted  himself  with  honor.  He  is  about 
five  feet  eight  inches  in  height,  very  bald,  with  low  forehead,  and 
nothing  about  the  shape  of  his  head  that  indicates  unusual 
talent;  yet  his  physiognomy  has  something  of  an  intellectual 
appearance.  He  is  truly  regarded  as  a  venerable  personage." 

This  sketch  of  Mr.  Adams  is  noteworthy  as  the 
prelude  to  a  friendship  between  these  men  which  was 
to  be  as  lasting  as  life.  Adams  was  to  be  the  mentor 
and  inspirer,  and  Giddings  the  faithful  and  trusted 
disciple.  Henceforward  they  were  to  stand  side  by 
side  and  shoulder  to  shoulder  in  battling  for  the  rights 
of  man.  The  influence  of  the  elder  over  the  younger 
man  was  undoubtedly  great,  and  his  position  in  the 
House  was  singularly  unique  and  commanding.  It  is 
safe  to  say  that  no  other  man  in  the  nation  could  have 
filled  his  place  and  done  his  work.  His  patriotism  and 
personal  integrity  were  unquestioned  and  unquestion 
able.  His  long  and  distinguished  public  service  at 
home  and  abroad  gave  him  a  prestige  which  no  other 
man  of  his  time  possessed.  His  great  ability  was 
conceded,  and  his  knowledge  unsurpassed.  His  cour 
age  was  perfect,  and  only  equalled  by  his  combative- 
ness,  while  his  power  of  invective  was  unrivalled.  His 
love  of  justice  was  a  passion,  and  his  hatred  of  slavery 
inborn  and  heartfelt.  He  could  not  be  seduced  by 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSPIUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  49 

popular  applause,  nor  moved  a  jot  by  popular  obloquy. 
In  politics  Mr.  Adams  was  absolutely  independent. 
He  began  his  life  in  the  Federal  party ;  but  when  he 
found  it  taking  a  false  position,  he  abandoned  it,  and 
provoked  the  wrath  of  his  old  friends  by  accepting 
office  under  Mr.  Jefferson.  Later  in  life,  when  the 
Republican  party,  since  called  Democratic,  swerved 
from  what  he  considered  its  true  course,  he  allied 
himself  with  the  Whig  party ;  but  he  always  defied 
its  discipline.  He  characterized  Northern  Democrats 
as  "  the  consistent  Swiss  guards  of  slavery,"  and  North 
ern  Whigs  as  "  the  languid,  compromising  non-resist 
ants  of  the  North,  afraid  of  answering  a  fool  according 
to  his  folly."  To  the  Whig  party  he  was  a  burden, 
always  putting  himself  in  the  way  of  harmony  between 
its  Northern  and  Southern  sections,  while  the  W'hig 
Press  of  the  Union,  with  rare  exceptions,  condemned 
him.  Such  was  the  remarkable  man  raised  up  by 
Providence  to  stand  in  the  breach  and  bid  defiance 
to  the  slave-masters.  He  was  now  in  the  white  heat 
of  his  fight  for  the  right  of  petition  and  the  freedom 
of  debate.  I  believe  any  other  man  would  have  been 
silenced,  and  that  thus  the  ascendency  of  the  slave 
power  would  have  been  indefinitely  prolonged.  Gid- 
dings  caught  his  spirit,  and  valiantly  seconded  his 
labors  while  he  lived ;  and  when  the  old  hero  and 
patriarch  rested  from  his  toils,  his  mantle  fell  upon 
his  beloved  disciple. 

Returning  to  the  journal,  we  find  the  following  entry 
on  December  4:  - 

"  I  also  learned  to-day  that  a  resolution  was  passed  at  the  last 
session  of  the  present  Congress  appropriating  to  each  member 
certain  books,  to  the  number  of  some  sixty  volumes,  and  of  the 
value  of  from  five  to  ten  hundred  dollars  ;  and  being  a  member 
of  this  Congress,  the  question  is  now  in  my  mind  whether  I  ought 
to  take  the  books.  In  this  way  some  forty  to  fifty  thousand  dol- 

4 


50  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA    R.    GID DINGS. 

lars  of  the  public  funds  have  been  extracted  from  the  public 
treasury  and  given  to  members  by  way  of  perquisites  over  and 
above  their  compensation.  Now,  if  the  pay  of  members  is  not 
sufficient,  I  would  raise  it.  If  it  be  sufficient,  why  take  more, 
without  letting  the  people  know  it  ?  But  the  members  seem  to 
think  it  of  little  importance." 

The  entry  for  December  7  touches  the  same  ques 
tion  of  public  economy. 

"  The  House  convened  at  the  usual  hour,  and  having  been  in 
session  twenty  minutes,  adjourned  over  to  Monday,  leaving  two 
whole  days,  in  which  much  business  might  be  transacted.  It  is, 
however,  said  to  be  a  custom  which  cannot  be  done  away  with. 
But  however  long  the  custom  may  have  existed,  I  think  it  ought 
to  be  broken  up.  There  are  thousands  of  people  who  have 
claims  on  the  government,  and  who  have  spent  much  time  and 
money  to  obtain  at  the  hands  of  Congress  that  which  is  their 
just  due,  and  are  now  pining  in  poverty,  while  Congress  uni 
formly  says  it  has  not  time  to  attend  to  it.  At  the  close  of  the 
last  session  it  is  said  that  sixty  bills  were  lost  which  had  passed 
the  Senate,  because  the  House  had  not  time  to  pass  them.  And 
yet  we  can  throw  away  days  at  a  time  without  doing  anything." 

In  his  entry  of  December  8,  he  describes  a  visit  to 
President  Van  Buren. 

"On  entering,  we  saw  the  President  sitting  at  a  circular  table 
engaged  in  conversation.  On  seeing  us  he  arose,  and  inter 
changing  salutations  with  the  other  gentlemen,  with  whom  he 
was  acquainted,  I  was  then  presented  to  him.  He  conducted 
the  whole  ceremony  with  great  politeness  and  ease,  and  inviting 
us  to  seats,  resumed  his  former  situation  and  engaged  in  the  most 
familiar  conversation  with  the  whole  company.  During  the  con 
versation  I  had  an  opportunity  of  viewing  the  phrenological  con 
formation  of  his  head  and  features.  He  is  small  of  stature,  has  a 
low  forehead,  is  very  bald,  with  eyes  sunk  far  back  in  his  head. 
His  general  appearance  is  not  prepossessing.  Indeed,  to  a  casual 
observer  he  would  present  the  appearance  of  a  man  of  ordinary 
character ;  nor  do  you  see  any  evidence  of  extraordinary  intellect 
until  you  look  him  squarely  in  the  face,  when  you  are  at  once 
impressed  with  his  shrewdness  and  intelligence.  He  converses 
fluently  and  rapidly.  His  room  is  fitted  up  in  a  plain  and  becom 
ing  style.  A  neat  mahogany  book-case,  filled  with  miscellaneous 
works,  two  circular  mahogany  tables,  eighteen  or  twenty  chairs, 
with  a  large  mirror  over  the  mantelpiece,  and  a  common  sofa, 
constitute  the  paraphernalia  of  his  receiving  apartment," 


THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  5  I 

The  reader  who  remembers  the  story  of  Mr.  Van 
Buren's  White  House  extravagance,  as  circulated  by 
the  Whigs  in  1840  with  such  damaging  effect,  may  be 
surprised  at  these  statements  respecting  his  household 
furniture. 

In  his  diary  of  December  n,  Giddings  refers  to  the 
proceedings  in  the  House  on  the  introduction  of  Mr. 
Atherton's  gag  resolutions.  There  was  great  excite 
ment,  but  the  rules  were  suspended  for  the  purpose  of 
receiving  them ;  and  Mr.  Atherton,  who  rose  to  argue 
them,  demanded  the  previous  question,  which  was 
carried.  The  resolutions  passed  the  next  day  by  a 
vote  of  126  yeas  to  73  nays.  This  was  the  first  im 
portant  measure  on  which  Giddings  gave  a  vote.  He 
had  no  opportunity  to  speak,  and  it  is  not  likely  that 
at  this  early  stage  of  his  congressional  service  he  de 
sired  to  enter  into  the  discussion  of  a  matter  so  mo 
mentous.  But  the  effect  of  these  proceedings  must 
have  been  of  service  in  preparing  him  for  future 
action. 

"  Thursday,  December  13. —  An  amusing  incident  occurred  in 
the  House  to-day.  Ex-President  Adams,  who  is  a  violent  oppo 
nent  of  the  present  administration,  takes  great  delight  occasion 
ally  in  showing  his  want  of  respect  for  the  officers  of  government. 
The  Yeas  and  Nays  were  ordered  on  a  vote  about  to  be  taken, 
and  when  his  name  was  called,  he  arose  and  commenced  an  argu 
ment.  This  was  entirely  out  of  order,  and  members  from  differ 
ent  parts  of  the  House  began  to  call  him  to  order,  as  did  the 
Speaker  also.  The  cries  of  '  Order !  '  became  louder  and  more 
boisterous.  The  Speaker  called  louder  and  louder  for  *  Order  ! 
Order  !  ORDER  ! '  but  Mr.  Adams  continued  speaking,  as  though 
a  perfect  silence  existed  around  him.  The  uproar  increased,  and 
the  Speaker,  rising  from  his  chair,  in  great  agitation  and  excite 
ment,  with  stentorian  voice  called  on  the  House  to  assist  him  in 
enforcing  the  rules.  Amid  this  tumult  Mr.  Adams  suddenly 
dropped  into  his  chair,  and  the  uproar  instantly  ceased,  before 
the  Speaker  had  fully  pronounced  his  desire  for  assistance.  As 
Mr.  Adams  sat  down,  convulsed  with  laughter,  Waddy  Thomp 
son,  from  South  Carolina,  possessing  much  ready  wit,  and  being 


52  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

himself  willing  to  raise  a  laugh  at  the  expense  of  the  Speaker, 
stepped  up  to  where  Mr.  Adams  sat,  and  with  great  shrewdness 
of  manner  said,  in  reply  to  the  Speaker's  request :  '  I  am  here, 
Mr.  Speaker;  I  am  ready  to  help.  What  shall  I  do  ? '  The 
manner  and  tone  of  voice  with  which  he  spoke  were  perfectly 
inimitable,  and  threw  the  whole  House  into  a  roar  of  laughter." 

The  entry  of  December  14  is  a  notable  one.  It 
shows  that  Giddings  had  been  at  school,  and  that  he 
was  rapidly  getting  his  lesson. 

"It  is  a  fact,  which  every  man  of  observation  must  see,  by 
spending  a  few  days  in  the  Representatives'  Hall,  that  there  is  a 
vast  difference  in  the  character  of  the  members  from  the  North 
and  South.  During  this  week  every  person  present  must  have 
witnessed  the  high  and  important  bearing  of  the  Southern  men,  — 
their  confident  and  bold  assertions,  their  self-important  airs,  their 
overbearing  manner ;  while  the  Northern  men,  even  on  the  sub 
ject  of  slavery,  are  diffident,  taciturn,  and  forbearing.  I  have 
myself  come  to  the  honest  conclusion  that  our  Northern  friends 
are  in  fact  afraid  of  these  Southern  bullies.  I  have  bestowed 
much  thought  upon  the  subject.  I  have  made  inquiry,  and  think 
we  have  no  Northern  man  who  dares  boldly  and  fearlessly  de 
clare  his  abhorrence  of  slavery  and  the  slave-trade.  This  kind 
of  fear  I  never  experienced,  nor  shall  I  submit  to  it  now.  When 
I  came  here  I  had  no  thought  of  participating  in  debate  at  all, 
but  particularly  this  winter.  But  since  I  have  seen  our  Northern 
friends  so  backward  and  delicate,  I  have  determined  to  express 
my  own  views  and  declare  my  own  sentiments,  and  risk  the 
effects.  For  that  purpose  I  have  drawn  up  a  resolution  calling 
for  information  as  to  the  slave-trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
which,  among  other  things,  calls  for  the  number  of  slaves  who 
have  murdered  themselves  within  said  district  within  the  last  five 
years  after  being  sold  for  foreign  markets,  and  the  number  of 
children  who  have  been  murdered  by  their  parents  during  said 
time  under  the  apprehension  of  immediate  separation  for  sale  at 
a  foreign  market,  and  the  amount  of  revenue  collected  on  sale  of 
licenses  to  deal  in  human  flesh  and  blood.  I  showed  the  resolu 
tion  to  several  friends,  who  advise  me  not  to  present  it,  on  two 
accounts :  First,  that  it  will  enrage  the  Southern  members ;  and 
secondly,  that  it  will  injure  me  at  home.  But  I  have  determined 
to  risk  both ;  for  I  would  rather  lose  my  election  at  home  than 
suffer  the  insolence  of  these  Southerners.  Mr.  Fletcher,  of 
Boston,  is  the  only  man  that  consents  to  my  presenting  the  reso 
lution.  This  morning  a  friend  called  on  me  to  show  me  a  scur- 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  53 

rilous  attack  upon  me  in  the  government  paper  of  to-day.  I  am 
in  some  doubt  whether  to  call  the  public  attention  to  it  or  not. 
However,  it  seems  to  render  a  full  declaration  of  my  sentiments 
both  necessary  and  proper." 

Under  date  of  December  16,  he  speaks  of  Wash 
ington  funerals. 

"  The  respectability  of  the  deceased  is  measured  by  the  num 
ber  of  hacks  that  follow  the  hearse.  Of  course,  a  great  number 
of  empty  hacks  usually  follows  the  procession.  If  a  member  of 
Congress  dies,  the  usual  procession  is  constituted  of  all  the  hacks 
in  the  city,  which  are  employed  to  follow  the  hearse  whether 
they  have  any  passengers  in  them  or  not.  A  monument  costing 
some  three  or  four  hundred  dollars  is  also  erected,  and  the  whole 
expense  is  paid  from  the  public  treasury,  including  a  hundred  and 
fifty  dollars  to  the  landlord  where  the  member  dies.  During  the 
last  session  a  member  from  Baltimore  died,  and  his  body  was 
carried  to  Baltimore  on  the  railroad  for  burial.  All  the  cars 
owned  by  the  company  were  put  in  requisition,  and  the  members 
of  the  two  Houses  all  took  seats  in  the  cars,  followed  the  corpse 
to  Baltimore,  stayed  over  night,  had  their  dinners  and  wines, 
lodging  and  breakfast,  all  at  the  expense  of  the  nation.  It  was 
thought  that  the  whole  expense  was  not  less  than  four  or  five 
thousand  dollars.  But  if  members  can  go  to  Baltimore  at  the 
public  expense,  I  do  not  see  why  they  may  not  take  a  trip  to 
Philadelphia  or  New  York,  or  even  go  to  Boston,  or  west  of  the 
mountains.  .  .  . 

"Tuesday,  December  18.  —  House  met,  and  the  subject  of 
moving  a  petition  respecting  Haytien  independence  occupied  the 
day.  It  is  amusing  and  astonishing  to  see  the  views  entertained 
by  most  of  the  members  on  the  subject  of  abolition.  At  the 
South  the  general  impression  is  that  it  is  designed  to  create  a 
general  rebellion  among  the  slaves,  and  have  them  cut  their 
masters'  throats.  At  the  North  they  have  no  definite  idea  of  the 
meaning  of  abolition,  and  Northern  men  appear  afraid  to  come 
out  and  declare  their  sentiments.  They  seem  to  feel  great  deli 
cacy  on  the  subject.  Instead  of  stating  the  question  of  abolish 
ing  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  and  the  slave-trade 
between  the  States,  they  keep  at  a  distance  from  the  subject,  and 
as  yet  no  one  has  come  forth  and  with  plainness  set  forth  the 
claims  of  the  North,  and  all  seem  afraid  to  do  so." 

On  the  2  ist,  he  sketches  a  speech  by  Mr.  Wise,  of 
Virginia,  on  a  resolution  of  inquiry  into  the  frauds 
committed  by  public  officers  in  New  York:  — 


54  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

"  This  was  the  first  set  speech  I  had  ever  listened  to  in  Con 
gress  ;  but  it  was  a  fair  specimen,  I  am  told,  of  all  speeches  of 
that  kind.  Soon  after  he  commenced,  his  political  friends  gath 
ered  around  him,  among  whom  were  John  Q.  Adams,  W.  J. 
Graves,  S.  S.  Prentiss,  Rice  Garland,  Stanly,  Willams,  and  in 
short,  most  of  his  personal  and  political  friends,  who  took  seats 
or  stood  in  groups  near  him.  He  spoke  slowly  and  with  great 
composure,  and  would  frequently  stop  to  make  inquiry  of  those 
around  him  on  matters  of  which  he  did  not  possess  the  requisite 
intelligence.  He  was  often  happy  in  his  satire,  and  during  his 
long  periods  was  helped  by  information  and  good  hits  by  those 
around  him,  who,  if  they  thought  of  a  good  idea,  would  remind 
him  of  it  at  his  next  period.  In  this  way  they  helped  him  much, 
but  did  not  disconcert  him.  He  spoke  of  Secretary  Woodbury 
in  terms  of  severe  reproach,  and  also  of  the  President,  Speaker, 
and  nearly  all  the  officers  of  the  government.  He  spoke  about 
six  hours.  The  Representatives  generally  dined  from  four  to 
five  o'clock,  and  returned  to  hear  the  conclusion  of  his  remarks. 
This  is  the  way  that  most  of  the  great  speeches  here  are  made, 
as  I  am  informed.  I  think  most  of  our  lawyers  of  ordinary  in 
dustry  could  do  as  well  as  these  noted  orators  if  they  had  the 
chance. 

"  Monday,  December  24.  —  One  of  the  candidates  for  the  next 
Presidency,  a  man  whose  name  and  character  are  identified  with 
the  history  of  the  nation,  called  to  pay  me  the  accustomed  civil 
ities  observed  in  official  life.  His  amiable  manner  and  dignity 
of  carriage,  and  his  elevated  bearing,  make  you  feel  at  once  in 
the  presence  of  one  who  is  your  superior,  while  you  feel  perfectly 
at  ease,  as  much  so  as  though  you  were  visiting  with  your  equals, 
or  those  with  whom  you  have  long  been  familiar.  He  had  but 
barely  left  my  room  when  the  carrier  entered  with  my  letters, 
among  which  was  one  from  another  candidate  for  the  highest 
office  within  the  gift  of  the  people.  I  have  no  doubt  that  either 
will  be  willing  to  accept  the  office  if  elected." 

The  name  of  the  first  of  these  candidates  is  not 
given,  but  the  second  was  William  Henry  Harrison, 
as  the  following  letter  will  show :  — 

NORTH  BEND,  Dec.  15,  1838. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  ...  In  relation  to  the  subject  of  the  Presidency, 
some  surprise  has  been  expressed  by  a  few  of  Mr.  Clay's  friends 
that  I,  who  was  so  ardent  and  so  long  a  supporter  of  his  for  the 
chief  magistracy  of  the  Union,  should  consent  to  become  his 
rival.  My  answer  to  this  is,  that  I  never  for  one  moment  enter- 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  55 

tained  the  idea  of  being  a  candidate  for  that  office  until  I  was 
brought  forward  under  circumstances  which  made  it  impossible 
for  me  to  decline.  But  there  was  and  still  exists  another  reason 
why  I  should  not  decline ;  viz.,  that  I  am  in  possession  of  facts 
that  were  convincing  to  my  mind  that  Mr.  C.,  if  he  were  the  op 
position  candidate,  would  very  probably  be  defeated,  while  I  had 
good  grounds  to  believe  that  I  would  probably  succeed.  You 
may  perhaps  smile  at  this  remark,  and  say  that  it  is  an  opinion 
common  to  all  candidates  that  their  chance  is  the  best,  and  not 
more  likely  to  be  true  in  this  instance  than  in  all  the  others. 
But  as  it  is  notorious  that  I  never  sought  the  office,  more  credit 
may,  I  think,  be  given  to  me  when  I  assert  that  my  opinion  is 
founded  upon  facts,  and  not  upon  any  vainglorious  notion  of  the 
merit  of  my  pretensions.  I  will  mention  one  or  two  circumstances 
to  give  you  an  idea  of  the  character  of  the  information  I  possess 
which  has  led  to  the  formation  of  the  opinion  above  expressed. 
I  am  amongst  the  oldest  and  most  extensively  known  of  the 
Western  pioneers.  I  have  stood  in  the  relation  to  many  thou 
sands  of  our  citizens  either  as  their  commander  or  brother 
soldier.  Now,  it  so  happens  that  almost  all  of  the  pioneers  and 
old  soldiers  of  the  West  were  on  the  side  of  the  administration, 
brought  over  to  that  side  by  their  attachment  to  General  Jackson  ; 
and  that  attachment  produced  by  his  being  himself  one  of  the 
class  to  which  it  was  their  boast  to  belong.  He  out  of  the  way, 
is  there  any  difficulty  in  believing  that  they  might  be  willing 
again  to  give  their  support  to  another  of  the  same  class,  although 
of  inferior  pretensions,  rather  than  to  any  one  whose  pursuits  and 
course  of  life  had  no  resemblance  to  their  own?  If  I  were  to  dis 
close  the  contents  of  some  letters  I  have  received,  and  some  more 
circuitous  verbal  communications  from  some  of  the  leaders  of  our 
opponents,  it  would  surprise  our  friends  and  startle  our  enemies. 

I  am,  very  truly  yours, 

W.  H.  HARRISON. 
Hon.  J.  R.  GIDDINGS. 

Only  the  political  portion  of  this  letter  is  given, 
which  shows  how  earnestly  and  plausibly  the  old  gen 
eral  urged  his  claims.  The  tone  of  it  towards  Gid- 
dings  personally  is  most  friendly,  and  in  striking 
contrast  with  that  manifested  a  few  years  later,  as 
we  shall  see. 

"  Thursday,  December  27.  —  This  morning  on  coming  into  the 
hall  it  was  evident  that  some  unusual  expectation  had  been 


56  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GID DINGS. 

excited.  The  galleries  were  crowded  to  overflowing,  and  all  the 
avenues  to  the  hall  were  filled.  Men  and  women,  old  and  young, 
rich  and  poor,  had  turned  out  to  hear  the  Mississippi  orator,  and 
no  one  who  had  obtained  an  eligible  situation  for  hearing  could 
be  induced  to  leave  it.  Mr.  Prentiss  is  not  more  than  thirty-five 
years  of  age,  and  was  born  and  educated  in  Maine.  At  the  age 
of  two-and-twenty  he  emigrated  to  Cincinnati,  where  he  read  law 
with  Nathaniel  Wright,  Esq.,  of  that  city,  after  which  he  went  to 
Vicksburg,  Mississippi,  where  he  commenced  the  practice  of  law 
and  has  since  resided.  He  soon  distinguished  himself  in  his  pro 
fession,  and  was  elected  to  Congress  in  1836;  and  his  seat  being 
contested,  he  then  first  brought  himself  into  notice.  He  is  truly 
one  of  Nature's  most  gifted  sons.  He  is  a  Whig;  and  as  the 
present  system  of  the  national  administration  was  his  theme 
to-day,  high  expectations  were  entertained  of  the  intellectual  treat 
he  was  to  give  the  House  and  spectators.  He  did  not  disappoint 
his  friends.  During  the  entire  session  he  either  chained  the 
audience  in  breathless  silence,  or  convulsed  them  with  laughter. 
His  irony  was  of  the  most  bitter  kind,  his  invective  solemn  and 
impressive,  and  his  eloquence  lofty  and  commanding.  For  three 
hours  the  partisans  of  the  administration  sat  in  tortures,  and 
writhed  beneath  his  castigation.  No  one  could,  while  hearing 
him,  entertain  any  other  feelings  towards  them  than  those  of  pity. 
When  we  returned  for  dinner  we  found  our  boarding-house  in 
total  confusion.  Women  and  girls,  blacks  and  whites,  master, 
mistress,  and  servants,  all  had  been  to  hear  Prentiss,  and  all  for 
got  that  their  boarders  would  want  dinner  until  he  closed  his 
remarks. 

"  Saturday,  December  29.  —  The  subject  of  granting  pensions 
came  up  in  debate.  That  being  a  subject  on  which  I  thought 
myself  possessed  of  tolerable  information,  and  the  attendance 
being  thin,  I  ventured  for  the  first  time  to  address  the  House. 
I  expected  to  be  greatly  embarrassed,  and  to  have  my  voice 
tremble ;  but  was  surprised  to  find  it  full,  and  that  I  was  able  to 
make  myself  heard  through  the  whole  hall.  I  spoke  but  a  mo 
ment,  not  intending  to  occupy  time,  but  more  for  the  purpose  of 
trying  my  voice. 

"Monday,  December^. —  I  received  a  note  from  Mr.  Gales, 
requesting  me  to  meet  a  few  friends  at  his  house  at  eight  o'clock, 
but  did  not  arrive  till  half-past  eight.  The  company  was  com 
posed  of  about  one  hundred  Whig  members  of  the  two  houses 
of  Congress,  with  some  five  or  six  distinguished  gentlemen  of 
that  party  who  happened  to  be  in  Washington.  The  company 
was  select  and  very  social.  1  took  the  earliest  opportunity  to 
engage  in  conversation  with  the  venerable  Ex-President  Adams, 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS.  57 

during  which  he  referred  to  his  youthful  adventures  during  the 
Revolutionary  War,  and  stated  that  while  going  to  France  in 
1778,  at  the  age  of  thirteen  years,  on  board  an  American  frigate, 
they  were  chased  and  fired  upon  by  a  British  ship,  and  he 
recounted  the  adventure  with  much  glee  and  spirit.  He  said  he 
crossed  the  Atlantic  twice  afterwards  in  a  French  ship  during 
the  war.  He  told  me  his  age  was  seventy-two  years  in  Sep 
tember  last. 

"  Wishing  to  see  and  become  acquainted  with  the  great  men 
of  the  nation,  I  was  next  introduced  to  Mr.  Clay,  of  Kentucky. 
I  had  met  him  in  1822,  but  he  has  changed  in  appearance  much 
since  that  time.  He  is  very  social  and  farmer-like  in  his  conver 
sation.  I  spent  some  half  hour  with  him,  during  which  we 
passed  over  many  commonplace  subjects,  and  discussed  the 
advantages  of  Ohio  and  Kentucky,  touching  lightly  on  politics, 
when  I  discovered  much  hidden  feeling  beneath  a  cool,  dispas 
sionate  exterior.  I  left  him  with  a  higher  admiration  for  the 
man  than  I  had  previously  entertained." 

On  New  Year's  Day  Giddings  joined  the  great 
throng  that  attended  the  customary  public  reception 
of  the  President,  which  he  describes  in  detail.  He 
then  says :  — 

"  Still  one  more  call  remained  to  be  made.  I  had  been  invited 
to  call  on  our  venerable  ex-President,  and  to  his  residence  I  now 
bent  my  way.  In  a  retired  mansion  we  found  him  and  his  lady 
surrounded  by  some  dozen  friends,  who  showed  by  their  counte 
nances  and  conversation  that  they  had  called  in  reality  to  pay 
their  respects  to  this  great  man,  whose  name  will  hereafter  fill 
the  brightest  page  of  American  history.  Here  we  met  and 
saluted  the  aged  statesman  in  a  large  and  comfortable  drawing- 
room,  with  his  matronly  lady,  his  sister,  a  daughter-in-law,  and 
two  grandchildren.  We  found  him  in  the  midst  of  a  truly  do 
mestic  circle.  No  noise  or  bustle  interrupted  that  expression  of 
goodwill  which  we  all  felt  towards  him.  His  countenance  glowed 
with  benevolence  and  kindness.  We  were  introduced  to  the 
members  of  his  family,  sat  a  while,  and  after  some  pleasant  con 
versation  we  left  this  interesting  man,  feeling  that  we  had  seen 
a  specimen  of  true  greatness  united  with  genuine  republican 
simplicity.  Mr.  Adams  belongs  to  no  local  district,  to  no  po 
litical  party,  but  to  the  nation  and  to  the  people.  He  is  elected 
by  his  district  in  Massachusetts,  comes  here  with  his  family 
during  the  session  of  Congress,  and  keeps  house  by  himself. 
While  in  the  House  he  consults  with  no  one,  acts  in  concert  with 


58  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   G  ID  DINGS. 

no  one,  and  holds  himself  accountable  to  no  one  but  the  nation. 
He  belongs  as  much  to  the  former  age  as  to  this,  —  perhaps  he 
may  be  said  to  be  the  connecting  link  between  the  former  gen 
eration  and  the  one  now  in  active  life." 

On  January  5,  Giddings  made  his  first  regular 
speech  in  the  House.  As  this  effort  brought  him  at 
once  to  the  front  as  a  man  of  courage  and  ability,  it 
will  be  worth  while  to  give  his  own  account  of  the 
circumstances  under  which  he  made  it:  — 

"  Friday,  January  4.  —  This  day  nothing  occurred  worthy  of 
notice,  except  as  its  transactions  connected  myself  with  proceed 
ings  which  may  hereafter  bring  my  name  before  the  public.  Mr. 
Jones,  who  claimed  a  seat  here  as  delegate  from  Wisconsin,  had 
been  elected  in  1836,  served  two  years,  as  limited  by  the  organic 
laws,  and,  at  the  expiration  of  his  term,  which  was  in  October 
last,  again  appeared  in  the  field  as  a  candidate  and  was  defeated. 
This  defeat  was  mostly  attributed  to  his  connection  with  the  duel 
in  which  Mr.  Cilley  fell  last  winter  in  this  city.  After  his  defeat 
he  came  here,  and  claimed  to  hold  his  seat  in  the  House  during 
the  present  Congress,  urging  that  his  time  did  not  commence 
until  December,  1837,  and  that  the  service  and  receiving  pay  in 
1836  were  all  in  his  own  wrong.  I  believe  his  object  to  be  the 
travel  fees  from  Wisconsin  and  his  per  diem,  which  amount  to 
about  two  thousand  dollars,  and  think  he  ought  not  thus  to  carry 
off  the  national  treasure.  I  have  tried  to  get  some  older  member 
to  introduce  a  resolution  denying  his  right  to  compensation, 
which  I  know  he  has  already  drawn.  But  as  no  older  member 
will  do  it,  I  have  determined  to  take  it  upon  myself,  and  thinking 
that  justice  to  him  required  me  to  apprise  him  of  my  design, 
have  written  him  a  note  stating  my  intention,  and  conveyed  it 
through  the  medium  of  the  post-office. 

"  Saturday,  January  5.  —  I  spent  the  whole  morning  in  pre 
paring  to  sustain  the  resolution  which  I  intended  to  present  to 
the  House.  I  had  yet  many  misgivings  as  to  my  success  be 
fore  that  body,  whether  I  should  not  be  so  much  embarrassed 
as  to  be  unable  to  proceed.  Mr.  Jones  is  a  professed  duellist; 
his  conduct  in  the  matter  I  considered  disgraceful.  If  I  spoke, 
I  knew  1  should  speak  my  mind  as  soon  as  I  should  became 
warmed  with  my  subject.  Many  of  the  members  I  knew  dared 
not  speak  as  they  thought,  on  account  of  Mr.  Jones's  duelling 
character.  Of  this  I  entertained  not  the  slightest  fear;  all  my 
apprehensions  were  lest  I  should  not  succeed  as  well  as  I  in- 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  59 

tended  in  exposing  what  I  deemed  a  gross  abuse  of  the  situation 
he  held.  I  went  to  the  House  with  fear  and  trembling.  I  had 
written  Jones  that  I  should  bring  forward  the  resolution,  so  now 
I  could  not  retreat.  The  House  was  called  to  order,  and  the 
clerk  was  reading  the  journal.  I  had  my  resolution  written,  and 
when  the  clerk  had  finished  reading,  was  on  my  feet  with  my 
resolution  in  my  hand,  and  called  the  Speaker's  name;  but  he 
responded  to  the  call  of  Mr.  Mason,  who  sent  to  the  Chair  a 
resolution  almost  in  the  very  words  of  the  one  I  held.  I  felt 
relieved  from  my  embarrassment,  and  when  the  resolution  was 
read,  the  Speaker  remarked  that  he  had  a  communication  from 
Mr.  Jones.  The  reading  was  called  for.  In  it  Mr.  Jones  stated 
that  he  had  drawn  his  mileage  and  per  diem;  but  on  the  evening 
previous  had  received  a  note  from  Mr.  Giddings,  which  he  there 
with  transmitted  to  the  Speaker,  together  with  the  funds  he  had 
drawn  from  the  treasury. 

"  When  my  name  was  mentioned,  all  eyes  were  turned  upon 
me ;  I  was  a  new  member,  and  all  seemed  to  look  with  aston 
ishment  at  the  course  I  had  dared  to  take.  Some  of  my  friends 
came  to  me  and  inquired  why  I  had  done  as  I  did;  others 
appeared  to  think  me  too  diffident  to  carry  out  what  I  had 
commenced,  and  came  to  me  to  encourage  and  urge  me  forward. 
General  Mason  took  the  floor,  of  course.  While  he  was  speak 
ing,  I  was  advised  to  withdraw,  and  let  the  older  members  man 
age  the  matter.  When  General  Mason  was  through,  I  tried  to 
get  the  floor,  and  failed.  Mr.  Bouldin,  of  Virginia,  obtained  it. 
I  soon  saw  that  he  had  no  correct  view  of  the  subject,  and  felt 
somewhat  emboldened.  He  spoke  for  half  an  hour,  and  when  he 
ceased,  I  strove  for  the  floor  again ;  but  Mr.  Wise  obtained  it,  and 
I  saw  that  Mr.  Thomas,  of  Maryland,  —  an  old  member,  and  one 
who  spoke  often,  —  was  determined  to  get  it  next,  and  of  course 
I  knew  he  would  get  it,  as  he  is  the  leader  of  the  Van  Buren 
party  and  a  favorite  of  the  Speaker.  I  went  to  him  and  requested 
the  privilege  of  speaking  before  he  did ;  this  he  refused,  and 
I  determined  that  if  I  followed  him,  he  should  hereafter  be 
at  least  a  little  careful  in  throwing  himself  before  me  or  in 
my  way. 

"  My  friends  now  came  and  urged  me  to  insist  upon  having 
the  floor;  but,  as  I  expected,  Mr.  Thomas  obtained  it.  I  took 
notice  of  his  argument,  and  when  he  sat  down  I  succeeded  in 
getting  the  floor,  and,  to  my  utter  surprise,  found  my  voice  full 
and  clear.  I  felt  a  little  embarrassment,  but  cared  nothing  for 
that  while  my  voice  should  appear  natural.  Having  made  my 
introduction,  I  proceeded  to  answer  the  argument  of  Mr.  Bouldin. 
I  had  hardly  stated  the  position  he  had  taken,  when  he  saw  the 


6O  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS. 

light  in  which  I  was  about  to  place  him,  and  at  once  requested 
the  floor  to  explain.  I  yielded ;  he  explained.  I  proceeded  in 
my  argument,  but  in  less  than  five  minutes  Mr.  Bouldin  and  Mr. 
Wise  were  both  on  their  feet,  wishing  to  explain.  Cries  of  '  No  ! 
No ! '  were  heard,  but  I  yielded.  By  this  time  I  had  thrown  off 
my  embarrassment,  and  when  they  resumed  their  seats  I  let  fall 
a  good-natured  joke  which  drew  forth  a  burst  of  laughter.  I 
proceeded  to  the  argument  of  Thomas;  he,  too,  was  on  the 
floor,  and  I  refused  to  yield  it.  I  proceeded;  he  again  solicited 
the  floor,  and  I  yielded  it.  My  friends  now  loudly  remonstrated 
against  my  yielding  the  floor  any  more.  Thomas  explained  and 
sat  down.  I  proceeded,  with  a  determination  to  scorch  him  for 
his  want  of  delicacy  in  not  permitting  me  to  precede  him  in  the 
argument.  I  took  ample  vengeance  on  him,  and  finally  got 
through  the  argument  with  tolerable  satisfaction  to  myself,  and, 
I  am  told,  to  the  satisfaction  of  my  friends." 

Commenting  upon  this  speech,  Giddings,  on  Janu 
ary  7,  says,  — 

"  A  member  of  Congress,  when  he  comes  unknown  to  Wash 
ington,  attracts  little  attention  among  his  fellow-members.  With 
citizens  and  officers  of  government,  his  official  character  is  a 
sufficient  recommendation  to  command  their  respect  and  con 
stant  attention.  But  with  his  fellow-members  he  attracts  no 
attention  whatever,  until  he  makes  some  display  of  his  powers, 
tact,  or  political  management.  I  have  now  fairly  made  my  debut, 
and  to-day  I  fancied  myself,  on  entering  the  hall,  greeted  more 
warmly  than  heretofore;  members  who  had  previously  barely 
paid  the  passing  salutation  now  came  to  my  seat,  with  great 
politeness  inquired  after  my  health,  and  many  of  them  congratu 
lated  me  upon  the  favorable  reception  of  my  speech.  ...  I  now 
felt  that  I  had  fairly  entered  upon  the  business  of  a  member.  I 
felt  myself  entitled  to  express  my  views  more  freely  than  I  had 
heretofore  done.  Many  of  the  most  celebrated  lawyers  in  the 
House  and  of  the  nation  took  occasion  to  express  their  high 
gratification  at  the  manner  in  which  I  had  'used  up '(as  they 
said)  the  chairman  of  the  Judiciary  Committee." 

This  account  of  his  first  important  appearance  on 
the  floor  of  the  House  foreshadows  his  future  course. 
He  had  only  been  a  member  of  Congress  a  little  over 
a  month,  but  his  diffidence  was  giving  place  to  self- 
confidence.  He  had  become  acquainted  with  mem- 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS.  6 1 

bers,  and  by  comparing  himself  with  them  had  learned 
to  estimate  himself.  His  strong  individuality  was  re 
vealing  itself,  and  his  associates  must  have  perceived 
that  a  man  of  his  positive  qualities  would  make  him 
self  felt  in  behalf  of  whatever  measure  he  might 
espouse. 

On  January  21,  Giddings  makes  an  interesting  refer 
ence  to  Mr.  Adams,  who  on  that  day  addressed  the 
House,  stating  that  he  had  for  a  long  time  been  in  re 
ceipt  of  daily  communications  threatening  his  life,  that 
his  position  was  not  understood  by  the  nation,  and 
that  he  wished  the  privilege  of  giving  an  expose  of  his 
views.  He  says  that  Mr.  Adams  was  evidently  ill  at 
ease,  and  that  his  solemn  manner  and  the  tones  of 
his  voice,  now  tremulous  with  age,  so  wrought  upon 
the  House  that  leave  was  granted  him  to  make  his 
explanation. 

"  His  views  as  stated  would  compare  with  those  of  the  Aboli 
tionists  generally,  except  that  he  declared  himself  not  prepared 
to  vote  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 
He  said  that  he  was  prepared  to  abolish  the  slave-trade  between 
the  States,  and  to  recognize  the  independence  of  Hayti.  He 
said  he  would  vote  for  the  removal  of  the  seat  of  government  to 
some  place  where  slavery  did  not  exist,  but  he  doubted  whether 
that  would  be  constitutional.  He  assigned  no  reason  for  any  of 
his  opinions,  but  stated  generally  that  his  opinion  was  not  so  fixed 
but  that  it  might  be  altered  on  argument.  His  speech  occasioned 
great  sensation.  It  seemed  to  convince  the  South  that  he  was 
not  so  great  an  enemy  to  them  as  they  had  supposed,  and  some 
of  the  Northern  members  appeared  to  think  he  was  not  so 
strongly  opposed  to  slavery  as  they  thought  him  to  be.  Others 
said  that  he  had  expressed  the  same  views  which  they  had  always 
understood  him  to  possess.  Mr.  Slade,  of  Vermont,  who  is  the 
greatest  Abolitionist  in  the  House,  seemed  to  be  very  apprehen 
sive  that  the  speech  would  have  a  bad  influence  on  the  subject  of 
abolition.  He  drew  up  interrogatives  to  Mr.  Adams,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  drawing  from  him  further  explanations,  and  submitted 
them  to  my  inspection.  This  I  considered  useless,  having  no 
hope  that  Mr.  Adams  would  make  further  disclosures  of  his  views 
than  he  had  made  to  the  world.  I  am,  however,  fully  of  the 


62  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R    GIDDINGS. 

opinion,  from  the  language  used  by  Mr.  Adams  and  the  cautious 
manner  in  which  he  expressed  himself,  that  his  want  of  reSdiness 
to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  is  not  owing  to  any  doubt  as  to 
the  power  of  Congress  to  do  so,  nor  to  any  other  reason  than  a 
question  as  to  the  policy  of  such  action. 

"  The  difficulty  that  has  often  presented  itself  to  my  mind  is 
that  if  Congress  should  pass  a  law  to  abolish  slavery  in  the 
District,  before  it  could  take  effect  the  slaves  would  all  be  taken 
out  of  the  District,  and  the  law  would  find  none  here  to  take 
effect  upon.  But  if  Congress  should  first  pass  a  law  prohibiting 
the  taking  of  any  slave  out  of  the  District,  that  would  keep  them 
here,  and  a  law  to  abolish  slavery  would  liberate  from  nine  to 
ten  thousand  slaves.  Of  Mr.  Adams's  views,  beyond  what  he 
has  publicly  expressed,  I  know  nothing;  but  these  thoughts  have 
often  run  through  my  own  mind,  and  I  think  them  worthy  of 
serious  reflection  by  the  philanthropic." 

Mr.  Adams's  position  on  this  question  was  offensive 
to  some  of  the  Abolitionists,  and  James  G.  Birney 
branded  him  as  the  enemy  of  freedom.  Congress 
had  legalized  slavery  and  the  slave  traffic  in  the  Dis 
trict  by  an  Act  which  was  unwarranted  by  the  Con 
stitution  ;  for  Congress  had  "  no  more  power  to  make 
a  slave  than  to  make  a  king."  It  had  nationalized 
these  evils,  which  before  were  strictly  local  and  sec 
tional.  The  right  of  Congress  to  repeal  its  own  legis 
lation  was  constitutionally  unquestionable,  and  the 
duty  to  exercise  that  right  was  imperative.  The 
same  government  which  had  branded  the  foreign 
slave-trade  as  piracy  had  created  and  was  sustaining 
in  the  capital  of  the  Republic  a  more  pitiless  traffic 
than  that  on  the  high  seas.  The  hesitation  of  North 
ern  men  to  strike  at  this  evil  was  one  of  the  marvels 
of  slave-holding  domination.  When  the  District  was 
created  by  cessions  from  Maryland  and  Virginia,  and 
afterwards,  in  1801,  when  Congress  accepted  the  ces 
sions,  these  States  anticipated  the  total  abolition  of 
slavery  at  no  distant  day.  For  forty-five  years  after 
the  formation  of  the  government,  no  question  was 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS.  63 

raised  as  to  the  power  of  Congress  to  abolish  the  evil 
in  the  District.  As  late  as  the  Twenty-fourth  Congress, 
in  1834  and  1835,  numerous  petitions  for  its  abolition 
were  received,  referred,  and  debated.  The  perfect 
union  of  the  South  on  the  basis  of  the  sacredness  and 
perpetuity  of  slavery  was  the  development  of  a  later 
time. 

Six  years  after  this  speech  of  Mr.  Adams  he  stated 
his  position  somewhat  more  definitely  in  an  address  to 
his  constituents.  He  declared  himself  opposed  to  the 
immediate  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District,  because 
it  would  violate  the  principle  of  local  self-government. 
The  people  of  the  District  were  unrepresented  in  Con 
gress,  and  an  Act  of  emancipation  therefore  would  be 
"  an  Act  of  the  most  arbitrary  and  despotic  character." 
He  raised  the  further  point  that  it  would  be  evaded 
by  the  removal  of  the  slaves  pending  its  passage. 
Both  these  difficulties  could  have  been  met  by  provid 
ing  compensation  for  slave-owners,  as  was  done  by 
several  of  the  Northern  States,  and  thus  ridding  the 
people  of  those  States  of  their  complicity  with  the 
evil.  Mr.  Adams  expressed  the  further  opinion  that 
slavery  in  the  District  would  die  out  of  itself  through 
the  voluntary  action  of  the  slaveholders,  and  that  the 
slave  traffic  would  hasten  the  event.  He  thought  that 
in  twenty,  or  perhaps  ten,  years  not  a  slave  would  be 
left  in  the  District.  He  lived  long  enough  to  realize 
his  mistake.  Like  Abraham  Lincoln,  he  found  instruc 
tion  in  the  logic  of  events.  Under  the  exasperating 
stress  and  friction  of  a  steadily  increasing  Southern 
lawlessness  during  the  last  years  of  his  life,  he  recon 
sidered  his  earlier  opinions,  and  was  undoubtedly 
ready  to  employ  the  whole  constitutional  power  of 
the  government  on  the  side  of  freedom. 

On   January   29,    Giddings   speaks  of   the  latitude 


64  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDTNGS. 

of  debate    allowed  in   Committee  of  the  Whole,  and 
says :  — 

"  Seeing  the  wide  range  of  debate,  it  struck  me  as  a  favorable 
place  to  bring  forward  the  subject  of  slavery,  upon  which  debate 
is  prohibited  in  the  House.  For  this  purpose  I  digested  and 
reduced  to  paper  a  plan  for  commencing  an  attack  on  the  slave- 
trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia." 

He  failed  to  obtain  the  floor,  and  was  obliged  to 
defer  his  attack. 

"  Wednesday,  January  30.  —  This  day  Mr.  Slade,  of  Vermont, 
came  to  see  me,  with  an  expression  of  great  anxiety  in  regard  to 
the  exposition  which  Mr.  Adams  had  made  of  his  views  concern 
ing  slavery.  He  appears  to  apprehend  great  results  from  these 
disclosures.  Not  feeling  any  very  serious  apprehensions  on  the 
subject,  I  told  him  that  the  opinions  of  Mr.  Adams  would  pass 
off  like  the  opinions  of  any  other  man;  that  I  intended  to  give 
my  own  opinion  as  a  counterbalance  to  that  of  Mr.  Adams.  He 
desired  to  know  how  I  should  bring  the  matter  forward,  and  I 
told  him.  He  was  at  first  incredulous  as  to  the  feasibility  of  my 
plan,  but  soon  agreed  that  I  was  correct,  and  before  he  left, 
promised  to  make  an  effort  himself  upon  the  same  plan." 

This  is  followed  by  the  description  of  a  scene  well 
calculated  to  arouse  Mr.  Giddings's  indignation  and 
inspire  him  with  renewed  courage  and  zeal  in  the 
fight  upon  which  he  had  entered. 

"  This  day  a  coffle  of  about  sixty  slaves,  male  and  female, 
passed  through  the  streets  of  Washington,  chained  together,  on 
their  way  south.  They  were  accompanied  by  a  large  wagon,  in 
which  were  placed  the  more  feeble  females  and  children  of  such 
tender  years  as  to  be  unable  to  walk.  A  being  in  the  shape  of 
a  man  was  on  horseback,  with  a  large  whip  in  his  hand,  with 
which  he  occasionally  chastised  those  who,  through  fatigue  or 
indolence,  were  tardy  in  their  movements.  This  was  done  in  the 
daytime,  in  public  view  of  all  who  happened  to  be  so  situated  as 
to  see  the  barbarous  spectacle. 

"  Monday,  February  4.  —  This  being  petition  day,  I  had  de 
termined  on  raising  a  question  as  to  the  abolition  of  slavery  in 
the  District  of  Columbia.  This  I  communicated  to  my  friend 
Fletcher,  who  was  incredulous  as  to  getting  up  the  question,  but 
pledged  himself  to  sustain  me,  provided  I  would  get  the  subject 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   G  ID  DINGS.  65 

before  the  House.  At  about  three  o'clock  the  State  of  Ohio 
was  called  for  petitions.  I  obtained  the  floor,  and  after  present 
ing  some  others  on  various  subjects,  I  brought  forward  one  for 
the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  moved 
that  it  be  referred  to  the  committee  on  said  District.  The  Chair, 
at  this  time  occupied  by  Mr.  Briggs  of  Massachusetts,  decided 
that  the  petition  must  lie  on  the  table.  From  this  decision  I 
appealed;  and  the  Chair  having  stated  the  appeal, -I  obtained 
the  floor  and  proceeded  to  argue  the  question  of  the  prohibition 
of  the  petition  by  the  resolutions  of  nth  and  I2th  of  December. 
Mr.  Garland,  of  Louisiana,  called  me  to  order.  There  was  much 
uneasiness  apparent  among  the  members.  The  Speaker,  Mr. 
Polk,  resumed  the  chair,  and  desired  me  to  state  distinctly  the 
motion  I  had  made.  This  I  did,  when  he  pronounced  me  in 
order.  I  then  proceeded  with  my  remarks.  I  went  on,  men 
tioned  the  resolutions,  and  showed  that  they  did  not  extend  to 
the  petition  under  consideration.  After  this,  I  pronounced  the 
resolutions  opposed  to  the  Constitution,  and  ipso  facto  void,  and 
proceeded  to  demonstrate  that  position." 

Upon  being  reminded  by  the  Speaker  that  he  was 
out  of  order,  and  finding  it  impossible  to  proceed  in 
the  face  of  constant  interruptions,  Giddings  withdrew 
his  appeal,  having  accomplished  his  purpose  in  pro 
testing  against  the  gag  rules  of  the  House. 

On  the  /th  of  February  Mr.  Clay  made  his  famous 
speech  against  the  Abolitionists,  in  which  he  declared 
that  "  that  is  property  which  the  law  declares  to  be 
property,"  and  that  "two  hundred  years  of  legisla 
tion  have  sanctioned  and  sanctified  negro  slaves  as 
property."  It  was  one  of  the  unfortunate  speeches 
of  his  life ;  but  he  was  looking  forward  to  the  Presi 
dency,  and  had  yielded  to  the  persuasions. of  his  Whig 
friends,  who  thought  it  necessary  that  he  should  clear 
himself  of  all  suspicion  of  sympathy  with  the  Aboli 
tionists.  The  speech  pleased  Calhoun  and  his  friends, 
but  offended  many  of  the  best  men  in  the  Northern 
States.  Giddings  had  been  one  of  Mr.  Clay's  ad 
mirers,  and  would  gladly  have  followed  his  fortunes ; 

5 


66  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA  R.   GIDDINGS. 

but  this  now  seemed  morally  impossible.     In  his  jour 
nal  of  this  date  he  says :  — 

"  This  afternoon,  while  I  was  engaged  in  the  House,  intelli 
gence  was  brought  to  me  that  Mr.  Clay  had  made  an  attack 
upon  the  Abolitionists ;  that  he  had  made  a  long  speech  in  which 
he  had  attacked  them  without  mercy.  Many  Van  Buren  men 
came  to  me  and  endeavored  to  tantalize  me  about  the  attack  Mr. 
Clay  had  made  upon  a  large  portion  of  the  electors  of  my  dis 
trict.  It  was  known  among  many  Whigs  that  I  had  stepped 
forward  to  bring  about  a  reconciliation  between  the  Abolitionists 
and  the  friends  of  Mr.  Clay.  My  friend  Fletcher  came  to  me 
and  gave  me  a  description  of  the  speech.  He  stated  that  Mr. 
Clay  had  said  substantially  that  Congress  had  no  right  to  abolish 
slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  unless  it  were  necessary  for 
the  accommodation  of  Congress  or  the  benefit  of  the  people  of 
the  District.  This  was  different  from  what  I  had  before  under 
stood,  and  I  knew  would  disappoint  the  expectations  of  the 
people  I  represent.  I  had  publicly  avowed  my  adherence  to 
Mr.  Clay  for  President  in  preference  to  Mr.  Van  Buren,  and  I 
felt  that  the  speech  would  place  me  at  home  in  an  attitude  unex 
pected  by  me  and  my  friends.  Before  I  left  my  seat,  therefore, 
I  despatched  a  note  to  Mr.  Clay,  demanding  distinctly  whether 
he  believed  Congress  to  possess  the  right  of  abolishing  slavery 
in  this  District  when  no  other  reason  existed  for  it  than  mere 
benevolence  to  the  human  family.'1'1 

The  friends  of  Clay  endeavored  to  induce  Giddings 
to  withdraw  this  note ;  but  he  refused,  declaring  that 
Mr.  Clay  had  been  very  indiscreet,  and  had  disap 
pointed  the  expectation  of  his  friends  in  Ohio,  and 
injured  himself.  A  zealous  friend  of  Clay  censured 
Giddings  for  thus  criticising  such  a  man,  to  which 
Giddings  replied  that  he  would  allow  no  man,  either 
Mr.  Clay  or  any  other,  to  ridicule  or  misrepresent  his 
constituents,  and  that  he  should  feel  it  his  duty,  on 
the  first  occasion  which  should  offer,  to  disabuse 
the  public  mind  of  the  false  impression  conveyed. 
The  result  was  that  Clay  called  to  see  Giddings  in 
person,  and  finding  him  absent,  repeated  his  call  on 
February  12. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS.  6? 

"  Mr.  Clay  called  upon  me  while  in  my  seat  to-day.  I  retired 
to  the  lobby  with  him.  He  spoke  of  the  letter,  and  said  he 
thought  his  speech  was  a  sufficient  answer  to  it.  I  called  his 
attention  to  the  one  distinct  point  set  forth  in  the  letter,  which 
did  not  appear  in  the  speech.  The  conversation  became  dull, 
and  with  a  cold  invitation  to  call  and  see  him,  he  left  me." 

On  the  1 3th  of  February  Giddings  made  his  first 
anti-slavery  speech.  The  occasion  was  a  timely  one. 
A  bill  had  been  introduced  in  the  House  providing  for 
an  appropriation  of  thirty  thousand  dollars  to  build  a 
bridge  over  the  east  branch  of  the  Potomac ;  and  this 
was  accompanied  by  sundry  memorials  of  citizens  of 
the  District  praying  that  no  notice  be  taken  of  the 
anti-slavery  petitions  which  had  been  presented  to  the 
House,  and  that  such  petitions  be  not  received.  These 
memorialists  termed  the  petitioners  "  fanatics,"  and 
their  petitions  "  seditious  memorials."  Here  was  an 
opportunity  to  strike  a  blow  at  slavery  and  the  slave- 
trade  in  the  District,  and  Giddings  moved  to  strike  out 
the  enacting  clause  of  the  bill,  giving  his  reasons  there 
for.  He  spoke  in  the  midst  of  constant  interruptions, 
and  was  finally  compelled  by  the  rulings  of  the  Speaker 
to  take  his  seat;  but  what  he  was  permitted  to  say 
may  properly  be  quoted  here. 

"  But,  sir,  I  will  assign  my  reasons  for  believing  that  the  seat 
of  government  will  be  removed.  It  is  known,  sir,  that  the  slave- 
trade  in  its  worst  and  most  abhorrent  forms  is  being  carried  on 
here  to  an  alarming  extent.  [Here  Mr.  Giddings  was  called  to 
order,  but  the  Chair  decided  that  he  was  in  order.]  We  are  told 
by  some  honorable  gentlemen  that  the  subject  of  its  continuance 
cannot  be  discussed  in  the  House ;  that  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union  would  follow  as  the  inevitable  consequence  of  any  inter 
ference  with  the  traffic  on  the  part  of  Congress.  On  the  other 
hand,  I  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  Northern  men,  who 
have  from  their  infancy  been  bred  in  the  love  of  liberty,  where 
every  precept  impressed  upon  their  youthful  minds,  every  principle 
of  their  matured  years,  has  habituated  them  to  think  of  the  slave- 
trade  with  disgust  and  abhorrence,  to  contemplate  it  as  only  ex 
isting  among  barbarians  and  uncivilized  nations,  to  look  upon  it 


68  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS. 

with  horror,  —  I  say,  sir,  that  it  is  my  opinion  that  such  men  can 
never  consent  to  continue  the  seat  of  government  in  the  midst  of 
a  magnificent  slave-market.  I  say  it  distinctly  to  the  committee, 
to  the  nation,  and  to  the  world,  that  Northern  men  will  not  con 
sent  to  the  continuance  of  our  national  councils  where  their  ears 
are  assailed  while  coming  to  the  Capitol  by  the  voice  of  the 
auctioneer  publicly  proclaiming  the  sale  of  human,  of  intelligent 
beings.  [Several  gentlemen  here  called  Mr.  Giddings  to  order, 
and  he  was  again  sustained  by  the  Chair.] 

"  I  thank  you,  Mr.  Chairman,  for  your  cool  and  impartial  deci 
sion  of  the  question  of  order.  I  will  remark  that  I  was  assigning 
my  own  reasons,  not  those  of  any  other  gentleman.  I  say  dis 
tinctly  that  I  have  not  commenced  these  remarks  with  feelings  of 
unkindness  to  any  man,  or  to  any  part  of  this  nation.  I  have 
been  induced  to  embrace  the  present  opportunity  by  a  deep  and 
solemn  sense  of  justice,  which  I  think  is  due  to  the  district  which 
I  represent,  and  to  a  large  part  of  the  Northern  States.  They, 
sir,  feeling  an  honest  abhorrence  of  the  slave-trade,  have  sent  in 
their  petitions  against  it.  I  have  myself  presented  the  petitions 
of  many  thousands  of  Northern  freemen  on  the  subject;  but  their 
petitions  have  been  disregarded,  and  the  voice  of  American  free 
men  in  favor  of  liberty  has  been  silenced.  Their  representative, 
sent  here  with  authority  to  act  for  them,  to  speak  their  views,  to 
express  their  wishes,  has  been  bound,  hand  and  foot,  with  a  sort 
of  legislative  strait-jacket,  so  far  as  the  subject  of  this  slave- 
trade  is  concerned,  and  his  lips  have  been  hermetically  sealed,  to 
prevent  him  from  a  declaration  of  their  views,  and  from  demand 
ing  their  rights.  Sir,  upon  this  floor  I  have  heard  gentlemen  — 
honorable  gentlemen  —  say  that  those  citizens  who  have  thus 
petitioned  this  House,  would  be  hanged  if  found  in  Southern 
States. 

"  I  pass  any  such  remarks;  they  were  made  under  feelings  of 
excitement,  and  did  not  express  the  real  sentiments  of  their 
authors.  But,  sir,  while  the  voices  of  Northern  freemen  are 
silenced  upon  this  floor,  and  their  representatives  here  are  not 
permitted  to  declare  the  sentiments  of  those  who  sent  them,  we 
are  called  upon  to  make  heavy  appropriations  of  their  money  for 
the  benefit  of  this  District.  Many  thousands  of  our  people  have 
endeavored  to  express  to  this  House  their  views  of  the  slave-trade 
as  carried  on  here.  We  refuse  to  hear  them ;  we  treat  their  peti 
tions  with  contempt ;  but  in  answer  say,  '  Your  money  shall  be 
taken  for  the  improvement  of  this  city,  although  it  be  a  slave- 
market  ;  we  will  not  hear  your  objections  to  the  slave-trade,  but 
we  will  tax  you  to  build  a  slave-market.'  This,  sir,  is  wrong  ;  it 
is  palpably  wrong. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS.  69 

"But,  sir,  I  was  saying  that  the  appropriation  was  for  the 
benefit  of  this  District  principally  ;  it  is  to  be  made  for  the  bene 
fit  of  the  people  of  this  District :  and  what  is  their  language  to 
those  whose  funds  are  now  sought  to  be  appropriated  ?  The 
language  of  the  people  of  this  District  is  expressed  in  their  me 
morials,  lately  presented  to  both  houses  of  Congress.  In  those 
memorials  the  free  and  independent  citizens  who  petition  us  in 
regard  to  the  slave-trade  of  this  District  are  termed  '  a  band  of 
fanatics ; '  their  petitions  are  termed  '  seditious  memorials  ; '  their 
efforts  to  stop  the  inhuman  and  barbarous  practice  of  selling 
men,  women,  and  children  are  termed  '  foul  and  unnatural.' 
Congress  is  prayed,  not  only  to  refuse  a  reading  or  reference  of 
these  petitions,  but  we  are  requested  not  to  receive  such  petitions. 

"  This,  sir,  is  the  language  of  the  people  of  this  District  towards 
those  whom  I  am  supposed  to  represent,  whose  sentiments  on 
this  subject  of  the  slave-trade  I  openly  and  unequivocally  avow. 
I,  sir,  have  been  honored  with  the  high  trust  of  representing  the 
people  thus  stigmatized,  and  I  would  deem  myself  unworthy  of 
the  trust  if  I  permitted  such  language  to  pass  unnoticed.  Hon 
orable  gentlemen  have  presented  the  memorials  of  the  people 
here  in  both  houses  of  Congress,  and  have  advocated  the  prin 
ciples,  repeated  and  enlarged  upon  the  language  used.  Sir,  under 
all  this  abuse  I  am  asked  now  to  contribute  from  the  funds  of 
the  people  thus  abused,  to  the  improvement  of  this  city  and  for 
the  benefit  of  those  who  thus  assail  their  motives  and  stigmatize 
their  acts.  I  object  to  the  appropriation  under  these  circum 
stances.  I  protest  against  it,  and  I  repeat  that  while  this  state 
of  things  remains,  I  shall  be  opposed  to  all  appropriations  in  this 
District  not  necessary  for  the  convenience  of  government.  I 
take  my  stand  here.  I  now  avow  my  firm  determination  to  give 
my  vote  for  no  further  appropriations  for  this  District  until  the 
voice  of  these  petitioners  be  heard  and  acted  upon,  and  their 
prayers  granted  or  refused.  I  say  no  appropriations  except  such 
as  are  really  necessary  for  the  comfortable  continuance  of  the 
government. 

"  I  want  to  be  understood,  and  not  misrepresented.  It  is  the 
slave-trade  to  which  I  now  allude,  not  to  slavery.  That  is  an 
other  subject.  On  that  I  may  at  some  other  time  give  my  views ; 
but  let  no  man  accuse  me  of  now  saying  anything  in  regard  to 
his  right  of  holding  his  fellow-man  as  property,  or  of  now  saying 
anything  concerning  it.  What  I  have  said,  and  what  I  intend  to 
say,  will  refer  to  nothing  but  the  slave-trade.  I  intend  to  disarm 
my  opponents  of  all  cause  in  regard  to  the  constitutional  right  or 
the  power  of  Congress  over  the  subject.  I  am  aware  of  the  feel 
ing  which  gentlemen  have  on  this  subject,  and  I  assure  them  of 


70  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS. 

my  intention  not  to  say  anything  offensive  to  them,  further  than 
duty  requires.  I  hope  that,  whoever  may  become  excited,  I  may 
speak  and  act  from  the  convictions  of  sober  judgment.  I  once 
alluded  to  the  statement  of  honorable  gentlemen  that  we  cannot 
interfere  with  the  slave-trade  in  this  District  without  a  dissolution 
of  the  Union.  This  threat,  sir,  I  beg  leave  to  say,  I  disregard. 
I  will  leave  that  question  to  be  discussed  by  those  who  deem  the 
slave-trade  in  this  District  of  more  importance  than  the  con 
tinuance  of  the  Union.  But  should  a  dissolution  take  place, 
the  appropriation  now  in  question  would  surely  be  of  little 
importance. 

"  I,  sir,  have  alluded  to  the  fact  that,  on  the  beautiful  avenue 
in  front  of  the  Capitol,  members  of  Congress,  while  on  their  way 
to  the  Capitol,  during  this  session,  have  heard  the  harsh  voice  of 
the  inhuman  auctioneer  publicly  selling  human  beings.  They 
have  also  been  compelled  to  turn  aside  from  their  path  to  permit 
a  coffle  of  slaves,  males  and  females,  chained  to  each  other  by 
their  necks,  to  pass  on  their  way  to  this  national  slave-market." 

Here  the  speech  of  Giddings  was  cut  short  by  the 
ruling  of  the  Chair,  as  related  in  his  diary. 

"After  I  had  spoken  a  few  moments,  Mr.  Howard  said  he 
would  call  me  to  order.  I  demanded  the  question  to  be  reduced 
to  writing.  The  Chair  decided  that  I  had  the  right  to  have  it  so 
reduced,  and  from  this  decision  Mr.  Howard  appealed.  Much 
debate  and  confusion  followed,  several  members  speaking  at  the 
same  time,  each  calling  the  other  to  order,  and  each  insisting 
that  he  was  right.  Much  excitement  prevailed,  and  the  House 
became  a  scene  of  perfect  confusion  and  uproar.  Some  ap 
peared  to  enjoy  this  much  ;  among  these  the  venerable  ex-President 
laughed  most  heartily,  and  coming  to  my  seat,  advised  me  to 
insist  upon  my  rights,  not  to  be  intimidated  by  the  course  taken 
by  the  Southern  men.  This  confusion  lasted  about  one  hour; 
and,  as  I  suppose,  for  the  purpose  of  restoring  order,  the  chair 
man,  without  taking  the  vote  of  the  committee  on  the  appeal, 
decided  that  I  was  out  of  order.  ...  A  vote  was  then  taken  on 
my  motion  and  carried,  the  enacting  clause  of  the  bill  being 
stricken  out." 

Giddings  was  now  fairly  launched  on  the  angry  sea 
of  anti-slavery  politics ;  he  had  entered  upon  his  life- 
work  ;  and  although  the  Southern  men  had  in  this  in 
stance  silenced  him  by  their  clamor,  they  saw  clearly 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   G  ID  DINGS.  ?l 

that  he  could  not  be  subdued.  His  journal  shows 
that  several  of  the  leading  men  of  the  South  endeav 
ored  to  insult  him  while  in  his  seat ;  but  he  refused  to 
have  any  altercation  with  them.  Henceforth  he  was 
to  encounter  the  wrath  and  scorn  of  the  slave-barons 
and  their  Northern  allies,  and  to  come  under  the  ban 
of  social  outlawry;  but  this  only  armed  him  with 
fresh  courage  and  roused  the  spirit  of  defiance.  His 
course  had  won  the  hearts  of  the  best  men  in  the 
House,  and  secured  for  him  a  recognition  that  com 
pelled  the  respect  even  of  his  enemies. 

Giddings's  journal  refers  to  occasional  incidents 
which  no  doubt  served  as  aids  to  his  anti-slavery 
education.  One  of  these  is  the  following:  — 

"  Thursday,  February  14.  In  the  evening  we  were  alarmed 
by  a  thrilling  cry  of  distress  which  continued  for  some  minutes. 
It  proved  to  be  the  outcry  of  a  slave  who  was  undergoing  the 
chastisement  of  his  master ;  and  fearing  he  would  die  in  the 
operation,  broke  from  him  and  ran.  He  was  pursued,  knocked 
down,  and  pounded  by  the  master  and  son  till  he  appeared  life 
less  ;  and  the  spectators,  interfering,  were  told  that  he  was  the 
property  of  his  master,  who  had  the  right  to  kill  him  if  he 
pleased.  The  master  and  his  son  then  took  him  and  dragged 
him  through  the  street  as  they  would  have  done  a  dead  hog,  to 
a  stable,  and  there  left  him." 

I  give  one  further  entry,  dated  March  2,  which 
shows  his  native  kindness  of  heart. 

"  An  incident  occurred,  in  my  view,  that  illustrates  the  difficulty 
of  obtaining  justice  from  the  government.  A  man  named  Nye 
has  claimed  about  six  thousand  dollars  from  the  government 
for  several  years,  and  has  himself  personally  pressed  the  matter 
for  some  sessions  past.  During  the  last  session  Mr.  Whittle- 
sey,  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Claims,  reported  against  it, 
although  the  Senate  had  reported  in  favor  of  it.  Mr.  Whittlesey 
was  looked  upon  as  infallible  authority  on  the  subject  of  claims. 
Nye  was  put  in  jail  for  want  of  money,  and  suffered  much.  His 
claim  again  passed  the  Senate,  and  was  referred  to  the  House 
Committee  on  Claims.  Nye  himself  wrote  an  able  review  of 
Whittlesey's  report,  and  pointed  out  its  errors ;  but  many  things 


72  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS. 

intervened  to  prevent  the  committee  from  passing  on  it  until 
to-day.  I  agreed  with  two  or  three  others  that  we  would  get 
together  and  pass  upon  this  claim,  provided  that  it  were  possible 
to  get  a  quorum  to  the  committee-room.  This  we  effected,  and 
agreed  to  report  the  bill  giving  him  his  whole  claim.  This  was 
done  as  late  as  two  o'clock  p.  M.  When  we  left  the  room,  I 
was  in  front,  and  Nye  was  at  the  door.  I  told  him  we  had 
agreed  to  report  his  bill  for  the  amount  claimed.  He  attempted 
to  thank  me,  but  tears  choked  his  utterance,  and  I  felt  deeply 
myself,  —  so  much  so  that  I  found  tears  running  down  my  own 
cheeks ;  and  unwilling  that  my  weakness  should  be  discovered, 
I  averted  my  face  to  disguise  my  feelings  from  those  passing 
by  me  in  front.  As  I  turned  my  face,  my  eye  rested  upon  Mr. 
Chambers,  our  chairman,  who,  though  a  man  of  rough  exterior, 
and  who  has  been  through  many  a  bloody  battle,  was  so  wrought 
upon  by  Nye's  feeling  that  he  wept  profusely." 

At  the  close  of  this  session  the  diary  came  to  an 
end,  and  was  not  resumed  till  ten  years  later,  and 
then  only  temporarily.  This  is  deeply  to  be  regret 
ted,  for  if  he  had  continued  it  during  his  long  public 
service,  it  would  have  proved  an  interesting  autobiog 
raphy  and  a  valuable  contribution  to  the  history  of 
the  anti-slavery  conflict.  As  it  was  limited  to  the  first 
session  of  his  Congressional  service,  I  have  deemed  it 
proper  to  make  liberal  extracts  from  it,  as  a  revela 
tion  of  the  spirit,  character,  and  purpose  of  the  man. 
It  anticipates  his  further  achievements  in  the  work  of 
reform,  and  gives  the  key-note  to  his  public  life. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

MARCH,    1839,  TO  MARCH,   1841. 

The  "  Amistad  "  Case.  —  The  Twenty-sixth  Congress.  —  The  Famous 
New  Jersey  Election  Contest. — The  Slave  Ship  "Enterprise."  — 
The  Harrison  Campaign.  —Nomination  of  Birney.  —  Speech  on  the 
Florida  War. 

THE  growing  rapacity  of  slavery  furnished  the 
Abolitionists  with  a  new  object-lesson  in  the 
summer  of  1839.  A  Cuban  slave-ship  landed  her 
cargo  of  Africans  at  Havana,  in  June,  and  after  their 
imprisonment  for  a  short  time  in  the  barracoons  of 
that  city,  forty-nine  of  them  were  purchased  by 
I.  Ruiz,  and  three  others  by  P.  Montez,  slave-deal 
ers.  A  pass  for  these  fifty-two  persons  was  obtained 
from  the  governor  by  paying  him  the  usual  fee,  which 
constituted  a  portion  of  his  official  perquisites,  for 
permitting  the  foreign  slave-trade  to  be  carried  on  in 
that  island.  This  pass  was  merely  a  license  to  Mon 
tez  and  Ruiz  to  transport  certain  ladinos,  or  legal 
slaves,  naming  them,  from  Havana  to  Principe,  on  the 
south  of  the  island.  The  legality  of  their  slavery 
was  assumed,  and  as  they  had  been  thrown  into  prison 
on  their  arrival  in  Havana,  they  had  no  opportunity 
to  speak  in  their  own  behalf.  But  as  they  had  been 
stolen  in  Africa  and  brought  to  Cuba  in  violation  of 
Spanish  law  and  treaty  stipulations,  they  were  legally 
free.  The  negroes,  however,  were  shipped  on  board 
the  schooner  "Amistad"  about  the  ist  of  July,  and 


74  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

she  sailed  at  once  for  her  port  of  destination.  The 
crew  consisted  of  the  captain,  mate,  and  three  sailors, 
and  there  were  three  passengers  besides  Montez  and 
Ruiz  and  the  negroes  claimed  by  them. 

When  four  or  five  days  out,  the  Africans  suddenly 
rose  upon  their  oppressors,  slew  the  captain  and  cook, 
and  wounded  two  of  the  crew.  The  others  surren 
dered,  and  the  negroes  took  possession  of  the  ship, 
holding  Ruiz  and  Montez  in  subjection,  who  were 
now  obliged  to  obey  the  men  they  had  so  recently 
called  their  "property."  The  crew  and  passengers 
were  sent  on  shore,  and  Ruiz  and  Montez  directed 
to  guide  the  ship  to  Africa,  whence  their  victims  had 
been  torn  by  slave-holding  cupidity.  The  Spaniards, 
however,  took  advantage  of  the  foggy  weather  and 
the  darkness  of  the  night,  and  heading  the  ship  north 
wardly,  came  to  anchor  on  the  coast  of  Connecticut. 
Lieutenant  Gedney,  of  the  schooner  "Washington," 
engaged  on  the  coast-survey,  took  possession  of  the 
"Amistad"  and  cargo,  claiming  salvage  on  the  ne 
groes,  whom  he  regarded  as  "property,"  while  he 
permitted  Montez  and  Ruiz  to  go  at  liberty.  The 
slave-trade  was  thus  brought  home  to  the  shores  of 
New  England  and  unveiled  to  the  public  view;  while 
the  love  of  liberty  exhibited  in  the  heroism  with 
which  these  barbarians  had  obtained  possession  of 
the  ship  seems  to  have  been  totally  unrecognized. 

The  Spanish  minister  demanded  that  these  Afri 
cans  should  be  sent  back  to  Cuba  and  delivered  up  to 
the  authorities  of  that  island,  to  be  punished  for  thus 
regaining  their  freedom;  and  the  President  of  the 
United  States  took  sides  with  the  slave-dealers,  and 
instead  of  setting  the  negroes  free,  ordered  them  to 
be  seized  and  imprisoned  under  the  authority  of  the 
United  States,  at  the  instance  of  the  Spanish  min- 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS.  75 

ister.  The  United  States  district  attorney  accord 
ingly  appeared  on  behalf  of  Montez  and  Ruiz,  as  well 
as  of  the  Spanish  minister,  and  the  proceedings  were 
had  before  the  United  States  District  Court  for  the 
State  of  Connecticut,  while  the  friends  of  the  negroes 
engaged  eminent  counsel  in  their  behalf.  Southern 
politicians  now  became  excited  and  alarmed.  The 
trial  of  this  case  before  any  slave-holding  tribunal 
wTould  have  given  them  no  concern;  but  its  adjudica 
tion  before  a  Connecticut  court  and  jury  was  to  be 
dreaded,  although  the  President  was  anxious  that 
the  court  should  in  some  manner  obtain  a  conviction 
of  the  Africans.  This  he  demonstrated  by  sending 
an  armed  vessel  to  New  Haven,  pending  the  trial, 
with  orders  to  carry  these  Africans  to  Cuba  as  soon 
as  they  should  be  delivered  to  the  captain  on  board, 
sending  secret  directions  at  the  same  time  to  the 
attorney  and  marshal  of  the  district  to  hurry  the 
prisoners  on  board  the  ship  as  rapidly  as  possible 
after  the  decision  of  the  court  against  them,  without 
giving  time  to  their  counsel  or  friends  to  take  an 
appeal.  Mr.  Adams,  in  the  mean  time,  introduced 
resolutions  in  the  House  of  Representatives  calling 
on  the  President  to  inform  Congress  by  what  au 
thority  these  persons,  charged  with  no  crime,  were 
held  in  prison. 

The  knowledge  of  this  transaction  had  now  reached 
the  public  through  the  newspapers  in  every  section 
of  the  Union,  and  the  decision  of  the  court  was 
awaited  with  great  interest  and  anxiety.  After  a 
patient  investigation,  judgment  was  given  in  favor 
of  the  prisoners,  declaring  that  by  the  laws  of  God 
and  man  they  were  free. 

This  decision  disappointed  the  Administration, 
and  the  district  attorney  appealed  to  the  Circuit 


76  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS. 

Court;  but  failing  here,  the  case  was  brought  before 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  and  to  the 
action  of  this  tribunal  the  attention  of  the  whole 
country  was  now  directed.  The  "  Amistad  "  case  in 
all  its  details  thus  became  the  study  of  the  people. 
The  Administration  dealt  with  the  matter  as  a  party 
question,  while  the  opponents  of  slavery  rallied  to 
the  work  of  rescuing  these  imperilled  Africans  from 
the  clutches  of  pirates,  and  saving  the  country  from 
public  disgrace.  The  majority  of  the  judges  on  the 
Supreme  Bench  were  then  slave-holders,  and  Baldwin, 
one  of  the  judges  from  the  Free  States,  was  warmly  in 
sympathy  with  slavery.  With  great  unanimity  the 
anti-slavery  men  of  the  country  turned  to  Mr.  Adams 
as  the  man  to  argue  this  cause  before  the  Supreme 
Court.  Every  one  conceded  his  ability,  but  it  was 
especially  desirable  to  have  his  great  moral  influence 
in  the  argument  of  such  a  cause  before  the  court  and 
the  country.  Notwithstanding  his  great  age  and  the 
burdens  of  his  long  public  service,  he  consented  to 
defend  these  negroes.  He  did  so  with  great  reluc 
tance,  saying,  "  Oh,  how  shall  I  do  justice  to  this 
case  and  to  these  men?"  It  was  a  great  occasion 
and  a  great  opportunity.  The  legislative  branch  of 
the  government  had  become  the  instrument  of  slav 
ery.  The  Executive  had  openly  and  actively  espoused 
the  claim  of  Ruiz  and  Montez,  and  had  even  endeav 
ored  to  deprive  their  victims  of  the  right  to  appeal  to 
this  tribunal.  Giddings  said,  - 

"  The  question  was  one  which  struck  at  the  very  existence  of 
slavery.  Were  these  degraded,  ignorant,  superstitious  heathen 
entitled  to  life  and  liberty  ?  Had  the  Creator  endowed  them 
with  these  prerogatives?  These  questions  constituted  the  mo 
mentous  issue  to  be  tried.  The  court,  clad  in  judicial  robes  ;  the 
distinguished  Attorney-General  and  numerous  members  of  the 
Bar;  Governor  Baldwin,  acting  as  prisoner's  counsel  for  the  Afri- 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  JJ 

cans,  associated  with  Mr.  Adams,  who  had  long  since  left  the 
Presidential  chair  with  the  honors  and  blessings  of  a  nation ;  the 
vast  audience,  the  solemn  bearing  and  dignity  of  the  court  and 
officers,  —  all  conspired  to  render  the  proceeding  one  of  high 
moral  sublimity." 

Mr.  Adams  proved  himself  equal  to  his  work.  The 
great  cause  inspired  him/with  unwonted  strength,  and 
there  was  perfect  silence  during  his  argument  of  eight 
hours'  duration.  His  effort  was  honorable  alike  to  his 
humanity  and  his  patriotism.  He  had  fought  a  good 
fight;  and  when,  after  full  deliberation,  the  court  pro 
nounced  his  clients  legally  free,  the  measure  of  his 
satisfaction  was  complete.  The  decision  was  a  severe 
blow  to  Van  Buren's  Administration  and  to  the  oli 
garchy  he  had  so  crouchingly  served;  but  to  have 
decided  otherwise  would  have  been  a  legal  mon 
strosity, —  it  would  have  been  the  open  espousal  of  a 
traffic  which  the  nation  had  branded  as  piracy.  And 
yet  Charles  J.  Ingersoll,  of  Pennsylvania,  Chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  in  the  House 
of  Representatives,  afterwards  introduced  a  bill  ap 
propriating  seventy  thousand  dollars  for  the  payment 
of  the  piratical  claim  of  Ruiz  and  Montez.  The  bill 
was  accompanied  by  an  elaborate  report;  but  both 
received  their  quietus,  after  a  masterly  speech  by 
Mr.  Giddings,  exposing  the  illegality  and  baseness 
of  the  claim. 

When  the  Twenty-sixth  Congress  met,  on  the  2d 
of  December,  1839,  party  spirit  was  rampant,  party 
lines  were  strictly  drawn,  and  the  caucus  was  king. 
No  member  was  expected  to  avow  any  doctrine  or 
policy  without  its  approval.  The  Democrats  con 
trolled  all  the  departments  of  the  government;  but 
their  ascendency  in  the  House  at  this  session  was 
rendered  uncertain  by  a  contest  of  the  seats  of  five 
members  from  New  Jersey,  who  brought  with  them 


78  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

the  regular  gubernatorial  certificate  of  their  election. 
The  clerk  of  the  House,  according  to  custom,  called 
the  members  to  order  and  began  the  roll-call.  When 
he  reached  New  Jersey,  he  called  the  name  of  one 
member  from  that  State,  and  then  said  there  were 
five  other  seats  which  were  contested,  and  that  not 
feeling  authorized  to  decide  the  dispute,  he  would 
pass  over  the  names  of  the  New  Jersey  members,  and 
proceed  with  the  roll  till  the  House  should  be  organ 
ized,  when  the  question  could  be  decided.  This 
apparent  fairness  was  really  an  unwarranted  assump 
tion  of  power.  It  was  his  sole  business  to  call  the 
names  of  those  persons  who  presented  the  customary 
formal  credentials,  having  no  right  to  take  cognizance 
of  the  fact  that  the  seats  of  such  persons  might  be 
the  subject  of  a  contest.  He  was  undoubtedly  the 
servant  of  his  party  in  this  proceeding,  for  so  evenly 
was  the  House  divided  that  the  admission  or  exclu 
sion  of  these  five  members  in  the  first  instance  would 
determine  the  political  complexion  of  the  body.  The 
members  holding  the  certificates  were  Whigs,  and  if 
the  clerk  could  keep  them  out  until  the  organization  of 
the  House  should  be  completed,  the  Democrats  would 
elect  their  Speaker  and  make  up  the  committees. 

This  proceeding  raised  a  fearful  storm.  The  clerk 
said  he  could  put  no  question,  not  even  of  adjourn 
ment,  till  the  House  should  be  formed,  while  his  own 
election  as  clerk  depended  upon  his  course.  The 
wrangle  continued  till  the  5th  of  December,  and 
threatened  serious  consequences,  but  was  at  last 
ended  by  the  sudden  consent  of  all  parties  that  Mr. 
Adams  should  come  to  their  relief.  He  accordingly 
addressed  the  House,  and  offered  a  resolution  "or 
dering  the  clerk  to  call  the  members  from  New  Jersey 
possessing  the  credentials  from  the  governor  of  that 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA  R.    GIDDINGS.  79 

State."  The  question  was  now  raised:  "How  shall 
the  question  be  put?  "  "  I  intend  to  put  the  question 
myself,"  said  Adams.  Rhett,  of  South  Carolina,  op 
posed  this,  and  offered  a  resolution  that  Williams, 
of  North  Carolina,  be  appointed  chairman  of  the 
meeting;  but  Williams  objected,  and  the  name  of 
Adams  was  substituted.  There  was  nearly  a  uni 
versal  shout  in  the  affirmative,  and  Rhett  and  Wil 
liams  conducted  Adams  to  the  chair.  His  service 
was  difficult  and  stormy,  and  did  not  terminate  till 
the  i6th  of  December,  when  Hunter,  of  Virginia, 
was  chosen  Speaker. 

This  incident  fairly  indicates  the  spirit  in  which 
both  parties  entered  upon  the  work  of  this  session, 
and  the  reason  why  the  question  of  slavery  was  less 
engrossing  than  during  the  previous  Congress.  Party 
was  paramount  in  all  things.  The  Presidential  elec 
tion  was  approaching,  and  members  of  both  parties 
had  an  eye  single  to  the  struggle.  On  the  subject  of 
slavery  the  South  acted  as  a  unit,  while  Northern 
members  of  both  parties  deferred  to  their  Southern 
brethren,  who  thus  ruled  their  respective  organiza 
tions.  Mr.  Adams  was  nominally  a  Whig,  but  in 
fact  an  Independent.  Mr.  Slade,  of  Vermont,  was 
a  Whig,  had  held  office  in  the  State  Department 
during  the  Administration  of  Adams,  and  was  an 
ardent  supporter  of  his  party;  but  he  was  an  anti- 
slavery  man  from  conviction,  and  generally  a  follower 
of  Adams.  Giddings  had  served  only  one  session, 
and  was  regarded  as  a  Whig  of  doubtful  character, 
on  account  of  his  anti-slavery  action.  Another  mem 
ber  now  entered  Congress  as  an  avowed  supporter  of 
human  rights.  This  was  Seth  M.  Gates,  of  Genesee 
County,  New  York,  a  lawyer  of  reputation,  of  high 
moral  character,  and  an  unflinching  supporter  of 


80  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS. 

what  he  believed  to  be  right.  These  four  members 
stood  aloof  from  political  parties  when  subjects  in 
volving  moral  principle  or  the  rights  of  humanity 
were  in  issue.  Many  Northern  Whigs  sympathized 
with  them,  but  none  were  ready  to  sustain  them  at 
the  sacrifice  of  party  allegiance. 

At  no  time  in  the  history  of  the  government  had 
the  supremacy  of  slavery  been  so  unquestioned  as 
during  this  first  session  of  the  Twenty-sixth  Con 
gress.  As  soon  as  the  committees  of  the  House 
were  announced,  Mr.  Wise  moved  a  resolution  de 
claring  that  whenever  any  petition,  resolution,  or 
paper  should  be  presented  touching  the  abolition  of 
slavery  or  the  slave-trade  in  the  District  of  Colum 
bia  or  in  the  Territories  of  the  United  States,  the 
question  of  reception  should  be  made,  and  that  ques 
tion  laid  on  the  table.  This  resolution  was  adopted 
by  the  House,  and  the  right  of  petition  and  freedom 
of  debate  on  the  subject  of  slavery  thus  again  sup 
pressed.  The  Democrats  charged  the  Whigs  with 
favoring  Abolitionism ;  and  to  counteract  these  efforts 
Mr.  Clay  again  addressed  the  Senate  on  the  subject 
in  defence  of  his  party  against  this  charge,  and  was 
again  complimented  by  Calhoun.  In  the  Florida 
War,  which  was  then  in  progress,  bloodhounds  from 
Cuba  had  been  imported  and  employed  by  the  Gov 
ernment  in  the  work  of  capturing  fugitive  Indians 
and  slaves.  The  Whigs  denounced  this,  in  the  hope 
of  making  party  capital  out  of  it,  but  not  upon  anti- 
slavery  grounds.  Garrett  Davis  of  Kentucky  offered 
resolutions  calling  on  the  Executive  to  open  negotia 
tions  with  the  British  Government,  and  if  possible 
obtain  a  treaty  by  which  fugitive  slaves  should  be 
surrendered,  or  their  value  paid  to  the  master  by  the 
Government  of  England.  The  domestic  slave-trade 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GID DINGS.  8 1 

was  becoming  more  profitable,  and  the  vigilance  of 
Mr.  Calhoun  was  now  shown  in  a  case  which  invites 
particular  attention  in  following  the  march  of  the 
slaveocracy  towards  supremacy. 

A  ship  called  the  "Enterprise,"  built  for  the  trans 
portation  of  slaves  from  the  District  of  Columbia  to 
New  Orleans  and  other  ports  far  south,  cleared  from 
the  port  of  Alexandria  on  the  22d  of  January,  1835, 
for  the  port  of  Charleston,  with  a  cargo  of  slaves 
collected  principally  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 
Encountering  severe  storms,  she  was  driven  out  of 
her  course,  and  having  suffered  severely  in  her  rig 
ging,  put  into  Port  Hamilton,  Bermuda,  for  repairs. 
According  to  the  law  of  nations,  the  jurisdiction  of 
every  independent  government  is  co-extensive  with 
its  own  territory,  and  reaches  a  marine  league  into 
the  sea.  If  a  ship  comes  into  the  port  of  another 
nation  she  is  boarded  by  the  health-officer  of  the  port 
long  before  reaching  the  shore;  licensed  pilots  and 
revenue  officers  enter  on  board,  call  for  bills  of 
health,  manifests,  and  information  as  to  her  cargo. 
The  persons  on  board  are  amenable  to  the  local 
laws.  And  such  was  the  case  with  the  slaves  on 
board  the  "  Enterprise  "  when  they  entered  Port 
Hamilton.  They  were  no  longer  subject  to  the 
local  law  of  slavery,  but  under  the  protection  of 
British  laws,  and  were  therefore  free.  The  captain 
demanded  of  the  local  authorities  their  help  in  hold 
ing  them  in  bondage;  but  as  British  laws  recog 
nized  no  such  distinction  as  master  and  slave,  no 
such  help  could  be  granted. 

The  slave-merchants  returned  to  Washington  and 
laid  their  complaints  before  General  Jackson,  who  at 
once  espoused  their  cause  and  demanded  of  the  Brit 
ish  Government  compensation  for  the  loss.  To  this 

6 


82  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

demand  the  British  minister  replied  that  by  the  law 
of  nations  the  ship,  on  entering  Port  Hamilton,  be 
came  subject  to  British  laws,  and  that  there  was  in 
that  port  no  law  of  slavery,  and  no  British  officer 
could  recognize  the  right  of  one  man  to  hold  another 
as  property.  Smarting  under  this  fling  at  the  bar 
barism  of  slavery,  Calhoun  presented  to  the  Senate 
three  propositions,  declaratory,  as  he  said,  of  the 
law  of  nations. 

The  first  asserted  that  "  a  ship  or  vessel  on  the  high 
seas  in  time  of  peace,  engaged  in  a  lawful  voyage,  is, 
by  the  law  of  nations,  under  the  exclusive  jurisdic 
tion  of  the  State  to  which  her  flag  belongs." 

The  second  declared  that  "  should  such  a  ship  be 
forced,  by  stress  of  weather  or  other  unavoidable  acci 
dent,  into  a  friendly  port,  she  would  lose  none  of  her 
rights  pertaining  to  her  on  the  high  seas.  On  the 
contrary,  she  and  her  cargo,  and  the  persons  on  board, 
with  their  property,  and  all  the  rights  belonging  to 
their  personal  relations  as  established  by  the  laws  of 
the  State  to  which  they  belong,  would  be  under  the 
protection  which  the  law  of  nations  extends  to  the 
unfortunate  under  such  circumstances." 

The  third  asserted  that  "the  brig  'Enterprise,' 
which  was  unavoidably  forced  by  stress  of  weather 
into  Port  Hamilton,  Bermuda,  while  on  a  lawful 
voyage  on  the  high  seas  from  one  port  of  the  United 
States  to  another,  comes  within  the  principles  of  the 
foregoing  resolution,  and  that  the  seizure  and  deten 
tion  of  the  negroes  by  the  local  authorities  of  that 
island  was  an  act  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  nations, 
and  highly  unjust  to  our  citizens,  to  whom  they 
belonged." 

These  propositions  were  briefly  debated,  and  then 
referred  to  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs;  and 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   JR.   G  ID  DINGS.  83 

in  a  few  days  reported  back  favorably,  with  slight 
amendments,  by  Mr.  Buchanan.  The  report  says, 
among  other  things,  that  "  wherever  the  flag  goes,  the 
country  is.  In  whatever  distant  seas  or  foreign  ports, 
wherever  the  national  flag  floats,  there  is  the  nation." 
This  was  a  deliberate  attempt  to  change  the  law 
of  nations  by  resolution  of  the  Senate,  and  the  de 
clared  purpose  was  to  nationalize  an  institution  local 
to  the  States  in  which  it  existed,  and  borrowing  its 
life  from  State  laws.  The  resolutions  were  advo 
cated  by  Calhoun,  Clay,  and  Benton,  who  spoke  of 
the  claims  of  slavery  in  tones  of  injured  innocence, 
and  with  an  assumption  which  fairly  implied  that 
these  novel  and  revolutionary  doctrines  were  self- 
evident  truths.  They  were  opposed  only  by  Mr. 
Porter,  of  Michigan,  who  had  just  taken  his  seat  in 
the  Senate.  He  was  a  lawyer  by  profession,  and  a 
man  of  character,  but  had  attained  no  distinction  as 
a  statesman.  He  spoke  well,  but  timidly,  as  if  con 
scious  that  he  stood  alone,  and  suspected  the  sound 
ness  of  his  own  opinions  in  confronting  the  united 
wisdom  of  so  many  eminent  men.  He  moved  to  lay 
the  resolutions  on  the  table,  and  he  alone  voted  for 
the  motion,  while  every  Senator  from  the  Slave  States, 
and  Messrs.  Allen  and  Tappan,  of  Ohio;  Buchanan 
and  Sturgeon,  of  Pennsylvania;  Dixon,  of  Rhode 
Island;  Hubbard  and  Pierce,  of  New  Hampshire; 
Robinson  and  Young,  of  Illinois;  Williams  and 
Powell,  of  Maine,  voted  with  the  slave-holders;  and 
Webster  and  Davis,  of  Massachusetts;  Southard  and 
Wall,  of  New  Jersey;  Wright  and  Tallmage,  of  New 
York;  Ruggles,  of  Maine;  Smith  and  White,  of 
Indiana;  and  Knight,  of  Rhode  Island,  declined 
voting.  The  Senate  was  divided  as  follows :  for  the 
resolutions,  33;  against  them,  i;  neither  for  nor 


84  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA  R.    GIDDINGS. 

against  them,  10,  with  one  vacancy  and  five  absent. 
The  resolutions  were  then  adopted  by  33  yeas,  none 
voting  in  the  negative. 

Such  was  the  humiliating  record  made  by  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States  on  the  I5th  of  April, 
1840.  It  will  be  read  with  amazement  by  coming 
generations.  If  any  legal  principle  could  then  be 
regarded  as  absolutely  settled, —  settled  by  the  law 
of  nations,  the  common  law,  and  the  whole  current 
of  English  and  American  decisions, —  it  was  that 
slavery  is  the  creature  of  positive  law,  and  is  confined 
to  the  territorial  jurisdiction  in  which  it  exists.  But 
the  habit  of  submission  to  its  demands  had  become 
so  chronic,  and  it  had  so  long  fed  upon  the  virtue  of 
our  public  men,  that  the  Senate,  without  one  dis 
senting  vote,  repudiated  this  principle.  But  there 
were  men  in  the  lower  branch  of  Congress  who  re 
fused  to  wear  the  shackles  of  slavery,  and  did  not 
spare  the  wretched  sophistry  of  these  Senate  resolu 
tions.  In  the  admirable  speech  of  Giddings  already 
referred  to,  he  thus  deals  with  the  logic  of  Calhoun 
and  his  retainers:  — 

"  By  the  laws  of  Cuba  the  master  may  flog  his  slave,  may  sell 
him.  Would  the  authorities  of  New  York  look  on  and  see  a 
Spanish  slave-holder  flog  his  slaves,  or  commit  violence  upon 
them  ?  Would  they  listen  to  the  shrieks  of  the  slave  in  such  a 
case,  and  remain  silent?  Is  New  York  liable  to  be  converted 
into  a  slave-market  in  that  way  ?  If  the  slave  resist  the  violence 
of  the  master  in  Cuba,  the  master  may  shoot  him  down.  If  he 
do  it  at  the  wharf  in  New  York,  would  the  people  there  look  on, 
with  their  arms  folded,  saying,  '  It  is  done  under  the  Spanish 
laws  ; '  or  would  they  say,  in  the  words  of  this  report,  '  The  act 
was  committed  in  Spain,  for  Spain  is  at  our  wharf? 

"  Agreeably  to  this  doctrine,  a  Brazilian  slave-ship  fastens  to  a 
wharf  in  New  York.  The  people  of  that  city  go  on  board,  find 
the  decks  stowed  full  of  emaciated,  starving  Africans,  suffering 
all  the  horrors  incident  to  that  disgusting  traffic.  Those  who 
appear  too  far  gone  to  be  regarded  as  profitable  stock  are  thrown 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  85 

overboard  while  yet  in  life  ;  those  who  exhibit  signs  of  discontent 
are  flogged ;  and  those  who  resist  are  shot  down,  or  murdered 
with  a  bowie-knife  or  cutlass.  This  is  all  done  at  the  wharf,  in 
plain  view  of  the  people.  But  the  Brazilian  flag  floats  at  the 
mast.  Brazil  is  there,  and  Brazilian  laws  are  in  force,  and  the 
people  must  permit  these  much-abused  slave-dealers  to  be  guided 
by  their  own  sense  of  justice. 

"  Sir,  suppose  a  slave-ship  from  South  Carolina,  or  any  other 
sister  State,  were  to  enter  the  port  of  Boston,  from  stress  of 
weather,  would  the  laws  of  Massachusetts  lend  their  protection 
to  the  slave-dealers  ?  If  the  slaves  should  rise  in  a  body  and 
come  on  shore  in  pursuit  of  their  freedom,  would  the  officers  of 
that  State,  or  the  people  of  Boston,  be  bound  to  pursue  such  fugi 
tives  through  the  streets  of  that  city  ?  Or,  if  in  pursuit  of  freedom 
they  were  to  seek  sanctuary  in  Faneuil  Hall,  that  old  cradle  of 
liberty,  would  the  good  people  of  that  patriotic  Commonwealth 
seize  them  and  drag  them  forth,  replace  them  on  board  the  slave- 
ships,  and  deliver  them  over  to  the  tender  mercies  of  piratical 
dealers  in  human  flesh  ?  If  they  were  to  lend  their  protection  to 
the  personal  relations  of  those  on  board,  as  established  by  the 
laws  of  South  Carolina,  they  must  do  this  ;  yet  I  cannot  believe 
that  any  slave-holding  Senator,  who  gave  his  vote  in  favor  of  these 
resolutions,  would  advocate  such  doctrine  before  the  country. 
Nor  do  I  believe  that  any  Northern  Senator,  who  sat  in  silence 
when  that  vote  was  taken,  would  now  publicly  admit  the  correct 
ness  of  such  doctrines.  It  was  a  most  unfortunate  attempt  of 
the  Senate  to  change  the  law  of  nations.  They  overstepped 
the  bounds  of  their  power  and  of  their  influence.  They  will  re 
gret  the  vote.  Their  descendants,  in  coming  time,  will  blush 
when  they  read  the  record  of  that  act." 

The  Harrison  campaign  of  1840  was  chiefly  remark 
able  for  its  indescribable  drollery  and  grotesqueness. 
Its  talisman  was  "hard  times"  and  "hard  cider,"  and 
its  rallying  cry  "Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too."  It  was 
a  huge  national  frolic.  The  Whig  candidate,  sin 
gularly  enough,  was  not  a  Whig,  but  was  nominated 
solely  on  the  ground  of  his  availability.  His  fol 
lowers  avowed  no  principles  whatever,  and  they  ten 
dered  but  one  issue,  and  that  was  the  necessity  for 
a  change  of  the  national  administration.  The  de 
mand  for  this  change  was  well  founded,  for  the  spoils 


86  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

system,  inaugurated  by  Jackson,  was  completely  in 
the  ascendant,  and  the  corruptions  and  defalcations 
of  Van  Buren's  Administration  called  loudly  for  re 
form.  But  the  mistake  of  the  Whigs  was  in  assum 
ing  that  a  change  would  be  equivalent  to  a  cure,  thus 
begging  the  very  question  on  which  some  satisfactory 
assurance  was  required.  They  did  not  perceive  that 
a  mere  change  of  men,  without  any  change  of  sys 
tem,  would  be  fruitless,  and  that  the  superior  virtue 
and  patriotism  of  the  Whigs  could  not  be  taken  for 
granted.  But  the  cry  of  "  hard  times  "  had  a  won 
derful  potency,  while  the  working-classes  were  con 
stantly  comforted  by  the  promise  of  "two  dollars  a 
day  and  roast  beef,"  if  Harrison  should  be  elected. 

In  the  political  whirlwind  which  swept  over  the 
country  during  this  struggle,  the  question  of  slavery 
had  little  chance  to  be  heard;  and  yet  the  logic  of 
the  situation  called  for  the  organized  political  action 
of  anti-slavery  men  against  the  candidates  of  both 
parties,  who  were  alike  untrustworthy.  Van  Buren,  as 
we  have  seen,  had  attempted  to  shelter  the  slave-trade 
under  the  national  flag.  He  had  taken  sides  with  the 
enemies  of  the  right  of  petition  and  the  freedom  of 
debate,  in  order  to  conciliate  the  South.  He  had 
stood  by  Jackson  in  his  lawless  interference  with  the 
mails  at  the  bidding  of  slave-holders.  He  had  fairly 
illustrated  his  character  as  "a  Northern  man  with 
Southern  principles." 

General  Harrison,  on  the  other  hand,  was  a  pro- 
slavery  Virginian.  While  Governor  of  Indiana  Ter 
ritory,  he  had  repeatedly  sought  the  introduction  of 
slavery  into  that  region  through  the  suspension  of  the 
ordinance  of  1787.  He  had  joined  hands  with  the 
South  in  1820  on  the  Missouri  question.  He  had  no 
sympathy  with  the  struggle  of  Adams  and  his  asso- 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GID DINGS.  8/ 

elates  against  the  gag  and  for  the  right  of  petition, 
and  regarded  the  discussion  of  the  slavery  question 
as  unconstitutional.  He  had  declared  that  "the 
schemes  of  the  Abolitionists  were  fraught  with  hor 
rors  upon  which  an  incarnate  devil  only  could  look 
with  approbation." 

With  such  candidates  it  was  easy  to  see  why  well- 
informed  anti-slavery  men  could  not  support  them, 
and  why  they  should  insist  upon  inaugurating  the 
movement  which  was  finally  to  triumph  at  the  ballot- 
box.  Indeed,  political  action  against  slavery  had 
been  clearly  contemplated  and  provided  for  by  the 
American  Anti-slavery  Society  at  its  historic  con 
vention  in  Philadelphia,  in  December,  1833.  Its 
platform  declared  that  Congress  "  is  solemnly  bound 
to  suppress  the  domestic  slave-trade  between  the 
several  States,  and  to  abolish  slavery  in  those  por 
tions  of  our  territory  which  the  Constitution  has 
placed  under  its  exclusive  jurisdiction."  Of  course 
this  would  require  the  agencies  of  politics. 

But  the  anti-slavery  men  of  the  country  now  di 
vided  upon  the  question  of  forming  a  political  anti- 
slavery  party.  A  large  division  of  them,  under  the 
lead  of  Mr.  Garrison,  argued  that  such  a  party  would 
compromise  the  moral  power  of  the  cause  by  entan 
gling  it  with  the  evils  of  place-seeking  and  demagog- 
ism.  The  reply  to  this  argument  was  that  it  proved 
too  much.  The  logic  of  it  condemned  popular  gov 
ernment  itself,  and  thus  sought  to  cure  the  vices  of 
politics  by  abjuring  political  action  altogether.  It 
was  further  urged  that  moral  power  alone  could  not 
destroy  slavery,  and  that  other  and  diverse  agencies 
were  necessary,  including  the  use  of  the  ballot  both 
as  a  duty  and  a  necessity.  If  existing  parties  de 
clined  this  duty,  a  third  party  seemed  to  be  the  only 


88  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.  G  ID  DINGS. 

alternative,  and  could  not  be  disowned  on  the  plea 
that  it  would  fall  under  the  control  of  political  mer 
cenaries.  It  was  an  absurdity  to  suppose  that  in  a 
government  carried  on  by  the  ballot,  slavery  could 
be  destroyed  without  political  action. 

The  voting  Abolitionists,  accordingly,  nominated 
for  the  Presidency  Hon.  James  G.  Birney,  of  Ken 
tucky,  a  lawyer  and  a  man  of  high  moral  character, 
who  had  emancipated  his  own  bondmen,  and  openly 
avowed  his  hostility  to  the  institution.  There  was, 
however,  some  disagreement  respecting  the  timeli 
ness  of  this  nomination.  A  considerable  number 
divided  their  votes  between  the  regular  candidates, 
the  greater  portion  giving  their  support  to  General 
Harrison.  This  is  explained  by  the  fact  that  the 
record  of  the  party  candidates  was  not  then  under 
stood  as  it  is  to-day,  and  that  the  overshadowing 
power  of  slavery  strangely  darkened  the  minds  of 
men.  The  issue  of  slavery  was  a  new  one  in  our 
politics,  and  anti-slavery  men  themselves  were  often 
obliged  to  grope  their  way  in  the  bewilderment  of 
the  times.  The  situation  was  fairly  indicated  by 
two  letters  to  Giddings  from  prominent  and  repre 
sentative  anti-slavery  men  belonging  to  different  sec 
tions  of  the  Union.  The  first  is  from  Dr.  Gamaliel 
Bailey,  editor  of  the  "Philanthropist,"  at  Cincinnati, 
and  better  known  afterwards  as  the  editor  and  pub 
lisher  of  the  "National  Era"  at  Washington,  D.  C. 
He  was  singularly  well  informed,  conscientious,  and 
clear-sighted,  and  few  men  rendered  more  effective 
service  to  the  anti-slavery  cause  than  did  he  during 
his  labors  of  more  than  forty  years.  His  lettter  is 
dated  Jan.  15,  1840,  in  which  he  says, — 

"  Much  anxiety  is  expressed  respecting  the  course  we  may 
think  proper  to  take  in  regard  to  the  nomination  of  General  Har- 


THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS.  89 

rison.  So  far  I  have  kept  silence ;  but  I  shall  be  compelled,  I  fore 
see,  to  say  something.  I  think,  on  the  whole,  a  tolerably  fair  case 
may  be  made  out  for  the  General.  I  had  the  pleasure  of  a  visit 
from  him  the  other  day.  He  was  in  fine  health  and  good  spirits. 
I  am  inclined  to  think  a  defeat  would  not  break  his  heart.  He 
seems  to  be  fully  aware  that  the  action  of  Abolitionists  may  to  a 
great  extent  determine  the  result  of  the  election.  The  interview, 
on  the  whole,  made  an  impression  on  me  favorable  to  the  Gen 
eral's  views  on  the  great  question  of  human  rights.  I  hardly 
think  that  he  would  suffer  himself,  if  elected,  to  be  used  by  the 
slaveholding  interest.  However,  he  would  require  good  advisers. 
"  As  to  the  project  of  a  separate  political  party,  I  think  it  will 
fail.  Myron  Holley's  paper  has  been  discontinued  for  want  of 
support ;  so  that  the  only  papers  now  which  advocate  the  measure 
are  the  '  Emancipator'  and  '  Massachusetts  Abolitionist.'  Lewis 
Tappan  wrote  to  me  that  my  article  on  the  subject  had  given 
general  satisfaction  in  New  York.  ...  I  hope  you  will  continue 
to  furnish  me  with  everything  interesting  connected  with  our 
cause." 

This  letter,  like  the  one  from  General  Harrison,  of 
December,  1838,  already  quoted,  reveals  a  strong  dis 
position  on  his  part  to  make  fair  weather  with  the 
Abolitionists,  notwithstanding  his  intense  hostility  to 
their  principles.  He  seems  to  have  been  conquering 
his  prejudices,  while  at  the  same  time  conquering 
the  prejudices  of  Dr.  Bailey. 

The  other  letter  is  from  Lewis  Tappan,  of  New 
York,  and  dated  Feb.  17,  1840.  As  a  pioneer  and 
leader  in  the  anti-slavery  cause  he  was  quite  as 
well  known  as  Dr.  Bailey,  and  his  equal  in  sagacity, 
courage,  and  fidelity  to  principle.  He  was  a  mem 
ber  of  the  executive  committee  of  the  American  Anti- 
slavery  Society,  of  which  his  brother,  Arthur  Tappan, 
was  the  first  president.  Among  other  things,  he 
says,— 

"  It  is  quite  possible  the  Abolitionists  are  inattentive  to  some 
of  the  signs  of  the  times.  They  know  well  that  Mr.  Van  Buren 
has  pledged  himself  to  the  pro-slavery  side  of  the  question,  and 
that  the  leading  supporters  of  his  Administration  act  in  accordance 
with  his  base  subserviency  to  the  South.  He  acts  upon  the 


90  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   P.    GIDDINGS. 

principle,  many  years  ago  avowed,  that,  by  uniting  the  Democ 
racy  of  the  South  with  the  Democracy  of  the  North,  or  a  portion 
of  both,  he  could  maintain  his  ascendency.  The  largest  portion 
of  his  party,  including  some  who  have  professed  to  be  Aboli 
tionists,  are  base  enough  to  imitate  him.  This  is  one  sign.  An 
other  is  that  the  Whigs,  though  professing  to  be  the  friends  of 
freedom  of  discussion,  the  right  of  petition,  the  cause  of  universal 
liberty,  yet  will  not  jeopard  the  principles  of  their  party  when 
they  and  abolition  come  in  collision.  The  Whigs,  it  is  true,  op 
posed  Johnson's  execrable  resolution,  and  so  have  the  Van  Buren 
men  in  the  Legislature  of  this  State  ;  their  constituents  forced 
them  to  do  it.  But,  my  dear  sir,  if  the  Whigs  are  resolute  for 
human  rights,  why  did  they  nominate  for  President  General  Har 
rison,  who  has  declared  his  opposition  to  such  principles  in  un 
equivocal  language  ?  Why  have  they  not  rebuked  Mr.  Monroe, 
of  this  city,  for  his  infamous  speech  on  abolition?  Why  has 
Mr.  Clay  been  suffered  to  denounce  the  friends  of  human  rights 
in  his  place  unrebuked  ?  Why  have  Webster  and  Davis  been 
dumb  when  liberty  has  been  cloven  down  in  the  Senate  ?  In  a 
word,  why  has  not  the  Whig  party  come  out  manfully  in  favor  of 
the  anti-slavery  cause,  sink  or  swim  ?  Oh,  it  is  because  they  exe 
crate  the  cause,  —  that  is,  many  of  the  leading  papers  and  poli 
ticians.  Look  at  the  leading  Whig  papers  in  this  city,  for  example. 
I  have  no  more  confidence  in  one  party  than  in  another  on  this 
question,  although  I  acknowledge  that  the  Whigs  have  been 
more  friendly  to  us  than  the  Van  Buren  men.  If  the  union  of 
the  North  on  this  subject  is  inevitable,  as  you  think,  why  do  not 
the  leading  men  of  the  party  openly  and  fearlessly  announce  the 
fact?  If  they  do  not  speedily,  a  new  political  party  will  be 
formed,  and  that  soon.  I  have  done  all  I  could  to  prevent  it ; 
but  the  tendency  that  way  is  strong,  and  perhaps  irresistible.  I 
fully  believe  that  if  the  Whigs  should  honestly  and  courageously 
take  this  ground,  they  would  have  great  accessions ;  but  if  they 
do  not,  they  are  ruined. 

"  I  have  thus  very  hastily  given  you  my  views,  as  you  desired. 
It  is  a  long  time  since  I  have  been  in  the  harness  of  party,  and 
perhaps  you  may  think  I  reason  very  foolishly.  But  I  trust  they 
are  the  reflections  of  an  honest  man,  —  one  who  is  straightforward  ; 
for  principles  rather  than  men ;  for  moral  principles  at  all  hazards, 
and  for  considering  all  other  questions  as  subsidiary.  If  slavery 
continues,  we  are  a  ruined  people.  Destroy  that,  and  there  is 
some  chance  that  we  shall  be  a  righteous  and  happy  people." 

It  is  not  surprising  that  the  votes  of  anti-slavery 
men  throughout  the  country  were  divided  and  scat- 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS.  91 

tered  in  this  canvass,  when  their  leaders  were  unable 
to  agree.  It  was  a  season  of  political  chaos,  pro 
phetic  of  new  formations  out  of  which  the  truth  was 
slowly  to  be  evolved.  This  correspondence  shows 
that  Giddings  was  seriously  considering  the  question 
of  duty  in  the  excitement  and  uproar  of  this  memor 
able  canvass;  but,  like  his  anti-slavery  colleagues  in 
the  House,  and  the  great  body  of  his  Whig  constitu 
ents,  he  gave  his  support  to  General  Harrison,  who 
was  elected  by  an  overwhelming  majority,  and  whose 
attitude  towards  the  anti-slavery  men,  with  whom  he 
had  been  holding  dalliance,  was  soon  to  be  tested. 
Mr.  Birney  received  only  seven  thousand  votes.  It 
was  a  small  beginning,  but  it  filled  the  slaveholders 
with  alarm.  They  saw  that  it  inaugurated  abolition 
ism  as  a  working  force  in  our  politics,  and  that  it  had 
come  to  stay ;  and  whatever  may  be  said  in  criticism 
of  the  mistakes  or  shortcomings  of  the  Liberty  party, 
or  of  the  larger  parties  which  succeeded  it,  the  preg 
nant  fact  remains  that  the  steadily  growing  power 
of  organized  political  action  at  last  drove  the  slave 
oligarchy  into  the  madness  of  rebellion  and  self- 
destruction. 

The  second  session  of  the  Twenty-sixth  Congress 
assembled  under  novel  circumstances.  The  Demo 
crats,  who  had  long  been  in  power,  were  soon  to 
retire,  and  the  responsibilities  of  the  government 
were  to  devolve  upon  the  Whigs.  The  question  of 
slavery  had  not  been  an  issue  in  the  late  national 
struggle,  but  there  was  still  some  feeling  of  curiosity 
as  to  the  position  which  the  incoming  President 
might  choose  to  occupy.  Mr.  Adams,  on  the  first 
day  of  the  session,  gave  notice  of  his  intention  to 
move  a  repeal  of  the  "gag  resolution,"  which  was 
now  known  as  the  2ist  rule  of  the  House;  but  this 


92  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS. 

was  not  accomplished.  The  continued  suppression 
of  the  freedom  of  debate  was  keenly  felt  by  Giddings 
and  his  associates  during  this  session,  and  on  Feb. 
8,  1841,  he  proposed  to  test  the  extent  to  which  they 
would  be  permitted  to  discuss  subjects  collaterally 
involving  the  question  of  slavery.  He  selected  the 
Florida  War  as  his  subject,  and  so  prepared  his  re 
marks  as  to  give  them  a  direct  bearing  upon  a  bill 
just  introduced  by  Mr.  Thompson  of  South  Carolina, 
appropriating  one  hundred  thousand  dollars  for  the 
removal  of  certain  Seminole  chiefs  and  warriors  west 
of  the  Mississippi. 

Giddings  obtained  the  floor  after  Thompson  had 
spoken,  and  at  once  proceeded  to  develop  the  cause 
of  the  war,  and  the  object  of  its  continuance.  He 
quoted  the  authority  of  Mr.  Thompson,  the  Indian 
agent,  to  show  that  the  Seminoles  refused  to  go  west, 
lest  the  negroes,  who  had  so  long  resided  with  them, 
should  be  seized  and  enslaved  by  the  Creeks;  that 
the  object  of  constraining  the  Seminoles  to  emigrate 
was  to  enslave  them ;  and  that  to  effect  this  piratical 
object  the  nation  had  been  plunged  into  war.  He  de 
nied  that  the  Government  was  endeavoring  to  remove 
these  Indians  for  the  purpose  of  occupying  their  lands, 
and  quoted  the  authority  of  General  Jessup  for  the 
statement  that  "these  lands  would  not  pay  for  the 
medicines  used  by  our  troops  while  employed  against 
the  Indians." 

These  facts  had  never  before  been  brought  to  the 
attention  of  the  public,  and  they  were  very  offen 
sive  to  Southern  members.  Mr.  Warren  of  Georgia 
called  Giddings  to  order;  but  the  chairman,  Mr. 
Clifford,  a  Democrat  from  Maine,  declared  the  re 
marks  to  be  strictly  in  order.  This  gave  him  confi 
dence,  and  Mr.  Adams  showed  his  interest  in  the 


THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  93 

discussion  by  leaving  his  seat  and  taking  a  position 
in  front  of  the  clerk's  desk,  where  he  watched  every 
movement  of  Southern  members,  now  gathered  around 
Giddings,  who  proceeded  to  read  further  documents 
sustaining  his  position  that  the  Florida  War  had 
been  waged  by  the  Government  to  aid  the  slave 
holders  in  the  capture  of  runaway  slaves,  and  for 
the  enslavement  of  Indians  and  negroes  who  were 
free.  He  showed  that  a  large  portion  of  the  fugi 
tives  from  Georgia,  who  fled  prior  to  1802,  inter 
married  with  the  Seminoles,  or  Southern  Creek 
Indians,  and  that  the  Government,  by  treaty  in  1821, 
compelled  the  Creeks  to  pay  for  these  fugitives;  that 
the  Creeks,  supposing  they  had  thus  acquired  a  good 
title  to  them  from  the  United  States,  claimed  the 
wives  and  children  of  the  Seminoles,  who,  however, 
finally  refused  to  remove  west,  preferring  to  remain 
and  fight  the  whites  rather  than  hazard  the  loss  of 
their  wives  and  children  by  becoming  again  incor 
porated  with  the  Creeks;  and  that  the  interests  of 
the  Florida  slaveholders  required  that  the  Seminoles 
should  be  compelled  to  emigrate,  which  the  United 
States  undertook  to  accomplish.  He  further  proved, 
by  official  documents,  that  $141,000,  which  rightfully 
belonged  to  the  Indians,  was  paid  to  the  slaveholders 
by  the  Government  as  compensation  for  the  children  of 
fugitive  slaves  who  would  have  been  born  to  their 
masters  if  their  parents  had  remained  in  servitude. 

Mr.  Habersham  of  Georgia  called  him  to  order, 
on  the  ground  that  his  remarks  were  not  relevant  to 
the  bill.  Giddings  explained  that  he  had  no  inten 
tion  of  discussing  the  question  of  slavery;  that  he 
did  not  expect  to  examine  its  merits  or  demerits,  nor 
even  to  pronounce  it  right  or  wrong;  and  that  he  only 
intended  to  show  that  it  constituted  the  cause  of  the 


94  THE  LIFE    OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

Florida  War,  while  neither  Congress  nor  the  Federal 
Government  had  any  authority  under  the  Constitu 
tion  to  involve  the  people  of  the  nation  in  a  bloody 
war  to  support  the  institution. 

He  then  read  reports  of  the  Indian  agent  to  show 
that  persons  residing  with  the  Seminoles,  though 
born  free,  had  been  seized  and  enslaved  by  desperate 
men  from  Columbus,  Georgia;  that  a  number  of 
men,  headed  by  one  Douglass,  who  kept  a  pack  of 
bloodhounds,  had  invaded  the  Indian  plantation, 
seized  whole  families  of  free  colored  persons,  car 
ried  them  to  Georgia,  and  sold  them  as  slaves.  In 
reference  to  this  he  said,  - 

"  Our  army  was  put  in  motion  to  capture  negroes  and  slaves. 
Our  officers  and  soldiers  became  slave-catchers,  companions  of 
the  most  degraded  class  of  human  beings  who  disgrace  that 
slave-cursed  region.  With  the  assistance  of  bloodhounds  they 
tracked  the  flying  bondman  over  hill  and  dale,  through  swamp 
and  everglade,  until  his  weary  limbs  could  sustain  him  no  longer. 
Then  they  seized  him,  and  for  the  bounty  of  twenty  dollars  he 
was  usually  delivered  over  to  the  first  white  man  who  claimed 
him.  Our  troops  became  expert  in  this  business  of  hunting  and 
enslaving  mankind.  I  doubt  whether  the  Spanish  pirates,  en 
gaged  in  the  same  employment  on  the  African  coast,  are  more 
perfect  masters  of  their  vocation.  Nor  was  our  army  alone 
engaged  in  this  war  upon  human  rights.  They  merely  followed 
the  example  of  a  class  of  land-pirates  who  are  ever  ready  to  rob 
or  murder  when  they  can  do  so  with  impunity." 

Giddings  proceeded  to  show  by  documentary  evi 
dence  that  the  people  of  Florida  understood  the  great 
object  of  the  war  to  be  the  capture  of  fugitive  slaves, 
and  that  the  Government  had  lent  itself  to  their  ser 
vices.  He  quoted  an  order  issued  by  General  Jessup 
declaring  that  "all  Indian  property  captured  from 
this  date  will  belong  to  the  corps  or  detachment 
making  it,"  and  showed  by  a  letter  from  the  gen 
eral,  written  a  few  days  later,  that  the  word  "prop 
erty,"  as  used  in  said  order,  meant  "negroes,  cattle, 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  95 

and  horses."     This  order  bears  date  Aug.  3,  1837.    In 
reference  to  it  Giddings  said,  - 

"  I  think  that  history  will  record  this  as  the  first  general  order 
issued  by  the  commander  of  an  American  army  in  which  the 
catching  of  slaves  is  held  out  as  an  incentive  to  military  duty. 
I  mention  this  fact,  and  bring  it  to  the  consideration  of  the 
committee,  with  feelings  of  deep  mortification.  As  an  Ameri 
can  I  feel  humbled  at  this  act,  which  cannot  be  viewed  by  the 
civilized  world  otherwise  than  as  dishonorable  to  our  arms  and 
nation.  That  this  officer,  intrusted  with  the  command  of  our 
army  and  the  honor  of  our  flag,  should  appeal  to  the  cupidity, 
the  desire  of  plunder,  and  the  worst  of  human  passions,  in  order 
to  stimulate  his  men  to  effort,  is,  I  think,  to  be  regretted  by 
men  of  all  parties  in  all  sections  of  our  country.  Our  national 
flag,  which  floated  in  proud  triumph  at  Saratoga,  which  was 
enveloped  in  a  blaze  of  glory  at  Monmouth  and  Yorktown, 
seems  to  have  been  prostituted  in  Florida  to  the  base  purpose 
of  leading  on  an  organized  company  of  '  negro-catchers.'  Sir, 
no  longer  is  '  our  country '  the  battle-cry  of  our  army  in  their 
advance  to  victory,  but  '  slaves '  has  become  the  watchword  to 
inspire  them  to  effort.  No  longer  does  the  war-worn  veteran, 
amid  the  battle's  rage,  think  of  his  country's  glory  and  nerve 
his  arm  in  behalf  of  freedom,  but  with  eagle  eye  he  watches 
the  wavering  ranks  of  the  enemy,  and  as  they  flee  before  our 
advancing  columns,  he  plunges  among  them  to  seize  the  sable 
foe,  and  make  him  his  future  slave." 

Giddings  next  refers  to  another  order  of  General 
Jessup,  dated  Sept.  6,  1837,  declaring  that  "Semi- 
nole  negroes  captured  by  the  army  will  be  taken  on 
account  of  Government  and  held  subject  to  the  order 
of  the  Secretary  of  War,"  and  that  the  sum  of  twenty 
dollars  from  the  public  funds  will  be  allowed  to  the 
captor  of  each  fugitive.  This  order  was  approved  by 
the  Secretary  of  War  on  the  7th  of  October  follow 
ing.  The  people  of  the  United  States,  through  the 
efforts  of  their  accredited  officers,  thus  became  the 
purchasers  and  holders  of  slaves,  and  the  nation  a 
slaveholding  nation.  Said  Giddings, — 

"In  this  manner  we  have  been  led  on  by  slaveholding  influ 
ences,  step  by  step,  until  we  find  our  government  and  nation 


96  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA  R.   GIDDINGS. 

involved  in  the  crime  of  holding  slaves.  The  people  have  been 
kept  ignorant  of  these  facts.  No  solitary  voice  has  been  raised 
to  inform  them  of  these  violations  of  their  rights,  of  the  rights 
of  humanity  and  of  the  Constitution,  of  this  stain  upon  our 
nation's  honor.  It  further  appears  that  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  —  the  laborers  of  Ohio  and  other  free  States,  —  have  been 
compelled  to  contribute  of  their  hard  earnings  to  pay  a  bounty 
of  twenty  dollars  for  each  negro  captured  and  delivered  to  the 
white  people  as  a  slave." 

In  this  connection  he  refers  to  the  alacrity  with 
which  the  commanding  general  entered  into  the  busi 
ness  of  slave-catching,  as  shown  by  his  letter  of  May 
25,  1837,  directed  to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Harney: 

"  If  you  see  Powell  [Osceola],  tell  him  I  shall  send  out  and 
take  all  the  negroes  who  belong  to  the  white  people;  and  he 
must  not  allow  the  Indian  negroes  to  mix  with  them.  Tell  him 
I  am  sending  to  Cuba  for  bloodhounds  to  trail  them ;  and  I 
intend  to  hang  every  one  of  them  who  does  not  come  in." 

Of  this  letter  Giddings  says,  — 

"  If  the  negroes  had  quietly  suffered  themselves  to  be  trailed 
with  bloodhounds,  or  supinely  permitted  themselves  to  be  hanged 
for  their  love  of  liberty,  they  would  have  deserved  the  name  of 
slaves.  The  expenditure  of  five  thousand  dollars  for  blood 
hounds  in  Cuba  was  not,  as  has  been  supposed,  for  the  purpose 
of  trailing  Indians.  In  this  letter  we  have  it  officially  announced 
that  they  were  sent  for  and  obtained  for  the  purpose  of  catching 
fugitive  slaves.  I  desire  the  people  of  this  nation  to  understand 
distinctly  that  they  are  taxed  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  and 
supporting  slavery  in  the  Slave  States ;  that  their  treasure  has 
been  appropriated  directly  and  publicly  to  that  purpose;  that 
our  army  —  many  of  whose  officers  and  soldiers  were  bred  in 
the  Free  States  and  in  the  love  of  liberty  —  has  been  employed, 
by  order  of  the  commanding  general,  in  pursuing  and  capturing 
fugitive  slaves.  Nor  is  that  all.  The  freemen  of  the  North  are 
taxed  for  the  purchase  of  bloodhounds  to  act  in  concert  with 
our  army  in  this  disgraceful  and  disgusting  mode  of  conducting 
the  war." 

This  speech  proved  exceedingly  exasperating  to 
Southern  members,  and  Giddings  was  frequently 
interrupted  by  questions  of  order  and  incidental 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  97 

debate,  which  consumed  three  hours ;  but  he  finally 
concluded  what  he  desired  to  say.  In  his  diary  of 
this  date,  Mr.  Adams  says  Giddings  "proceeded 
step  by  step,  citing  his  documentary  proof  as  he  went 
along,  to  the  exquisite  torture  of  the  Southern  duel 
lists  and  slave-mongers,  Georgians,  Carolinians,  and 
Virginians."  Mr.  Cooper  of  Georgia  replied,  saying 
that  he  regarded  the  speech  as  altogether  aimed  at 
slavery.  He  spoke  of  abolition  as  a  "moral  pesti 
lence,"  to  be  condemned  by  all  good  men.  He  re 
ferred  to  Adams  and  Giddings  as  leaders  in  the 
Abolition  ranks,  while  they  were  encouraged  and 
cheered  on  by  the  Whig  party;  and  he  particularly 
charged  General  Harrison  with  encouraging  Abolition 
ists,  and  thus  involving  the  Whig  party  of  Georgia 
in  the  odium  of  supporting  the  right  of  all  men  to 
liberty.  He  alluded  to  the  case  of  a  vessel  from 
Maine  that  had  carried  a  slave  from  Georgia,  when 
the  Chair  called  him  to  order. 

Mr.  Black  of  Georgia  insisted  that  Giddings  had 
made  an  anti-slavery  speech,  and  that  Mr.  Cooper 
ought  to  be  allowed  to  reply.  Mr.  Adams  also  in 
terposed,  saying  the  gentleman  had  made  a  pointed 
allusion  to  him,  and  he  hoped  to  enjoy  the  privi 
lege  of  replying.  Mr.  Wise  of  Virginia  sustained 
Black,  and  on  an  appeal  the  House  sustained  him, 
and  Cooper  proceeded  to  arraign  the  authorities  of 
Maine  as  Abolitionists.  Black  next  obtained  the 
floor,  and  at  once  arraigned  Ohio  for  her  cruelty  to 
the  colored  people.  He  was  called  to  order,  decided 
to  be  out  of  order,  but  permitted  by  a  vote  of  the 
House  to  proceed.  He  was  nervously  excited,  de 
claring  that  he  intended  to  be  personally  offensive  to 
Giddings,  and  holding  a  copy  of  the  Bible  in  his 
hand,  read :  "  Thou  hypocrite,  first  cast  the  beam  out 

7 


98  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

of  thine  own  eye,"  as  he  pointed  his  finger  directly 
at  the  object  of  his  wrath.  He  assured  the  House 
that  if  the  member  from  Ohio  (Giddings)  should  come 
to  Georgia,  he  would  be  hanged. 

Mr.  Downing,  the  delegate  from  Florida,  next 
obtained  the  floor,  and  out-rivalled  Black  in  vulgar 
assaults  upon  Giddings.  Mr.  Thompson  of  South 
Carolina  was  more  refined  in  his  language,  declar 
ing  that  the  Whig  party  was  not  responsible  for  the 
course  pursued  by  "  the  very  obscurest  of  the  obscure 
individuals  belonging  to  that  party."  Giddings  re 
plied  that  every  member  of  Congress  would  select 
the  position  which  he  chose  to  occupy  before  the 
people;  and  he  would  inform  the  gentleman  from 
South  Carolina  that  he  did  not  possess  the  power  to 
designate  the  position  which  other  members  should 
fill  in  the  public  mind,  although  he  must  choose  his 
own.  He  said  he  well  understood  the  insult  offered 
by  the  gentleman  from  South  Carolina,  but  he  could 
not  resent  it  in  the  manner  common  among  Southern 
gentlemen,  as  the  people  of  the  Free  States  would 
not  permit  their  public  servants  to  practise  that  bar 
barous  mode  of  settling  difficulties  ;  and  if  they  would, 
his  own  conscience  would  not  permit  it.  But  he 
would  say  to  the  gentleman,  in  the  language  of  a 
military  veteran  who,  after  meeting  the  enemy  in  a 
hundred  battles,  happened  to  offend  a  young  officer, 
who  spat  in  his  face,  expecting  to  call  out  a  chal 
lenge:  "Could  I  as  easily  wipe  the  stain  of  your 
blood  from  my  soul  [wiping  the  spittle  from  his  face 
with  his  handkerchief],  you  should  not  live  an  hour." 
Mr.  Alford  of  Georgia  sprang  from  his  seat,  utter 
ing  profuse  threats,  and  rushed  towards  Giddings 
with  apparently  hostile  intentions;  but  when  he  ar 
rived  within  a  few  feet  of  him,  Governor  Briggs  of 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  99 

Massachusetts  stopped  him,  and  persuaded  him  to 
return  to  his  seat.  To  Mr.  Downing  no  reply  could 
be  made  consistent  with  self-respect ;  but  when  that 
gentleman  next  approached  him  with  the  ordinary 
salutation  of  friends,  Giddings  refused  to  give  him 
his  hand,  assuring  him  that  he  was  at  liberty  to 
address  him  on  official  business,  but  on  no  other 
pretence  whatever. 

This  speech  proved  an  invaluable  agency  in  the 
political  education  of  the  people.  It  breathed  a  new 
life  into  the  anti-slavery  cause.  The  startling  facts 
it  embodied  were  for  the  first  time  dragged  to  light 
from  their  hiding-place  among  musty  executive  docu 
ments,  and  put  on  public  duty.  The  curtain  was 
lifted  upon  a  frightful  spectacle  of  maladministra 
tion,  showing  that  the  Federal  Government,  which 
was  established  to  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty, 
had  long  been  prostituted  to  the  base  purpose  of 
upholding  and  perpetuating  the  curses  of  slavery. 
While  it  maddened  the  slaveholders  by  uncovering 
the  record  of  their  lawlessness  and  calling  them  to 
their  reckoning,  the  people  of  the  Free  States  were 
astounded  at  their  own  supineness  in  thus  tamely 
submitting  to  Southern  usurpation.  They  saw  that 
custom  and  the  insidious  policy  of  gradual  encroach 
ment  had  made  slavery  their  master,  and  that  Jackson 
and  Van  Buren  had  only  conformed  to  the  fashion 
of  the  times  in  allowing  it  to  dictate  the  entire  policy 
of  the  Government  respecting  the  Florida  War.  The 
speech  was  published  in  large  editions,  liberally  scat 
tered  over  the  country,  and  could  not  fail  to  become 
a  potent  auxiliary  in  the  cause  of  reform.  Hence 
forward  it  was  certain  that  the  slaveocracy  would  be 
watched,  while  Giddings  earned  the  gratitude  of  his 
country  and  of  coming  generations  by  this  timely 


IOO  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA  R,    GID DINGS, 

public  service.     It  called  forth  the  following   letter 
from  the  venerable  William  Jay :  — 

NEW  YORK,  623  Broadway,  Feb.  22,  1841. 

SIR, —  I  had  the  honor  of  receiving  your  letter  at  Bedford, 
West  Chester  County,  the  place  of  my  residence,  it  having  been 
forwarded  to  me  from  this  city ;  but  the  document  mentioned  in 
it  did  not  accompany  it.  The  next  day  I  left  home  for  this 
place,  where  I  expect  to  remain  some  weeks.  I  beg  you  to  ac 
cept  my  thanks,  not  merely  for  your  polite  attention  to  myself, 
but  also  for  your  fearless  exposure  on  the  floor  of  Congress  of 
the  iniquities  connected  with  the  war  in  Florida. 

May  I  ask  the  favor  of  you,  sir,  to  forward  to  my  present 
address  another  copy  of  the  document  in  question,  together  with 
a  report  of  your  speech  and  of  the  debate  to  which  it  gave  rise. 
Our  New  York  papers  seem  indisposed  to  give  the  public  full 
information  on  the  subject. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  with  very  great  respect, 
Your  obedient  servant, 

WILLIAM  JAY. 
The  HON.  MR.  GIDDINGS. 

General  Harrison  reached  Washington  on  the  day 
of  this  memorable  debate,  and  when  he  heard  of  it  ex 
pressed  great  dissatisfaction,  declaring  that  he  would 
relieve  the  Whig  party  of  all  odium  brought  upon  it 
by  the  action  of  Giddings.  When  the  latter  called 
on  the  President-elect,  on  the  following  day,  he  met 
with  such  evidence  of  displeasure  that  he  never  after 
wards  repeated  the  call,  although  he  had  labored  ear 
nestly  for  the  Whig  cause  in  the  previous  canvass. 
Mr.  Thompson,  who  had  publicly  insulted  Giddings 
for  maintaining  the  freedom  of  speech,  was  rewarded 
with  a  mission  to  Mexico,  although  South  Carolina 
had  given  no  vote  for  General  Harrison.  Giddings 
and  his  anti-slavery  colleagues  in  the  House  were 
still  further  disappointed  by  the  inaugural  address 
of  the  President,  the  original  draft  of  which  was  so 
offensive  to  the  advocates  of  the  right  of  petition  and 
the  freedom  of  debate  that  even  Mr.  Clay  protested 


THE  Z777i    OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  IOI 

against  it,  and  prevailed  on  the  General  so  to  modify 
it  that  it  meant  nothing,  and  was  of  course  inoffen 
sive.  Such  was  the  outcome  of  anti-slavery  hopes 
and  expectations  touching  the  action  of  the  new 
President. 


CHAPTER  V. 

MARCH,   1841,  TO  DECEMBER,   1842. 

Meeting  of  the  Twenty-seventh  Congress. — Trial  of  John  Quincy 
Adams.  —  The  Case  of  the  "Creole"  and  Censure  of  Giddings. 
—  Letters  from  Mr.  Chase.  —  The  "  Pacificus  "  Papers.  — Weary  of 
Public  Life. 

THE  Twenty-seventh  Congress  was  convened  in 
special  session  on  the  3ist  of  May,  1841.  There 
was  a  Whig  majority  of  forty  in  the  House,  and  seven 
in  the  Senate ;  but  as  no  principles  had  been  avowed 
in  the  preceding  canvass,  and  as  John  Tyler,  who  had 
now  become  President,  had  been  chosen  by  the  Whigs 
solely  on  the  ground  of  his  availability  as  a  Southern 
man,  it  was  not  strange  that  the  party  now  became 
divided  into  warring  factions.  John  White  of  Ken 
tucky  was  chosen  Speaker,  and  after  the  House  was 
organized,  Mr.  Adams  renewed  his  efforts  to  abrogate 
the  2 ist,  or  gag,  rule;  but  failed,  as  heretofore.  He, 
however,  was  made  chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Foreign  Affairs,  while  Giddings  was  placed  at  the 
head  of  the  Committee  on  Claims.  Mr.  Wise  com 
plained  of  this,  and  said  that  Giddings  would  never 
report  a  bill  to  pay  a  master  for  the  loss  of  his  slave, 
if  killed  in  the  public  service.  Several  members, 
seeing  Giddings  present,  asked  Wise  to  question  him 
on  the  subject.  "I  will,"  said  Mr.  Wise;  and  turn 
ing  to  Giddings,  said :  "  I  will  ask  the  chairman  if 
he  would  report  a  bill  to  pay  a  master  for  the  loss 
of  a  slave  killed  in  the  public  service."  Giddings 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  103 

replied  :  "  I  cannot  say  what  the  committee  might  do, 
but  I  should  myself  follow  the  precedents,  which  are 
uniform  from  the  commencement  of  the  government." 
Mr.  Wise  said  he  was  aware  that  the  precedents  were 
against  such  payment,  but  they  were  wrong,  and  he 
was  anxious  to  correct  the  error. 

During  this  special  session  and  the  regular  session 
which  followed  in  December,  Southern  members  be 
came  more  and  more  irritable,  and  their  Northern 
sympathizers  more  uneasy.  The  social  relations  of 
members  were  seriously  disturbed,  and  the  Florida 
War  speech  had  so  embittered  the  feeling  towards 
Giddings  that  there  were  not  probably  a  dozen  slave- 
holding  members  who  recognized  him  on  the  street 
or  in  the  Hall  of  Representatives.  This  feeling 
extended  in  a  less  degree  to  Slade  and  Gates;  but 
the  position  of  Mr.  Adams  placed  him  beyond  the 
reach  of  these  puerile  attempts,  and  he  quietly  de 
voted  himself  to  the  work  of  presenting  anti-slavery 
petitions.  They  were  of  various  kinds,  and  each 
provoked  renewed  hostility.  One  after  another  was 
laid  on  the  table  on  motion  of  some  Southern  mem 
ber;  but  he  stood  at  his  desk  and  patiently  applied 
himself  to  his  task,  showing  no  sign  of  retiring  from 
the  conflict.  Slade,  Gates,  and  Giddings  usually  sat 
near  him  on  these  occasions,  deeply  concerned  in 
what  was  passing;  while  Wise,  Gilmer,  Holmes,  and 
others  were  on  either  hand,  watching  him  with  in 
tense  interest. 

At  length,  on  the  25th  of  January,  1842,  he  took 
from  the  file  of  papers  before  him  the  memorial  of 
Benjamin  Emerson  and  forty-five  other  citizens  of 
Haverhill,  in  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  praying 
Congress  to  adopt  immediate  measures  for  the  peace 
ful  dissolution  of  the  Union  of  these  States,  —  first, 


104  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS, 

because  no  union  can  be  agreeable  or  permanent 
which  does  not  present  prospects  of  reciprocal  bene 
fits;  second,  because  a  vast  proportion  of  the  re 
sources  of  one  section  of  the  Union  is  annually 
drained  to  sustain  the  views  and  course  of  another; 
third,  because,  judging  from  the  history  of  past 
nations,  if  the  present  course  be  persisted  in,  it  will 
overwhelm  the  nation  in  utter  destruction."  Mr. 
Adams  moved  the  reference  of  this  petition  to  a 
select  committee  of  nine  members,  with  instructions 
to  report  an  answer  to  the  petitioners,  showing  the 
reasons  why  the  prayer  of  their  petition  cannot  be 
granted. 

The  utter  madness  of  Southern  members  in  deal 
ing  with  this  petition  can  be  most  perfectly  realized 
by  keeping  in  mind  a  few  significant  facts.  In  the 
first  place,  Mr.  Adams  declared  himself  opposed  to 
the  object  of  the  petition,  and  moved  the  appoint 
ment  of  a  committee  to  report  adversely,  with  their 
reasons  therefor.  In  the  next  place,  as  Congress  has 
power  to  propose  amendments  to  the  Constitution,  it 
was  perfectly  legitimate  for  these  petitioners  to  ask 
Congress  to  take  measures  for  the  peaceful  recon 
struction  of  the  government  as  a  means  of  escaping 
what  they  considered  intolerable  evils.  In  the  third 
place,  the  howl  which  was  set  up  against  the  intro 
duction  of  this  petition  came  from  men  who  had 
repeatedly  threatened  to  dissolve  the  Union,  in  order 
to  redress  their  grievances, —  not  peaceably,  as  pro 
posed  in  the  petition  presented  by  Mr.  Adams,  but 
by  revolution  and  violence.  Finally,  the  petition 
in  this  case  was  an  exact  copy  of  one  presented  some 
years  before  by  South  Carolina  disunionists. 

Mr.  Hopkins  of  Virginia  obtained  the  floor,  and 
inquired  of  the  Speaker  if  it  would  be  in  order  to 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  105 

burn  the  petition  in  the  presence  of  the  House. 
Wise  and  Gilmer  demanded  that  Mr.  Adams  should 
be  formally  censured,  and  Gilmer  offered  a  resolu 
tion  to  that  effect. 

Southern  members  were  completely  carried  away 
by  the  frenzy  of  their  passions,  and  before  the  House 
adjourned,  a  caucus  was  called  for  that  evening,  to 
take  measures  looking  to  the  trial  and  punishment 
of  Mr.  Adams.  An  effort  was  made  to  secure  a  meet 
ing  of  Northern  members  who  were  willing  to  stand 
by  him ;  but  Northern  Whigs  generally  replied  that 
"it  would  look  like  a  sectional  quarrel."  A  few 
members  friendly  to  him,  however,  convened  that 
night  at  the  room  of  Giddings.  These  were  Slade 
and  Young  of  Vermont,  Calhoun  of  Massachusetts, 
Henry,  Lawrence,  and  Simonton  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  Gates  and  Chittenden  of  New  York.  Rev. 
Joshua  Leavitt,  of  Boston,  and  Theodore  D.  Weld, 
of  New  Jersey,  also  attended,  though  they  were  not 
members,  but  zealous  friends  of  Mr.  Adams.  These 
two  gentlemen  were  appointed  a  committee  to  wait  on 
him  and  inform  him  that  they  and  the  members  con 
vened  would  tender  him  any  assistance  in  their  power. 
At  a  late  hour  they  repaired  to  his  residence  and 
stated  the  object  of  their  visit.  The  old  patriot  lis 
tened  attentively,  and  for  a  time  was  unable  to  reply, 
being  apparently  much  affected.  At  length  he  stated 
that  the  voice  of  friendship  was  so  unusual  to  his  ears 
that  he  could  not  express  his  gratitude;  but  he 
would  feel  thankful  if  they  would  examine  certain 
points  to  be  found  in  the  authors  of  which  he  gave 
them  a  list,  and  have  the  books  placed  on  his  desk 
at  the  hour  of  meeting  the  next  day. 

At  that  time  Mr.  Marshall  of  Kentucky,  who  had 
been  selected  by  the  Southern  caucus  to  take  the  lead 


106  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

in  the  fight  against  Mr.  Adams,  introduced  a  series  of 
resolutions,  preceded  by  a  long  preamble,  setting  forth 
the  "perjury  and  treason"  to  which  Congress  was  in 
vited  by  the  petition.  The  last  resolution  declared 
"  that  the  aforesaid  John  Quincy  Adams  for  this  insult, 
the  first  of  the  kind  ever  offered  to  the  government,  and 
for  the  wound  he  has  permitted  to  be  aimed,  through 
his  instrumentality,  at  the  Constitution  and  exist 
ence  of  his  country,  the  peace,  security,  and  liberty 
of  the  people  of  these  States,  might  well  be  held 
to  merit  expulsion  from  the  national  counsels;  and 
the  House  deem  it  an  act  of  grace  and  mercy  when 
they  only  inflict  upon  him  their  severest  censures  for 
conduct  so  utterly  unworthy  of  his  own  past  relations 
to  the  State  and  his  present  position;  this  they  here 
by  do,  for  the  maintenance  of  their  own  purity  and 
dignity;  for  the  rest,  they  turn  him  over  to  his  own 
conscience  and  the  indignation  of  all  true  American 
citizens." 

After  a  preliminary  speech  by  Mr.  Marshall,  pre 
tending  to  great  moderation  and  fairness,  Mr.  Adams 
spoke  briefly,  causing  to  be  read  those  passages  in 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  which  speak  of  the 
right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  abolish  their  govern 
ment  when  it  becomes  an  insupportable  burden,  and 
reminding  the  slaveholders  of  their  acts  of  usurpa 
tion  threatening  the  liberties  of  the  people.  "  If  you 
had  not  violated  the  right  of  petition,"  said  he,  "you 
would  never  have  seen  this  petition."  Wise  took  the 
floor  in  reply,  and  was  eager  for  the  fight.  He  sent 
out  the  challenge,  "  Come  on,  Macduff,  and  damned 
be  he  who  first  cries,  Hold,  enough !  "  He  spoke 
of  Mr.  Adams  as  "a  white-haired  hypocrite,"  and 
charged  him  with  forsaking  the  friends  of  his  father, 
and  trampling  on  the  ashes  of  the  dead.  He  re- 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA    R.    G  ID  DINGS.  IO/ 

ferred  to  him  as  one  who,  "  in  the  fury  of  his  apos 
tate  zeal,  could  prey  upon  the  dead  like  the  vampire." 
He  declared  that  he  was  "dead  as  Burr,  dead  as  Ar 
nold,"  and  that  "the  people  would  look  upon  him 
with  wonder,  would  shudder,  and  retire."  Mr.  Mar 
shall  followed  in  an  elaborate  and  able  speech,  but 
equally  savage  and  remorseless  in  its  spirit.  Mr. 
Adams  declined  to  enter  upon  his  defence  until  the 
House  determined  whether  it  would  consider  the 
charges  against  him,  which  it  decided  to  do  by  a 
vote  of  118  to  75. 

He  now  became  the  accuser,  and  arraigned  the 
slaveholders  at  the  bar  of  the  nation  for  endeavoring 
to  destroy  the  right  of  habeas  corpus,  of  trial  by  jury, 
the  freedom  of  the  post-office,  the  liberty  of  speech, 
of  the  Press,  and  of  petition.  For  the  purpose  of 
effecting  these  objects,  he  charged  that  they  had 
formed  a  coalition  with  the  Northern  Democrats,  and 
that  if  the  rights  of  the  Free  States  could  not  be 
otherwise  protected,  the  petitioners  were  justified  in 
asking  for  a  dissolution  of  the  Union.  He  charged 
South  Carolina  and  other  Slave  States  with  seizing 
and  enslaving  free  colored  citizens  of  the  Northern 
States,  in  violation  of  the  Constitution.  He  exposed 
the  effects  of  slavery  upon  the  pecuniary  interests  of 
the  country,  comparing  New  York  with  Virginia,  and 
contrasting  the  educational  institutions  of  the  Em 
pire  State  with  those  of  the  Old  Dominion;  while  he 
also  contrasted  the  internal  improvements,  industry, 
and  thrift  of  New  York  with  the  miserable  highways, 
deserted  plantations,  dilapidated  dwellings,  and  gen 
eral  poverty  of  Virginia.  And  he  charged  that  a 
systematic  effort  was  being  made  by  the  slaveholders 
to  force  the  country  into  a  war  with  England  in  order 
to  maintain  the  African  slave-trade. 


IO8  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

"His  manner,"  according  to  Giddings,  "was  calm 
and  self-possessed;  his  voice  clear  and  firm;  his 
words  measured;  his  venerable  form  erect  under  the 
weight  of  more  than  seventy  years.  There  he  stood, 
confronting  a  power  which  for  more  than  half  a  cen 
tury  had  controlled  the  councils  of  the  nation."  At 
times  he  was  impassioned,  and  his  invective  unrivalled. 
He  made  no  reply  to  Mr.  Hopkins,  who  had  sug 
gested  the  burning  of  the  petition,  merely  referring 
to  him  as  "the  combustible  gentleman  from  Vir 
ginia."  In  reply  to  Wise,  he  referred  to  his  connec 
tion  with  the  duel  in  which  Cilley  of  Maine  had 
fallen,  and  pronounced  him  far  more  guilty  than  the 
man  who  pulled  the  trigger  by  which  a  brother  mem 
ber  had  been  sent  to  find  judgment.  He  declared 
that  Wise  had  come  to  the  House  with  his  hands 
dripping  with  blood,  and  his  face  smeared  with  hu 
man  gore;  and  that,  with  these  evidences  of  murder 
upon  his  person,  he  had  attempted  to  read  moral 
lectures  to  members  of  the  House.  Giddings,  in  his 
account  of  the  trial,  says  he  was  sitting  near  WTise 
at  this  time,  and  saw  from  his  countenance  the  feel 
ings  which  tortured  him. 

When  Mr.  Adams  came  to  Marshall  and  his  charge 
of  high  treason  in  presenting  a  petition,  he  suggested 
the  propriety  of  his  returning  to  Kentucky  to  commence 
the  study  of  law.  He  made  an  allusion  to  his  habits 
of  immorality,  and  expressed  an  earnest  desire  that 
he  might  reform.  He  then  proceeded  to  the  work 
of  torture.  As  he  continued  his  remarks,  he  became 
more  and  more  aroused,  and  drawing  one  arrow  after 
another  from  his  well-stored  quiver,  he  sent  them 
with  unerring  aim  into  the  flesh  of  his  victim,  with 
no  other  apparent  object  than  to  see  him  writhe 
under  the  infliction.  His  eloquence  became  more 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  109 

glowing  and  his  invective  more  impassioned,  until 
his  assailant  was  utterly  demolished,  and  then  he  re 
sumed  his  seat.  A  painful  silence  ensued.  Marshall 
had  been  standing  some  thirty  feet  from  Mr.  Adams, 
his  arms  folded  across  his  breast ;  but  no  effort  could 
disguise  the  evidences  of  his  humiliation.  His  cheeks 
were  pale  with  emotion,  and  the  whole  contour  of  his 
face  gave  an  expression  of  deep  mortification.  He 
declared  afterwards  that  he  would  rather  have  suffered 
death  than  the  torment  to  which  he  had  been  subjected. 
It  was  a  chastisement  as  terrible  as  it  was  deserved, 
and  it  was  not  possible  that  he  could  ever  forget  it. 
On  a  subsequent  occasion,  when  he  entered  the  hall 
and  found  Mr.  Adams  replying  with  some  severity  to 
an  attack  by  a  member  from  Pennsylvania,  Marshall, 
on  learning  the  facts,  replied,  "Well,  if  he  has  fallen 
into  Adams's  hands,  all  I  can  say  is,  May  God  have 
mercy  on  his  soul !  "  The  trial  continued  from  clay  to 
day,  and  the  manifest  strength  and  determination  of 
Mr.  Adams  gave  no  promise  of  its  speedy  conclusion; 
while  in  answer  to  inquiries  as  to  the  time  he  would 
require  to  complete  his  defence,  he  intimated  that  it 
would  be  about  ninety  days.1 

The  slaveholders,  seeing  the  tide  turning  against 
them  under  this  arraignment  of  their  own  lawless 
ness,  became  weary  of  the  spectacle  and  anxious  to 
end  it;  and  Mr.  Gilmer  proposed  a  compromise,  by 
which  further  proceedings  were  to  be  abandoned, 
if  Mr.  Adams  would  withdraw  the  petition  he  had 
presented.  This  was  indignantly  refused.  He  defied 
the  House,  and  spurned  the  proffered  capitulation. 
He  continued  his  defence,  or  rather  his  prosecution 
of  the  slaveholders,  till  the  7th  of  February,  when, 
on  motion  of  Mr.  Botts  of  Virginia,  the  whole  sub- 

1  Address  of  Mr.  Giddings  on  the  trial  of  John  Q.  Adams. 


HO  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

ject  was  laid  on  the  table,  by  a  vote  of  106  to  93. 
Mr.  Adams  then  proceeded  to  dispose  of  a  budget 
of  two  hundred  anti-slavery  petitions,  after  which  the 
House  adjourned.  On  the  2d  of  March  following, 
Giddings  presented  a  petition  from  Austinburg,  in 
Ohio,  praying  for  a  dissolution  of  the  Union;  but 
not  a  word  was  heard  about  censuring  him,  or  the 
disgrace  of  the  House,  or  the  perjury  or  high  trea 
son  involved  in  his  act.  The  triumph  of  Mr.  Adams 
was  complete. 

The  interest  in  this  famous  duel  between  Mr. 
Adams  and  the  slave-power  seems  to  be  heightened 
by  time.  That  power  was  then  lord  of  the  ascendant, 
and  Mr.  Adams  was  dealt  with  as  a  felon  and  an  out 
law  ;  but  he  is  now  glorified  as  a  hero  and  revered  as 
a  prophet.  Slavery  and  its  champions  in  1842  have 
gone  to  their  reckoning,  and  we  survey  their  exploits 
from  a  new  mount  of  vision.  In  the  clear  perspec 
tive  of  the  past,  the  story  of  this  outrage  possesses 
more  than  the  fascination  of  a  romance.  The  follow 
ing  letter  from  Giddings  to  his  wife,  written  while 
the  trial  was  in  progress,  may  therefore  prove  inter 
esting  to  the  reader.  It  is  dated  Feb.  6,  1842: 

"  Never  in  my  life  have  I  felt  that  the  welfare  of  this  mighty 
nation  depended  so  much  upon  the  efforts,  courage,  and  deter 
mination  of  the  friends  of  liberty  as  I  have  for  the  past  week. 
Mr.  Adams  has  spoken  three  days.  He  has  won  the  friendship 
of  the  entire  Whig  party  of  the  North,  disarmed  the  Loco-focos 
of  a  portion  of  their  hatred,  conciliated  the  feelings  of  many, 
and  has  shown  up  the  manner  in  which  the  slave  interest  has 
insidiously  crept  into  our  whole  policy,  subsidized  our  papers, 
poisoned  our  literature,  invaded  the  sanctity  of  the  post-office, 
degraded  our  patriotism,  taxed  the  free  labor  of  the  North, 
frightened  our  statesmen,  and  controlled  the  nation.  He  is,  I 
believe,  the  most  extraordinary  man  living ;  but  I  cannot  attempt 
a  description  either  of  him  or  his  speech.  Suffice  it  to  say  that 
he  has  made  the  entire  South  tremble  before  him.  I  have  with 
my  own  eyes  seen  the  slaveholders  literally  shake  and  tremble 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  \  \  \ 

through  every  nerve  and  joint  while  he  arrayed  before  them  their 
political  and  moral  sins.  The  power  of  his  eloquence  has  ex 
ceeded  any  conception  which  I  have  heretofore  had  of  the  force 
of  words  or  logic.  He  has,  in  my  opinion,  opened  a  new  era  in 
our  political  history.  I  entertain  not  the  least  doubt  that  a 
moral  revolution  in  this  nation  will  take  its  date  from  this  ses 
sion  of  Congress.  I  am  confident  that  the  charm  of  the  slave- 
power  is  now  broken.  I  may  be  too  sanguine,  —  quite  likely  I 
am,  —  but  such  are  my  candid  sentiments.  The  slaveholders 
naturally  tremble  lest  their  efforts  shall  raise  a  political  revolu 
tion  at  once.  Indeed,  if  the  tone  of  some  of  the  Eastern  papers 
be  taken  as  a  criterion,  they  may  well  fear.  Poor  Marshall  is 
literally  '  used  up,'  and  Wise  acts  like  a  maniac.  Oaths  and 
imprecations  are  thrown  out  by  him  constantly.  The  trial  has 
excited  such  intense  interest  that  the  Senate  has  for  a  day  or 
two  been  almost  deserted.  Senators  sit  in  the  hall  during  the 
whole  day,  listening  to  Mr.  Adams.  Lord  Morpeth  has  been 
steadily  there  since  the  commencement  of  the  conflict,  a  silent 
but  interested  listener  during  each  day." 

Few  will  now  question  the  judgment  of  Giddings 
as  to  the  effect  of  this  triumph  of  the  right  of  peti 
tion  and  the  freedom  of  speech.  It  was  the  precon 
certed  and  deliberate  purpose  of  the  slave-masters  to 
make  an  example  of  the  great  ringleader  of  political 
Abolitionism.  They  meant  to  humiliate  and  crush 
him,  and  they  did  not  doubt  their  ability  to  do  this. 
Had  they  succeeded,  the  efforts  of  smaller  and  less 
famous  men  would  have  been  fearfully  crippled,  if 
not  fatally  paralyzed.  In  the  end  freedom  would 
have  won;  but  the  victory  was  gloriously  anticipated 
by  the  matchless  courage  and  resources  of  John 
Quincy  Adams. 

But  the  failure  of  this  conspiracy  against  Mr. 
Adams  was  followed  by  a  still  more  flagrant  out 
rage.  The  champions  of  slavery  were  in  no  mood  to 
profit  by  their  experience,  and  this  time  their  chosen 
victim  was  Giddings.  The  case  concerned  the  for 
eign  policy  of  the  Government,  and  calls  for  some 
fullness  of  treatment.  The  Federal  Constitution 


1 1 2  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

expressly  grants  to  the  General  Government  all  juris 
diction  over  the  subjects  of  commerce  and  navigation 
upon  the  high  seas,  and  the  power  to  define  and  pun 
ish  felonies  thereon.  The  States  were  thus  denied 
any  jurisdiction  over  these  subjects,  while  every  ship 
sailed  under  the  national  flag.  In  1807  Congress 
passed  a  law  regulating  the  coastwise  slave-trade  in 
vessels  of  over  forty  tons'  burden,  prescribing  mi 
nutely  the  manifests,  forms  of  entry  at  the  custom 
house,  and  specifications  to  be  made  by  the  masters 
of  such  vessels.  This  law  for  the  protection  and  en 
couragement  of  the  traffic  in  slaves  between  the  slave- 
breeding  and  slave-buying  States  was  unauthorized 
by  the  Constitution.  The  Federal  Government  had 
nothing  to  do  with  slavery  save  in  the  matters  of 
taxation,  representation,  and  the  return  of  fugitive 
slaves,  and  this  coastwise  traffic  had  no  reference  to 
these  subjects.  The  slaveholders  had  the  right  to 
drive  or  transport  their  slaves  inland  from  one  State 
to  another,  but  they  had  no  right  to  ask  Congress  for 
facilities  of  shipment  by  sea.  This  legislation,  how 
ever,  as  we  shall  see,  involved  the  nation  in  serious 
difficulties  and  complications.  By  the  Treaty  of 
Ghent,  the  British  and  American  Governments  pledged 
themselves  to  the  Christian  world  to  use  their  en 
deavors  totally  to  abolish  the  traffic  in  slaves.  They 
made  no  exceptions  or  reservations,  and  therefore 
the  treaty  fairly  covered  the  traffic  on  our  coast,  as 
well  as  the  foreign  trade  which  had  been  declared 
piracy  by  England  and  the  United  States.  Indeed, 
our  domestic  traffic  was  more  inhuman  and  revolt 
ing  than  the  foreign,  inasmuch  as  its  victims  were 
comparatively  civilized  and  Christianized  men  and 
women. 

In  passing  around  the  peninsula  of  Florida,   our 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  \  \  3 

slave-ships  were  sometimes  wrecked  on  British 
islands,  and  the  slaves,  by  virtue  of  English  law, 
became  free.  In  these  cases  the  slaveholder  sought 
the  co-operation  of  the  English  Government,  notwith 
standing  its  obligations  under  the  Treaty  of  Ghent, 
and  the  subject  was  brought  before  Congress.  In  the 
year  1830  the  ship  "Comet"  sailed  from  Alexandria, 
in  the  District  of  Columbia,  with  a  cargo  of  slaves 
bound  for  New  Orleans.  She  was  wrecked  on  the 
false  keys  of  the  Bahama  Islands,  and  the  passengers 
and  slaves  carried  by  the  wreckers  to  Nassau,  in  the 
island  of  New  Providence,  where  the  slaves  asserted 
their  liberty  under  British  laws.  The  ship  "  Enco 
mium,"  sailing,  in  1834,  from  Charleston,  South  Caro 
lina,  with  a  number  of  slaves  for  New  Orleans,  was 
stranded  near  the  same  place,  and  the  slaves  became 
free.  The  ship  "Hermosa,"  which  sailed  from  Rich 
mond,  Virginia,  in  1840,  was  wrecked  on  the  British 
island  of  Abacco,  whence  the  slaves  were  taken  to 
Nassau,  where  they  asserted  their  liberty. 

Jackson  and  Van  Buren  zealously  espoused  the 
cause  of  the  slaveholders  in  the  two  cases  first 
named,  and  Mr.  Stevenson,  of  Virginia,  then  repre 
senting  our  Government  at  the  British  court,  asserted 
in  his  official  correspondence  that  there  is  no  distinc 
tion  between  property  in  " persons"  and  property  in 
"things."  He  declared  that  our  Government  had 
"  in  the  most  solemn  manner  determined  that  slaves 
killed  in  the  public  service  of  the  United  States 
were  to  be  regarded  as  property,  and  paid  for  as 
such."  This  statement  was  totally  unwarranted  by 
facts,  and  contradicted  both  by  history  and  the  rec 
ords  of  the  nation;  but  by  these  misrepresentations 
the  British  Ministry  was  led  to  pay  for  the  slaves  lost 
on  board  the  "Comet"  and  the  "Encomium,"  as  they 

8 


114  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

were  stranded  prior  to  the  emancipation  of  the  West 
Indian  slaves.  The  Ministry,  however,  as  we  have 
seen,  refused  to  pay  for  the  slaves  lost  on  board  the  ship 
" Enterprise,"  heretofore  referred  to,  which  ran  into 
Port  Hamilton,  Bermuda,  through  stress  of  weather, 
in  1835,  after  the  abolition  of  British  slavery.  This  re 
fusal  was  exceedingly  offensive  to  the  slaveocracy,  and 
its  hostility  was  still  further  stimulated  by  the  loss 
of  slaves  on  board  the  "  Hermosa,  "already  mentioned. 

Senator  Barrow  of  Louisiana  presented  the  peti 
tion  of  certain  insurance  companies  in  that  State, 
praying  Congress  to  take  measures  for  obtaining  com 
pensation  from  the  British  Government  for  the  loss 
of  the  slaves  on  board  the  last-mentioned  ship.  He 
stated  explicitly  that  the  case  might  present  the  ques 
tion  of  peace  or  war  with  Great  Britain;  and  he  de 
clared  that  the  people  of  the  Southern  States  would 
be  the  last  to  submit  to  the  principles  of  international 
law  as  construed  by  the  authorities  of  the  British 
Islands,  and  that  if  they  continued  to  interefere  with 
our  commerce  our  navy  would  bombard  their  towns. 
Mr.  Calhoun  and  other  Senators  concurred  in  the 
views  of  Mr.  Barrow,  but  advised  the  parties  con 
cerned  to  await  the  action  of  the  British  Government 
in  the  case  of  the  "  Creole." 

This  ship  had  sailed  from  Hampton  Roads  on  the 
27th  of  October,  1841,  with  one  hundred  and  thirty 
slaves  on  board,  bound  for  New  Orleans.  On  the 
7th  of  November,  the  slaves  rose  against  the  officers 
and  crew,  and  declared  their  right  to  freedom,  taking 
possession  of  the  deck  of  the  ship  at  the  same  time. 
The  alarm  being  heard  below,  one  of  the  slave-dealers 
named  Hewell,  in  attempting  to  shoot  one  of  the  men 
as  he  came  on  deck,  was  struck  with  a  hand-spike  and 
killed.  The  other  slave-dealers,  captain  and  crew, 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDIATGS.  \  \  5 

surrendered,  and  the  people  called  "  chattels "  were 
thus  suddenly  transformed  into  free  men  and  women, 
while  the  slave-dealers  were  as  suddenly  subjected  to 
the  power  of  their  former  bondmen.  The  mate  was 
now  ordered  to  steer  the  ship  to  Liberia;  but  being 
assured  that  their  provisions  and  water  would  not 
last  them  half  way,  they  consented  to  enter  the  port 
of  Nassau,  where,  under  British  laws,  they  were  free. 
They  were,  however,  arrested  and  imprisoned.  The 
captain  of  the  "Creole  "  demanded  them  as  criminals, 
to  be  brought  back  to  the  United  States  for  punish 
ment  ;  but  the  authorities  of  the  island  refused  until 
they  should  consult  the  Government  at  London.  The 
slaves  demanded  their  baggage ;  but  the  master  of  the 
ship  declared  that  they  had  no  baggage,  that  they  were 
themselves  the  property  of  their  masters,  and  of 
course  could  hold  no  property;  but  the  British  author 
ities  compelled  him  to  deliver  to  each  negro  his 
blanket  and  such  clothing  as  he  had  possessed  while 
on  board. 

The  slave-dealers  returned  to  the  United  States, 
and  at  once  called  on  President  Tyler  for  the  inter 
position  of  the  Government  in  obtaining  compensation 
for  their  loss.  The  case  was  well  calculated  to  test 
the  principles  and  policy  of  both  Governments.  There 
was  no  law  of  the  United  States  which  authorized 
these  traffickers  in  human  flesh  to  hold  their  victims 
in  subjection,  and  if  there  had  been,  it  would  not  have 
imposed  on  these  victims  any  natural  or  moral  obliga 
tion  to  submit  to  being  thus  carried  to  the  barracoons 
of  New  Orleans.  The  American  and  British  Govern 
ments  were  bound  by  their  solemn  pledge  in  the 
Treaty  of  Ghent  to  abolish  the  traffic  in  slaves,  and 
this  pledge  clearly  enured  to  the  benefit  of  the  men 
who  had  been  made  free  by  English  law. 


Il6  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

The  subject  excited  much  interest  on  both  sides  of 
the  Atlantic,  and  the  Senate,  by  resolution,  called 
on  the  President  for  the  correspondence  between  our 
Government  and  that  of  England  respecting  the  mat 
ter.  In  answer,  the  Executive  transmitted  to  that 
body  a  copy  of  the  instructions  sent  by  Mr.  Webster, 
our  Secretary  of  State,  to  Mr.  Everett,  our  minister 
at  London.  Says  Mr.  Webster, — • 

"The  British  Government  cannot  but  see  that  this  case,  as 
presented  in  these  papers,  is  one  calling  loudly  for  redress.  The 
'  Creole'  was  passing  from  one  port  in  the  United  States  to  an 
other  on  a  voyage  perfectly  lawful,  with  merchandise  on  board, 
and  also  with  slaves,  or  persons  bound  to  service,  natives  of 
America,  and  belonging  to  American  citizens,  and  which  are 
recognized  as  property  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
in  those  States  in  which  slavery  exists. 

"In  the  course  of  the  voyage  some  of  the  slaves  rose  upon 
the  master  and  crew,  subdued  them,  murdered  one  man,  and 
caused  the  vessel  to  be  carried  to  Nassau.  The  vessel  was  thus 
taken  to  a  British  port,  not  voluntarily  by  those  who  had  the  law 
ful  authority  over  her,  but  forcibly  and  violently,  against  the 
master's  will,  and  with  the  consent  of  nobody  but  the  mutineers 
and  murderers. 

"  Under  these  circumstances,  it  would  seem  to  have  been  the 
plain  and  obvious  duty  of  the  authorities  at  Nassau,  the  port  of 
a  friendly  power,  to  assist  the  American  consul  in  putting  an  end 
to  the  captivity  of  the  master  and  crew,  restoring  to  them  the 
control  of  the  vessel,  and  enabling  them  to  resume  their  voyage 
and  to  take  the  '  mutineers  and  murderers '  to  their  own  country 
to  answer  for  their  crimes  before  the  proper  tribunal." 

These  efforts  of  the  Senate  and  Executive  to  shel 
ter  the  slave-trade  under  the  national  flag  struck  Gid- 
dings  with  the  most  profound  astonishment.  Senators 
had  openly  declared  that  the  question  might  become 
one  of  peace  or  war  with  Great  Britain  if  she  did  not 
consent  to  sustain  this  commerce  in  mankind  in  her 
ports.  In  the  case  of  the  "Enterprise,"  which  came 
before  the  Senate  in  March,  1840,  that  body,  by 
unanimous  vote,  had  affirmed  the  principles  now 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS,  \  I  7 

declared  by  Mr.  Webster,  who  quoted  that  action  of 
the  Senate  in  support  of  his  present  position,  and  was 
complimented  by  Calhoun.  No  voice  was  raised  in 
the  Senate  against  this  monstrous  effort  to  nation 
alize  slavery,  while  General  Cass,  our  minister  to 
France,  was  vehemently  denying  the  right  of  Eng 
land  to  visit  American  ships  for  the  purpose  of 
ascertaining  whether  slaveholding  pirates  were  prose 
cuting  their  nefarious  business  under  the  shield  of 
our  flag. 

And  the  case  was  aggravated  by  the  wretched  pre 
texts  on  which  Mr.  Webster  sought  to  justify  his 
cringing  servility  to  the  South.  He  declared  that 
slaves  "are  recognized  as  property  by  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States  in  those  States  in  which 
slavery  exists."  No  one  better  knew  than  himself 
that  this  is  not  true.  In  every  instance  the  Consti 
tution  refers  to  them  as  "persons,"  and  its  framers 
unitedly  acquiesced  in  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Madison, 
who  "thought  it  wrong  to  admit  in  the  Constitution 
the  idea  that  there  could  be  property  in  man."  But 
if  we  concede  that  the  Constitution  does  recognize 
slaves  as  property  "  in  those  States  in  which  slavery 
exists,"  it  certainly  does  not  follow  that  they  are  so 
recognized  outside  of  those  States,  and  in  countries  in 
which  it  is  forbidden. 

Equally  sophistical  is  the  statement  that  the  voy 
age  of  the  "  Creole"  "  was  perfectly  lawful. "  The  for 
eign  slave-trade  was  made  piracy  by  both  England 
and  the  United  States;  and  although  Congress  had 
undertaken  to  regulate  the  traffic  on  our  coast,  it  did 
not  and  could  not  legalize  it  on  the  high  seas,  or  ex 
tend  the  law  of  slavery  beyond  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Slave  States.  But  if  the  voyage  had  been  perfectly 
lawful,  it  could  not  have  affected  the  situation  in  the 


1 1 8  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

smallest  degree.  The  ship  might  have  been  landed 
in  Massachusetts,  but  the  slaves  would  undoubtedly 
have  been  free,  for  the  simple  reason  that  slavery  is 
always  confined  to  the  jurisdiction  in  which  it  exists. 

Equally  unwarranted  was  Mr.  Webster's  reference 
to  these  slaves  as  "mutineers  and  murderers."  A 
mutineer  is  one  in  lawful  subjection  to  superior  au 
thority  who  disobeys  it.  The  slaves  were  free  men 
under  English  law,  and  had  a  perfect  right  to  defend 
their  liberty;  and  they  were  not  murderers,  because 
they  had  an  equal  right  to  take  life  in  self-defence. 

All  this  is  now  perfectly  understood ;  but  in  1842 
it  was  not  allowed  to  reach  the  public.  The  Senate 
was  a  unit  in  the  service  of  slavery,  and  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  all  debate  on  the  subject  was 
prohibited  by  the  2ist  rule.  Nothing  could  be  done 
for  the  country,  unless  some  way  could  be  opened  for 
the  popular  agitation  of  the  question,  and  Mr.  Adams 
was  pre-eminently  the  man  for  the  emergency.  But 
he  was  exhausted  by  the  labor  and  excitement  of  his 
protracted  trial,  while  the  committee  of  which  he  was 
the  head  was  utterly  hostile  to  his  principles.  Gid- 
dings,  therefore,  after  conferring  with  his  particular 
friends,  prepared  the  following  resolutions,  which  he 
hoped  in  some  form  to  make  available:  — 

"  Resolved,  That  prior  to  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Consti 
tution  each  of  the  several  States  composing  thisJUnion  exercised 
full  and  exclusive  jurisdiction  over  the  subject  of  slavery  within 
its  own  territory,  and  possessed  full  power  to  continue  or  abolish 
it  at  pleasure. 

"  Second.  That  by  adopting  the  Constitution,  no  part  of  the 
aforesaid  powers  were  delegated  to  the  Federal  Government,  but 
were  reserved  by  and  still  pertain  to  each  of  the  several  States. 

"  Third.  That  by  the  eighth  section  of  the  first  article  of  the 
Federal  Constitution  each  of  the  several  States  surrendered  to 
the  Federal  Government  all  jurisdiction  over  the  subjects  of  com 
merce  and  navigation  upon  the  high  seas. 


THE   LIFE    OF  JOSHUA   R.    BIDDINGS.  119 

"  Fourth.  That  slavery,  being  an  abridgment  of  the  natural 
rights  of  man,  can  exist  only  by  force  of  positive  municipal  law, 
and  is  necessarily  confined  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  power  creat 
ing  it. 

"  Fifth.  That  when  a  ship  belonging  to  citizens  of  any  State 
of  this  Union  leaves  the  waters  and  territory  of  such  State  and 
enters  upon  the  high  seas,  the  persons  on  board  cease  to  be  sub 
ject  to  the  laws  of  such  States,  and  thenceforth  are  governed  in 
their  relations  to  each  other  by,  and  are  amenable  to,  the  laws  of 
the  United  States. 

"  Sixth.  That  when  the  brig  '  Creole,'  on  her  late  passage  for 
New  Orleans,  left  the  jurisdiction  of  Virginia,  the  slave-laws  of 
that  State  ceased  to  have  jurisdiction  over  the  persons  on  board, 
and  they  became  amenable  only  to  the  laws  of  the  United  States. 

"  Seventh.  That  the  persons  on  board  said  ship,  in  resuming 
their  natural  rights  to  liberty,  violated  no  law  of  the  United 
States,  incurred  no  legal  penalties,  and  are  justly  liable  to  no 
punishment. 

'•'•Eighth.  That  all  attempts  to  regain  possession  of  or  to 
re-enslave  said  persons  are  unauthorized  by  the  Constitution  or 
laws  of  the  United  States,  and  are  incompatible  with  our  national 
honor. 

"  Ninth.  That  all  attempts  to  exert  our  national  influence  in 
favor  of  the  coastwise  slave-trade,  or  to  place  this  nation  in  the 
attitude  of  maintaining  a  commerce  in  human  beings,  are  subver 
sive  of  the  rights  and  injurious  to  the  feelings  and  interests  of 
the  people  of  the  Free  States,  are  unauthorized  by  the  Constitu 
tion,  and  prejudicial  to  our  national  character." 

These  resolutions  were  submitted  to  Mr.  Adams 
for  his  approval.  He  was  perfectly  frank  in  saying 
that  he  could  not  support  the  one  which  denied  the 
right  of  the  Federal  Government  to  abolish  slavery 
in  the  States,  while  he  held  the  principle  that  in 
case  of  insurrection  or  war,  the  Federal  Government 
might,  under  the  war  power,  abolish  it.  To  this  Gid- 
dings  replied  that  the  resolutions,  being  presented 
in  time  of  peace -,  and  having  evident  relation  to  a  state 
of  peace,  would  not  be  regarded  as  applicable  to  a  state 
of  war,  which  operated  to  suspend  the  laws  of  the 
country  and  subject  the  people  to  despotic  rule,  in 
order  to  save  the  nation,  and  that  making  exceptions 


I2O  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GWDINGS. 

as  to  a  state  of  war  might  obscure  the  doctrines  and 
weaken  the  force  of  the  several  distinct  propositions. 
To  this  Mr.  Adams  rejoined  that  the  friends  of  sla 
very  in  future  years  and  during  times  of  war  would 
quote  these  resolutions  as  denying  the  right  of  the 
Federal  power  to  interfere  with  slavery  even  amidst 
domestic  insurrection  or  foreign  invasion;  but  he 
added,  "  I  will  cheerfully  sustain  all  but  that  which 
denies  this  right  of  the  Federal  Government." 

The  resolutions,  it  will  be  seen,  were  in  direct 
conflict  with  those  presented  by  Mr.  Calhoun  in  the 
case  of  the  "Enterprise,"  and  with  the  doctrine 
avowed  by  the  Executive  in  the  cases  of  the  "  Comet  " 
and  "Encomium,"  as  well  as  that  now  asserted  by 
Mr.  Webster. 

On  the  2  ist  of  March,  the  State  of  Ohio  was 
called,  under  the  rules  of  the  House,  for  resolutions. 
Giddings  obtained  the  floor,  and  stated  that  he  had 
prepared  a  series  of  resolutions  in  relation  to  a  sub 
ject  which  had  called  forth  some  interest  in  the  other 
end  of  the  Capitol  and  in  the  country,  and  that  he  de 
sired  to  submit  them  to  the  House  for  consideration, 
and  would  call  them  up  for  action  upon  the  next  day 
which  should  be  devoted  to  the  consideration  of  reso 
lutions.  He  sent  them  to  the  Clerk's  desk,  to  be 
read,  with  the  expectation  that  they  would  be  pub 
lished  in  the  newspapers  and  carefully  considered  by 
members,  with  a  view  to  their  action  upon  them  the 
following  week. 

The  reading  attracted  general  attention,  and  a 
second  reading  was  called  for,  during  which  they  re 
ceived  the  most  profound  attention.  General  Ward 
of  New  York  inquired  whether  it  was  in  order  to 
demand  the  previous  question.  The  Speaker  replied 
in  the  affirmative,  when  Mr.  Everett  of  Vermont 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS.  121 

moved  to  lay  them  on  the  table.  His  motion  was  re 
jected.  Mr.  Holmes  of  South  Carolina,  under  great 
excitement,  remarked:  "There  are  certain  topics, 
like  certain  places,  of  which  it  might  be  said, — 

" '  Fools  rush  in  where  angels  fear  to  tread.'  " 

The  demand  for  the  previous  question  was  sec 
onded.  Mr.  Everett  asked  to  be  excused  from  voting, 
but  took  occasion  to  express  his  "utter  abhorrence  of 
the  firebrand  course  of  the  gentleman  from  Ohio." 
Mr.  Fessenden  of  Maine,  and  Mr.  Floyd  of  New 
York,  opposed  any  immediate  vote  upon  the  resolu 
tions,  while  Mr.  Gushing  of  Massachusetts,  after 
reading  them  at  the  clerk's  table,  said:  "They  appear 
to  be  a  British  argument  on  a  great  question  between 
the  British  and  American  governments,  and  consti 
tute  an  approximation  to  treason  on  which  I  intend 
to  vote  no." 

Mr.  Fillmore  of  New  York  inquired  if  it  was  in 
order  to  ask  Mr.  Giddings  to  withdraw  the  resolu 
tions.  The  latter  did  not  desire  to  see  members,  in 
the  excitement  of  the  moment,  commit  themselves 
against  principles  which  he  believed  \vould  meet 
their  approval  in  moments  of  cool  reflection,  and  he 
withdrew  the  resolutions,  saying  he  had  only  in 
tended,  on  this  occasion,  to  call  attention  to  the  sub 
ject,  and  ask  a  vote  at  some  future  day.  Nothing 
could  well  have  been  more  considerate  or  more  stu 
diously  respectful  than  this  action  of  Giddings;  but 
Mr.  Botts  of  Virginia  at  once  obtained  the  floor, 
saying  the  withdrawal  of  the  resolutions  did  not  ex 
cuse  their  presentation,  and  he  moved  a  suspension 
of  the  rules  for  the  purpose  of  offering  the  following 
preamble  and  resolution:  — 

"  Whereas,  The  Hon.  Joshua  R.  Giddings,  the  member  from 
the  Sixteenth  Congressional  District  of  Ohio,  has  this  day  pre- 


122  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

sented  to  this  House  a  series  of  resolutions  touching  the  most 
important  interest  connected  with  a  large  portion  of  the  Union, 
'now  a  subject  of  negotiation  between  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain,  of  the  most  delicate  nature,  the  result  of  which 
may  involve  those  nations,  AND  PERHAPS  THE  CIVILIZED  WORLD, 

IN  WAR. 

'•'-And  whereas,  It  is  the  duty  of  every  good  citizen,  and  par 
ticularly  of  every  selected  agent  and  representative  of  the  people, 
to  discountenance  all  efforts  to  create  excitement  and  dissatisfac 
tion  and  division  among  the  people  of  the  United  States,  at  such 
time  and  under  such  circumstances,  which  is  the  only  effect  to  be 
accomplished  by  the  introduction  of  sentiments  before  the  legis 
lative  body  of  the  country  hostile  to  the  grounds  assumed  by  the 
high  functionary  having  in  charge  this  important  and  delicate 
trust ; 

"  And  whereas,  Mutiny  and  murder  are  therein  justified  and 
approved  in  terms  shocking  to  all  sense  of  law,  order,  and  hu 
manity  ;  therefore,  — 

"  Resolved,  That  this  House  hold  the  conduct  of  said  member 
is  altogether  unwarranted  and  unwarrantable,  and  deserving  the 
severest  condemnation  of  the  people  of  this  country,  and  of  this 
body  in  particular." 

The  rules  were  not  suspended,  and  Mr.  Weller,  a 
Democrat  from  Ohio,  then  offered  the  resolutions  as 
his  own,  and  demanded  the  previous  question.  There 
was  much  excitement  in  the  hall,  and  in  answer  to 
an  inquiry  of  Mr.  Holmes  the  Speaker  stated  that  the 
previous  question  would  not  cut  off  Mr.  Giddings 
from  the  right  to  be  heard  in  his  own  defence.  From 
this  decision  Mr.  Fillmore  of  New  York  took  an 
appeal,  and  the  decision  was  overruled  by  a  vote  of 
118  to  64.  The  House  then  adjourned. 

Fully  believing  that  he  would  be  permitted  to  de 
fend  himself,  Giddings  spent  the  entire  night  in 
preparation,  and  before  the  meeting  of  the  House  on 
the  next  day  he  visited  Mr.  Adams  for  consultation. 
He  found  him  greatly  depressed.  Mr.  Adams  told 
Giddings  the  House  would  not  permit  any  defence  to 
be  made,  that  the  vote  would  be  taken  without  debate, 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   G1D DINGS.  123 

and  that  appearances  indicated  the  passage  of  the 
resolution  of  censure.  Giddings  replied  that  he  had 
supposed  the  reflections  of  the  night  would  convince 
members  of  the  impropriety  of  condemning  a  man 
unheard.  Mr.  Adams  answered :  "  You  are  not  as 
familiar  with  the  slaveholding  character  as  I  am. 
Slaveholders  act  from  impulse,  not  from  reflection; 
they  act  together  from  interest,  and  have  no  dread  of 
the  displeasure  of  their  constituents  when  they  act 
for  slavery. " 

On  the  meeting  of  the  House  Mr.  Weller  proposed 
to  withdraw  his  demand  for  the  previous  question, 
provided  Giddings  would  at  once  proceed  in  his  de 
fence,  with  the  general  understanding  that  the  pre 
vious  question  should  be  called  at  its  conclusion. 
Giddings  refused  to  make  any  terms  for  the  purchase 
of  his  constitutional  rights,  and  asked  for  a  postpone 
ment  of  the  question  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  him 
to  prepare  his  defence;  but  the  vote  was  taken  on 
seconding  the  demand  for  the  previous  question, 
which  stood  77  in  the  affirmative  to  70  in  the  nega 
tive.  Weller  now  moved  a  suspension  of  the  rules 
to  enable  Giddings  to  be  heard;  but  the  Speaker 
decided  that  as  the  House  had  ordered  the  previous 
question,  it  must  be  put  before  any  other  motion  could 
be  entertained.  A  proposition  was  now  made  to  hear 
him  by  common  consent ;  but  as  he  was  proceeding 
to  speak,  Mr.  Cooper  of  Georgia  objected,  and  he 
resumed  his  seat. 

The  champions  of  slavery  were  thus  completely 
caught  in  the  toils  of  their  own  violence.  They  re 
coiled  at  the  shameless  outrage  in  which  they  had  too 
hastily  involved  themselves.  The  policy  now  urged 
by  the  whole  force  of  parliamentary  law  to  an  im 
mediate  conclusion  was  to  inflict  a  gross  wrong  upon 


124  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   K.    G  ID  DINGS. 

a  representative  without  permitting  him  throughout 
the  proceedings  of  two  days  to  utter  a  single  word  in 
defence  or  explanation  of  his  course.  By  the  appli 
cation  of  the  previous  question,  preceded  by  the 
reversal  of  the  Speaker's  decision,  they  had  even 
deprived  themselves  of  the  liberty  of  permitting  Gid- 
dings  to  speak  before  the  execution  of  their  sentence. 
As  the  truth  dawned  upon  them  they  were  frightened 
and  confounded ;  but  they  saw  no  way  by  which  they 
could  extricate  themselves.  They  had  locked  them 
selves  in,  and  thrown  away  the  key  to  their  deliver 
ance.  By  their  own  votes  all  the  screws  of  parlia 
mentary  law  had  been  tightened  upon  them  while 
they  still  struggled  in  vain  to  escape.  Mr.  Triplett 
of  Kentucky  moved  to  suspend  the  rules  to  permit 
Giddings  to  speak;  but  the  Speaker  correctly  decided 
that  under  the  law  of  the  House,  confirmed  by  usage 
and  repeated  decisions,  no  such  motion,  nor  any  mo 
tion  whatever,  except  to  lay  on  the  table  or  to  adjourn, 
could  be  entertained.  This  he  made  so  clear  that, 
furious  as  they  were  in  their  dilemma,  they  sustained 
the  Speaker's  decision  by  a  large  majority.  Mr.  A. 
H.  H.  Stuart  of  Virginia  then  moved  to  reconsider 
the  vote  by  which  the  previous  question  had  been 
carried,  in  order  to  permit  the  House  to  retrace  its 
steps;  but  this,  too,  the  Speaker  declared  to  be  out 
of  order,  and  the  House  again  felt  obliged  to  sustain 
him.  After  a  motion  by  Mr.  Adams  to  lay  on  the 
table  had  been  negatived,  the  resolutions  of  censure 
were  passed  by  a  vote  of  125  to  69. 

In  the  mean  time  Giddings,  while  sitting  at  his 
desk,  wrote  the  following  note :  — 

To  the  Reporter  of  the  Intelligencer  : 

When  I  rose  so  often  during  the  confusion  of  business  in  the 
House  this  day,  and  was  so  often  called  to  order,  the  last  time  by 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOSHUA  R.    GID DINGS.  12$ 

Hon.  Mark  A.  Cooper  of  Georgia,  I  had  written  out  and  desired 
to  have  stated  to  the  House  what  follows :  — 

"  Mr.  Speaker,  I  stand  before  the  House  in  a  peculiar  posi 
tion.  It  is  proposed  to  pass  a  vote  of  censure  upon  me,  sub 
stantially  for  the  reason  that  I  differ  in  opinion  from  a  majority 
of  the  members.  The  vote  is  about  to  be  taken,  without  giving 
me  an  opportunity  to  be  heard.  It  were  idle  for  me  to  say  that 
I  am  ignorant  of  the  disposition  of  a  majority  of  the  members  to 
pass  the  resolution  of  censure.  I  have  been  violently  assailed  in 
a  personal  manner,  but  have  had  no  opportunity  of  being  heard 
in  reply;  nor  do  I  now  ask  for  any  favor  at  the  hands  of  gentle 
men,  but  in  the  name  of  an  insulted  constituency,  in  behalf  of 
one  of  the  States  of  this  Union,  in  behalf  of  the  people  of  these 
States  and  of  our  Federal  Constitution,  I  demand  a  hearing  in  the 
ordinary  mode  of  proceeding.  I  accept  no  other  privilege  ;  I 
will  receive  no  other  courtesy." 

This  note  appeared  the  next  morning  in  the  current 
proceedings  of  the  House. 

When  the  Speaker  declared  the  resolutions  carried, 
Mr.  Giddings  rose,  and  taking  formal  leave  of  the 
Speaker  and  officers  of  the  House,  of  his  colleagues, 
of  Mr.  Adams,  and  a  few  other  personal  friends, 
passed  out  of  the  hall.  As  he  reached  the  front 
door  he  found  Senators  Clay  and  Crittenden,  who  had 
been  spectators  of  the  scene  just  described.  As  Mr. 
Clay  extended  his  hand  he  thanked  Giddings  for  the 
firmness  with  which  he  had  met  the  outrage  perpe 
trated  upon  him,  declaring  that  no  man  would  ever 
doubt  his  perfect  right  to  state  his  own  views  against 
the  slave-trade,  particularly  while  the  Executive  and 
the  Senate  were  expressing  theirs  in  favor  of  it. 
After  resigning  his  office  as  a  representative,  Gid 
dings  left  the  city  for  his  home. 

Up  to  this  date,  nothing  in  the  history  of  the 
government  had  so  clearly  illustrated  the  autocratic 
power  of  slavery  over  the  nation  as  this  action  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  upon  these  resolutions  of 
Giddings.  The  principles  they  affirm  are  simple 


126  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

truisms.  No  one  now  disputes  them,  and  no  one 
then  ventured  to  controvert  them.  Mr.  Botts,  in 
deed,  condemned  them  as  ill-timed,  while  the  ques 
tion  to  which  they  related  was  the  subject  of  nego 
tiation  between  England  and  the  United  States,  and 
some  of  the  newspapers  which  warmly  supported  Gid- 
dings  made  the  same  objection,  which,  oddly  enough, 
is  also  urged  by  Mr.  Schouler,  in  his  "  History  of  the 
United  States."1  The  objection  utterly  vanishes  in 
the  light  of  a  few  obvious  facts.  While  the  papers 
relating  to  the  negotiation  pending  between  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  remained  in  the 
Executive  archives,  and  no  one  knew  what  doc 
trine  the  President  had  advanced,  or  what  demands 
he  had  made,  neither  Congress  nor  the  people  could 
discuss  the  questions  involved,  for  the  simple  reason 
that  they  were  ignorant  as  to  what  the  official  cor 
respondence  contained.  It  is  equally  true  that  the 
President  was  under  no  obligation  to  promulgate  his 
views  while  in  his  opinion  the  interests  of  the  coun 
try  would  be  prejudiced  by  their  discussion.  All 
calls  upon  the  President  for  information  in  such 
cases  are  made  subject  to  his  discretion ;  but  if  com 
municated  and  published,  it  becomes  the  legitimate 
subject  of  discussion  by  every  American  citizen. 
The  people  are  the  source  of  power,  and  their  repre 
sentatives  have  a  perfect  right  to  discuss  all  questions 
involved  in  the  negotiations  of  the  Government  from 
the  moment  of  their  publication. 

It  was  in  accordance  with  this  principle  that  Cal- 
houn,  on  the  4th  of  March,  1840,  offered  a  series  of 
resolutions  affirming  the  duty  of  the  government  to 
protect  the  slave-trade,  the  negotiations  touching  the 
matter  having  previously  been  furnished  by  Mr.  Van 

1  Vol.  iv.  p.  427. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  127 

Buren,  in  response  to  a  call  of  the  Senate.  Nobody 
proposed  to  censure  him  for  introducing  his  resolu 
tions  pending  the  negotiations.  They  were  fully 
discussed,  and  adopted  by  unanimous  vote  of  the 
Senate.  During  the  same  session  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  from  South  Carolina,  as 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations, 
made  a  report  in  which  he  alluded  to  the  refusal  of 
Great  Britain  to  make  compensation  for  the  slaves 
who  had  been  liberated  from  on  board  American 
vessels  engaged  in  the  slave-trade,  as  a  cause  of  war. 
The  matter  was  a  subject  of  negotiation  between  the 
British  Government  and  our  own,  and  yet  no  one 
raised  any  question  as  to  the  propriety  of  his  act. 
The  subject  of  our  Northeastern  boundary  was  a  mat 
ter  of  negotiation  for  many  years,  and  during  almost 
every  session  of  Congress  covering  this  period  it  was 
discussed,  while  no  one  questioned  the  propriety  of 
such  discussion.  The  plain  truth  is  that  this  com 
plaint  of  the  untimeliness  of  the  resolutions  of  Mr. 
Giddings  was  inspired  by  the  fact  that  in  the  opinion 
of  his  accusers  they  were  offered  on  the  wrong  side. 
No  one  can  doubt  that  if  he  had  taken  sides  with 
Webster  and  Calhoun,  he  would  have  been  thanked 
for  the  timeliness  as  well  as  the  wisdom  of  his 
action.  The  slaveocracy  was  publicly  making  the 
threat  of  war  with  England  if  she  did  not  consent 
to  co-operate  with  the  United  States  in  support  of 
the  traffic  in  slaves;  and  if,  under  such  circum 
stances,  the  representatives  of  the  people  could  be 
gagged,  our  system  of  government  would  have  been 
ready  for  its  epitaph. 

The  proceedings  of  the  House  in  this  case  proved 
of  great  value  in  awakening  the  people  to  a  con 
sciousness  of  their  danger.  The  anti-slavery  Press 


128  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G ID  DINGS. 

published  them  in  full,  while  many  of  the  party 
papers  noticed  them.  Public  meetings  were  held 
in  the  principal  cities  of  the  Free  States,  which 
asserted  the  right  of  members  of  Congress  freely  to 
express  their  views,  while  the  constituents  of  Gid- 
dings  manifested  their  indignation  in  large  public 
meetings,  which  fully  indorsed  his  action  and  asked 
him  to  become  a  candidate  for  re-election.  He  was 
chosen  by  an  overwhelming  majority,  and  instructed 
to  re-assert  and  maintain  his  doctrines.  Within  five 
weeks  from  the  date  of  his  censure,  he  resumed  his 
seat  in  the  House.  His  feelings  at  this  time  may  be 
gathered  from  the  following  extract  from  a  letter  to 
his  son,  dated  the  8th  of  May :  — 

"  I  arrived  here  on  Wednesday  evening,  and  was  soon  sur 
rounded  by  friends,  who  certainly  appeared  glad  to  see  me  back. 
They  had  suffered  greater  anxiety  than  I  had  been  sensible  of. 
Father  Adams  said  that  it  had  the  effect  to  improve  his  health  as 
soon  as  he  heard  I  was  in  the  city,  —  and  that  was  not  long  after 
I  arrived,  for  there  were  enough  to  go  with  the  intelligence,  as  all 
seemed  to  know  that  he  felt  extremely  anxious  on  the  subject. 
Andrews,  of  Cleveland,  introduced  me  to  the  House.  Many 
looked  up  with  smiling  faces,  while  others  appeared  to  be  per 
fectly  dumfounded.  I  received  many  long  and  hearty  greetings 
from  those  who  had  opposed  my  censure,  and  from  some  who 
voted  against  me.  Governor  Wallace,  of  Indiana,  in  particular, 
seized  me  by  the  hand,  and  in  the  most  feeling  manner  acknowl 
edged  his  error  in  voting  to  censure  me,  and  assured  me  of  his 
most  heartfelt  satisfaction  at  seeing  me  again  in  my  place. 
Greetings  and  conversation  occupied  the  whole  of  my  time  dur 
ing  the  day." 

The  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  of  the  Senate, 
to  whom  the  message  of  the  President  on  the  subject 
of  the  "  Creole  "  and  Mr.  Webster's  letter  to  our  min 
ister  in  London  were  committed,  made  no  report 
upon  those  important  state  papers,  and  Mr.  Calhoun 
ceased  to  call  the  attention  of  the  country  to  these 
claims  for  slaves.  The  Senate  forbore  all  further 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  129 

discussion  of  the  subject,  and  neither  the  Secretary 
of  State,  nor  President  Tyler,  nor  his  successor,  Mr. 
Polk,  took  any  further  action  respecting  it.  They 
seemed  to  have  been  silenced  by  the  effort  to  silence 
Giddings.  The  case  of  the  "  Creole  "  also  attracted 

o 

attention  in  England,  and  the  English  Press  re-pub 
lished  the  proceedings  in  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  while  the  British  ministry  refused  indemnity 
to  the  slave-dealers  before  the  news  of  the  censure 
of  Giddings  reached  that  country.  In  the  mean  time, 
Lord  Ashburton  was  appointed  Envoy  and  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  for  the  purpose  of  settling  existing 
international  questions,  except  those  arising  from  the 
release  of  slaves  on  British  islands,  including  the 
case  of  the  "Creole,"  as  to  which  he  was  authorized 
to  hold  no  correspondence.  Such  were  some  of  the 
fruits  of  this  latest  crusade  of  the  slaveholders  against 
the  freedom  of  debate. 

But  the  vanquished  party  were  not  yet  ready  to 
give  up  the  fight.  They  knew  that  Giddings  was 
instructed  to  re-offer  his  resolutions,  and  that  if  thus 
presented,  the  House  must  adopt  or  reject  them.  But 
they  could  only  be  presented  when  the  States  were 
called  for  resolutions,  which  was  on  each  alternate 
Monday,  so  that  the  men  who  had  voted  for  his  cen 
sure  were  able  to  control  the  business  of  the  House 
and  on  each  resolution  day  to  carry  a  motion  to  pro 
ceed  to  other  business.  This  they  did  during  the 
remainder  of  the  session  and  the  whole  of  the  last 
session  of  the  Twenty-seventh  Congress.  Giddings 
therefore  seized  upon  the  first  opportunity  to  vindi 
cate  in  a  public  speech  the  doctrines  avowed  in  his 
resolutions.  Although  he  spoke  with  much  plainness 
respecting  the  slave-trade  and  the  officials  who  had 
encouraged  that  commerce,  he  was  not  called  to  order, 

9 


130  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GID DINGS. 

but  was  listened  to  with  respectful  attention  while 
reasserting  the  doctrines  for  which  he  had  been 
censured  sixty  days  before.  The  freedom  of  debate 
was  substantially  regained,  although  the  Twenty-first 
Rule  continued  to  hold  its  place  in  the  manual  for 
over  two  years  afterwards. 

While  engrossed  with  the  labors  of  this  session, 
the  question  of  organized  anti-slavery  action  against 
both  the  Whig  and  Democratic  parties  was  again 
pressed  upon  the  attention  of  Giddings.  The  ques 
tion  was  important,  though  it  related  only  to  the 
method  of  serving  the  great  cause.  During  the  pre 
vious  year,  Salmon  P.  Chase,  then  at  the  threshold 
of  his  political  career,  had  taken  the  lead  in  organiz 
ing  the  Liberty  party  in  Ohio,  as  a  preliminary  to 
the  formation  of  a  national  party.  This  led  to  a 
correspondence  between  him  and  Giddings,  in  which 
the  former,  as  will  be  seen,  expressed  himself  with 
the  clearness  and  vigor  which  marked  his  later  utter 
ances.  On  the  2 ist  of  January,  1842,  he  wrote,— 

HON.  J.  R.  GIDDINGS  : 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  am  much  indebted  to  you  for  your  prompt 
answer  to  my  letter.  I  do  not  wonder  at  your  hesitation  in  re 
gard  to  political  action.  The  Liberty  party  is  so  small  now, 
and  there  are  so  many  circumstances  calculated  to  discourage 
the  hope  of  political  action  on  principle  by  the  masses  of  either 
party,  that  I  am  rather  surprised  that  any  men  of  distinguished 
political  position  should  be  willing  to  unite  their  destinies  to 
those  of  the  new  party,  than  that  so  few  should.  And  yet, 
when  I  reflect  that  the  principles  of  this  party  are,  incontes- 
tably,  the  precise  principles  of  American  liberty,  and  that  unless 
they  prevail,  the  country  itself  must  perish,  I  cannot  suppress 
the  faith  that  a  sure,  though  perhaps  remote,  triumph  awaits  it. 
I  firmly  believe  also  that  if  we  can  —  and  what  is  there  to  pre 
vent  this  ? —  secure  the  balance  of  power  in  the  Legislatures  of 
the  Free  States  and  in  Congress,  we  shall  be  able  to  accomplish 
immense  good  for  the  country,  by  checking  the  ruinous  meas 
ures  of  one  party,  and  aiding  in  carrying  the  beneficial  propo- 


THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA    R.    GIDDINGS.  \  3  I 

sitions  of  another,  without  any  bias  in  favor  of  either  except 
what  the  measures  proposed  should  from  time  to  time  produce. 
This  of  itself  would  do  much  to  destroy  the  baneful  spirit  of 
partyism  now  so  visible  in  all  that  is  done  in  our  State  or 
national  legislature.  .  .  . 

What  good  is  to  be  gained  by  cleaving  to  the  Whig  party  ? 
I  never  expected  it  would  hang  together  a  year  after  General 
Harrison's  election,  and  it  is  split  up  sooner  and  more  irrecon 
cilably  than  I  anticipated.  I  do  not  believe  that  it  is  possible 
for  any  man,  not  even  for  Corwin,  to  be  elected  governor  by  the 
Whig  party  in  this  State  next  fall.  And  if  we  must  be  in  a 
minority,  why  not  be  in  a  minority  of  our  own,  rather  than  in 
a  minority  of  men  who  despise  us  or  affect  to  do  so  ?  For  my 
own  part,  I  am  more  and  more  satisfied  with  the  course  I  have 
taken  and  the  position  I  have  assumed.  I  feel  satisfied  that  I 
am  in  the  right,  and  that  the  expedient  and  the  right  are  one. 

You  have  no  doubt  seen,  and  I  hope  approve,  of  the  ad 
dress  of  the  convention.  You  will  see  that  it  presents  a  broad 
platform  on  which  all  can  stand,  of  both  parties,  who  desire  the 
deliverance  of  the  country  from  the  slave-power.  You  will 
notice  also  a  resolution  offered  by  Mr.  Morris,  calling  for  a 
national  convention  of  the  Liberty  party.  The  reason  why  this 
was  adopted  was  that  some  dissatisfaction  is  felt  here  in  the 
West  with  the  nominations  of  the  national  convention  at  New 
York,  because  that  convention  is  regarded  rather  as  a  meeting 
of  the  national  Anti-slavery  Society  than  as  a  convention  of  the 
Liberty  party.  Besides  this,  it  is  thought  that  if  Mr.  Adams  or 
Governor  Seward  would  accept  the  nomination,  great  additional 
strength  might  be  gained  for  the  party.  What  do  you  think  of 
this?  Would  either  of  those  gentlemen  accept?  Would  it  be 
advisable  to  offer  the  nomination  to  either  of  them  if  they 
would?  I  suppose  both  of  them  are  anti-slavery  men  to  the 
extent  of  this  address.  Mr.  Leavitt  seems  to  apprehend  danger 
from  disturbing  the  present  nominations.  My  fears,  I  confess, 
have  an  opposite  direction.  I  fear  it  will  be  difficult  to  persuade 
any  considerable  body  of  the  people  to  unite  in  the  support  of 
one  so  little  known  as  Mr.  Birney  is,  and  who  has  seen  so  little 
of  public  service.  Governor  Seward,  on  the  contrary,  is  for  his 
age  one  of  the  first  statesmen  in  the  country,  and  Mr.  Adams  is 
perhaps  the  very  first.  .  .  . 

Yours  very  truly, 

S.  P.  CHASE. 

On  the  1 5th  of  February  following,  Mr.  Chase  again 
wrote,  and  more  earnestly  than  before,  urging  the 


132  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

claims  of  the  Liberty  party,  and  the  duty  of  anti- 
slavery  men  to  rally  to  its  support. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, —  I  thank  you  for  your  two  last  very  interest 
ing  letters.  The  nation  is  greatly  indebted  to  you  and  other 
friends  of  freedom  for  the  noble  stand  taken  by  you  in  regard 
to  the  right  of  petition.  The  country  is  beginning  to  awaken  at 
length  to  the  danger  of  slaveholding  encroachments,  and  the 
time  is  rapidly  drawing  on,  I  trust,  when  the  champions  of  free 
dom  will  have  the  place  which  of  right  belongs  to  them  in  the 
confidence  and  favor  of  a  long  deceived  and  oppressed,  but  now 
awakening,  people. 

I  think,  however,  that  it  will  be  necessary  to  go  to  the  bot 
tom,  and  plant  ourselves  upon  the  rock  of  fundamental  principles. 
It  will  not  do  to  compromise  any  more.  The  principle  must  be 
established  and  acquiesced  in,  that  the  government  is  a  non- 
slaveholding  government ;  that  the  nation  is  a  non-slaveholding 
nation ;  that  slavery  is  a  creature  of  State  law,  local,  not  to 
be  extended  or  favored,  but  to  be  confined  within  the  States 
which  admit  and  sanction  it.  I  hardly  think  the  Whigs,  as  a 
party,  are  prepared  to  take  this  ground.  The  most  they  will 
do  is  to  tolerate  liberty.  They  will,  in  this  quarter,  hardly  do 
that.  They  will  not  do  it  at  all  unless  attachment  to  liberty  is 
made  subservient  to  party  ends,  and  secondary  to  party  obliga 
tions.  There  has  been  something  said  of  nominating  Judge 
King  by  the  Whig  party.  I  do  not  expect  it,  though  he  has  been 
a  distinguished,  able,  and  influential  Whig.  Nor,  to  say  truth, 
do  I  desire  it.  For  such  is  the  feeling  of  opposition  to  anti- 
slavery  principles  with  many  of  the  Whig  party  that  thousands 
would  vote  for  Shannon  in  preference  to  him  ;  while  many  of  the 
Democrats,  who  would  otherwise  support  him,  would  be  per 
suaded  that  the  nomination  is  a  Whig  manoeuvre,  and  would  fall 
back  into  their  party  ranks.  I  should  prefer,  for  one,  to  go  into 
the  battle  with  our  own  strength.  We  may  be  defeated  now, 
but  at  the  next  election  parties  must  divide  on  principle,  and 
then  we  must  triumph. 

I  will  send,  under  cover,  to  your  address  a  number  of  copies 
of  our  Liberty  address,  directed  to  various  gentlemen  in  Wash 
ington,  to  whom  I  will  thank  you  to  have  them  delivered.  Why 
cannot  the  members  from  Vermont,  who  accord  in  principle 
with  the  Liberty  convention,  go  home  and  plant  the  standard  of 
liberty  upon  the  Green  Mountains  ?  I  feel  confident  that  the 
State  would  at  once  rally  under  it.  Why  submit  any  longer  to 
the  degradations  so  long  endured  ?  Why  consent  at  all  that  the 
principles  and  rights  of  the  Free  States,  —  of  the  nation,  indeed, 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  133 

—  shall  be  trampled  upon,  or,  if  recognized  at  all,  recognized  as 
a  matter  of  grace  and  favor?  I  am  tired  of  the  cap-in-hand 
policy.  I  am  unwilling  to  feel  myself  and  my  opinions  to  be 
contraband  articles  in  my  political  party,  only  tolerated  be 
cause  not  safely  to  be  dispensed  with.  I  cannot  but  think  that 
you  and  they  share  these  sentiments.  Why  not,  then,  act  upon 
them? 

Excuse  me  if  I  seem  too  earnest.  It  seems  to  me  that  there 
is  now  a  glorious  opportunity  to  restore  the  government  to  its 
original  principles,  and  I  cannot  but  hope  that  before  the  Con 
gress  rises,  you  and  others  will  feel  free  to  take  the  position  of 
leaders  of  the  Liberty  party,  and  issue  an  address  to  the  people 
which  will  be  responded  to  throughout  the  land.  I  verily  believe 
there  are  multitudes,  even  in  Slave  States,  who  would  hail  such  a 
movement  with  joy.  If  Mr.  Adams  could  be  induced  to  take 
a  part  in  it,  how  could  his  illustrious  life  be  more  brightened 
towards  its  close  ? 

I  have  written  him  a  letter,  which  I  enclose.  It  is  some 
years  since  I  have  seen  him,  and  he  has  possibly  forgotten  me. 
He  knew,  however,  my  uncle,  formerly  Senator  from  Vermont, 
and  perhaps  also  my  uncle,  the  Bishop  of  Illinois,  well.  I  want 
you  to  vouch  for  me,  and  to  get  for  me,  if  possible,  an  early 
answer  to  my  letter.  It  is  principally  upon  the  subject  of  sla 
very  in  the  District,  and  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  Lib 
erty  party.  It  does  not,  however,  support  any  action  such  as 
is  referred  to  above.  It  would  not  be  fit  for  me  to  suggest 
a  course  to  him.  You  can  converse  with  him  on  the  subject 
with  propriety.  I  shall  be  glad  to  have  you  read  my  letter  to 
him. 

We  are  organizing  our  Liberty  clubs  in  this  county,  and 
expect  to  make  a  respectable  rally.  Faithfully  yours, 

S.  P.  CHASE. 

The  letters  of  Giddings  have  not  been  preserved, 
but  he  disagreed  with  Chase  as  to  the  wisdom  of  this 
third-party  movement,  as  the  letters  quoted  imply, 
and  he  dealt  with  it  fully,  in  concluding  a  series  of 
essays  prepared  in  the  summer  and  autumn  of  this 
year,  which  he  devoted  to  a  patient  and  critical  ex 
amination  of  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  several 
States  in  regard  to  slavery.  His  purpose  was  to  for 
mulate  a  working  theory  of  political  action  against 
the  evil,  while  fully  according  to  the  Slave  States 


134  THE  LIFE   OF  7°SHUA   R>    GIDDINGS. 

their  Constitutional  rights.  These  timely  and  valu 
able  essays  first  appeared  in  the  "Western  Reserve 
Chronicle"  over  the  signature  of  "Pacificus." 

The  starting-point  and  fundamental  idea  of  his 
exposition  was  that  slavery  is  the  concern  of  the 
States  in  which  it  exists,  with  which  the  Federal 
Government  has  no  Constitutional  right  to  interfere 
in  any  way.  This  was  no  new  doctrine,  for  it  had 
been  held  by  the  people  of  all  parties  for  half  a  cen 
tury.  It  was  not  a  sectional  doctrine,  for  both  the 
North  and  South  had  espoused  it ;  and  it  was  not  an 
anti-slavery  doctrine,  because  the  slaveholding  States 
affirmed  it. 

Giddings  laid  hold  of  this  principle  as  the  basis 
and  complete  justification  of  his  warfare  against  slav 
ery,  and  he  proposed  to  hold  the  slaveholding  States 
to  the  strict  logic  of  their  own  position.  If  the  Fed 
eral  Government  had  no  constitutional  right  to  abol 
ish  slavery,  it  had  no  constitutional  right  to  support 
it.  If  the  people  of  the  slaveholding  States  had  the 
right  to  be  perfectly  exempt  from  Federal  interfer 
ence  with  their  peculiar  institution,  the  people  of 
the  non-slaveholding  States  had  the  right  to  be  en 
tirely  exempt  from  the  guilt  and  expense  of  its  sup 
port  through  Federal  agency.  If  Congress  had  no 
more  power  to  abolish  slavery  in  South  Carolina  than 
it  had  to  abolish  free  schools  in  Massachusetts,  then 
South  Carolina  had  no  more  right  to  ask  Congress 
to  legislate  for  slavery  than  it  had  to  ask  the  Govern 
ment  of  Brazil.  There  is  absolute  reciprocity  of 
rights  as  between  the  slaveholding  and  non-slave- 
holding  States ;  and  the  question  is  not  at  all  affected 
by  the  compromises  of  the  Constitution.  The  Free 
States  agreed  that  three  fifths  of  the  slaves  should 
be  counted  in  the  basis  of  representation,  and  that 


THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  135 

fugitive  slaves  should  be  delivered  up.  Beyond  these 
concessions  to  slavery  they  had  no  duty  to  perform. 
They  had  no  right  to  assert  against  it  except  the 
right  to  be  let  alone.  Planting  himself  upon  the  Dec 
laration  of  Independence,  and  the  clause  in  the  Pre 
amble  of  the  Constitution  which  declares  that  one 
of  the  purposes  for  which  it  was  ordained  was  "to 
secure  the  blessings  of  liberty,"  Giddings  summoned 
the  people  of  all  parties  to  the  work  of  administer 
ing  the  government  in  accordance  with  the  principle 
on  which  they  professed  to  be  agreed. 

After  setting  forth  with  remarkable  clearness  the 
rights  and  duties  of  the  people  of  the  Free  States 
touching  the  recapture  of  fugitive  slaves,  and  the 
suppression  of  "domestic  violence,"  he  proceeds  to 
point  out  in  detail  the  multiplied  instances  in  which 
the  Federal  Government,  from  its  very  beginning, 
had  been  prostituted  to  the  service  of  slavery.  He 
refers  to  the  Act  of  Congress  of  1801  legalizing 
slavery  and  the  slave-trade  in  the  District  of  Colum 
bia,  which  it  had  no  constitutional  right  to  do;  to 
the  Act,  equally  unauthorized,  regulating  the  coast 
wise  slave-trade ;  to  the  espousal  of  the  foreign  slave- 
trade  by  the  Federal  Government,  and  its  recognition 
of  slavery  as  a  national  interest  by  compensating 
slaveholders  for  the  loss  of  slaves  made  free  under 
British  laws;  to  the  espousal  of  slavery  by  the  Fed 
eral  Government  in  lending  itself  to  the  recovery  of 
fugitive  slaves  made  free  by  Spanish  law,  and  in 
compensating  slave-claimants  for  their  loss;  to  the 
prosecution  of  the  Florida  War,  which  had  its  origin 
in  the  unconstitutional  interference  of  the  Federal 
Government  in  behalf  of  slavery;  and  to  the  estab 
lishment  of  slavery  and  the  slave-trade  in  Florida  and 
other  Territories  of  the  United  States,  in  violation 


136  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

of  the  Constitution,  which  makes  free  all  places  under 
the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  the  Government. 

It  is  needless  to  follow  Mr.  Giddings  in  this  branch 
of  his  subject,  which  he  thoroughly  explored,  laying 
bare  a  mass  of  facts  with  which  the  country  is  now 
familiar,  but  which  were  then  novel  and  startling. 

The  faithful  and  consistent  application  of  this 
principle  of  Federal  non-intervention  with  slavery 
was  the  controlling  aim  of  his  public  life;  and  his 
interpretation  of  it  invested  it  with  the  interest  of  a 
political  discovery.  In  reply  to  those  Abolitionists 
who  sought  the  freedom  of  the  slave  through  the 
dissolution  of  the  Union,  he  said, — 

"  The  very  existence  of  slavery  depends,  not  upon  the  Consti 
tution,  but  upon  its  violation ;  not  upon  the  support  which  our 
people  are  bound  by  the  Constitution  to  lend  it,  but  upon  the 
support  which  has  been  extorted  from  them  by  violation  of  the 
Constitution.  When  the  day  shall  arrive  when  Northern  men 
will  insist  upon  their  rights,  and  refuse  to  contribute  the  sub 
stance  acquired  by  their  toil  for  the  maintenance  of  Southern 
slavery,  that  scourge  of  our  land  will  cease." 

Giddings  was  right.  He  had  found  the  clew  to  the 
riddle  which  had  hitherto  baffled  solution.  The  de 
struction  of  slavery  wherever  found  outside  of  the 
Slave  States  under  Federal  sanction,  would  have  been 
fatal  to  its  existence  in  those  States;  and  as  the 
slaveocracy  was  not  content  with  its  constitutional 
rights,  but  was  determined  to  nationalize  and  eter 
nize  the  curse,  he  proposed  to  defeat  its  baleful 
purpose  by  the  weapons  of  the  Constitution  which 
it  defied. 

These  essays  were  extensively  published  in  the 
newspapers  of  the  day,  and  in  the  following  year 
were  printed  in  pamphlet  form  and  widely  scattered 
over  the  Free  States,  under  the  frank  of  members  of 
Congress.  They  undoubtedly  exerted  great  influence 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID >  DINGS.  137 

in  the  creation  of  an  anti-slavery  public  opinion  in  the 
Northern  States,  while  they  paved  the  way  for  the 
organized  movement  which  triumphed  in  1860;  and 
they  are  worthy  of  preservation  as  an  important  con 
tribution  to  the  permanent  literature  of  the  anti- 
slavery  conflict.1  The  debatable  point  in  them  was 
the  conclusion,  in  which  Giddings  exhorts  the  oppo 
nents  of  slavery  to  rally  under  the  banner  of  the 
Whig  party,  as  the  chosen  instrument  of  reform. 
This  was  a  mistake,  and  he  himself  acknowledged 
it  a  few  years  later,  when  that  party  perished  in  the 
shameful  attempt  to  outdo  its  Democratic  rival  in 
the  abjectness  of  its  servility  to  the  South.  This 
mistake,  however,  was  by  no  means  generally  appar 
ent  in  1842.  The  Liberty  party  failed  to  rally  the 
people  or  to  arrest  public  attention.  Its  doctrines 
were  not  clearly  denned,  and  were  generally  misun 
derstood.  The  Whig  party  was  extensively  credited 
with  anti- slavery  tendencies,  while  the  Democratic 
party  was  notoriously  in  sympathy  with  slavery.  A 
party  was  needed  which  would  marshal  the  intelli 
gence  and  conscience  of  the  country  on  that  single 
question ;  but  the  formation  of  such  a  party  was  not 
the  work  of  a  day,  nor  could  it  be  created  by  a  few 
men.  It  had  to  grow,  and  was  obliged  to  wait  on 
the  teaching  of  events. 

In  August  of  this  year  Giddings  determined  to 
retire  from  public  life.  He  was  weary  of  the  strife 
which  his  attitude  on  the  slavery  question  made  in 
evitable.  His  natural  love  of  peace  and  kindness  of 
heart  made  him  long  for  the  rest  and  quiet  of  his 
own  home,  and  he  accordingly  addressed  the  follow 
ing  note  to  his  devoted  friend,  Henry  Fassett,  editor 
of  the  "  Ashtabula  Sentinel." 

1  See  Appendix. 


1 38  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

MR.  FASSETT  : 

Please  say  to  the  electors  of  our  Congressional  District  that  it 
is  not  my  intention  to  be  a  candidate  for  re-election.  I  have  de 
layed  answering  many  inquiries  upon  that  subject,  as  I  intended 
addressing  the  people  of  our  district  through  the  medium  of  the 
Press  on  my  return  from  the  present  session  of  Congress ;  but 
that  time  has  been  so  long  delayed  that  I  think  duty  requires  me 
to  inform  our  people  of  my  determination. 

This  was  a  surprise  and  a  disappointment  to  Mr. 
Fassett;  he  at  once  called  about  him  a  number  of  the 
most  intelligent  and  faithful  friends  of  Giddings,  who 
earnestly  and  unitedly  protested  against  his  retire 
ment,  and  finally  prevailed  upon  him  to  reconsider 
his  determination.  But  the  subject  was  not  dis 
missed  from  his  mind,  as  will  appear  from  a  letter 
to  Mrs.  Giddings  a  few  months  later,  in  which  he 
endeavored  to  persuade  himself  that  he  had  already 
rendered  service  enough  to  justify  his  retirement. 
The  absolute  frankness  of  this  letter,  which  was  in 
tended  only  for  his  own  household,  will  interest  the 
reader.  He  does  not  disguise  the  satisfaction  he 
feels  in  referring  to  his  achievements,  while  the  gen 
eral  tone  is  that  of  a  tired  man  longing  for  rest.  It 
is  a  revelation  of  himself.  I  quote  the  following- 
extract  :  — • 

"  My  opposers  need  not  say,  '  Oh  that  mine  enemy  had  writ 
ten  a  book  ! '  for  they  have  my  views  on  slavery  pretty  fully  ex 
pressed.  Taking  my  speech  on  the  Bridge  question  in  1838-39, 
my  speech  on  the  Florida  War,  my  resolutions  on  the  *  Creole,' 
my  speech  on  the  Army  Bill,  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the 
people  of  West  Florida,  and  that  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the 
owners  of  slaves  on  board  the  '  Comet '  and  '  Encomium,'  and 
'  Pacificus,'  and  the  world  may  understand  my  views  tolerably 
well.  This  I  have  been  anxious  to  bring  about,  and  that  object 
is  now  effected ;  so  that,  should  I  die  to-morrow,  or  never  again 
appear  before  the  public  in  any  way,  I  can  lay  my  hand  on  my 
heart  and  say  that  in  this  respect  I  have  endeavored  to  do  my  duty. 

"  It  is  therefore  a  great  satisfaction  to  me  now  to  look  back 
over  the  scenes  through  which  I  have  passed.  They  have  surely 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   A'.    GIDDINGS.  139 

been  scenes  of  trial,  of  severe  trial.  My  reputation  and  character 
at  times  I  really  apprehended  would  be  trampled  in  the  dust 
before  the  almost  irresistible  influence  of  slavery.  Indeed,  my 
life  has  been  sought  on  account  of  my  adherence  to  truth  and 
justice.  But  I  have  been  sustained  and  protected  by  that  kind 
Providence  which  has  always  been  round  about  me,  and  I  now 
look  forward  to  the  time  when  I  may  lay  aside  the  cares  and 
responsibilities  of  public  life,  and  making  my  bow  to  the  people, 
I  may  be  allowed  to  retire  from  the  arena  of  strife  and  danger 
to  the  bosom  of  my  family." 

But  he  was  again  prevailed  upon  by  friends  to 
remain  at  his  post  of  duty,  and  he  perhaps  yielded 
to  their  wishes  the  more  readily  from  the  fact  that  at 
this  time  he  was  receiving  resolutions  of  thanks  and 
congratulatory  addresses  from  public  meetings  and 
societies  in  nearly  every  Free  State,  warmly  com 
mending  the  doctrines  he  had  avowed  in  Congress, 
and  the  steadfastness  with  which  he  had  maintained 
them.  He  saw  that  his  labors,  to  which  he  had  re 
ferred  in  the  foregoing  letter,  were  appreciated,  and 
that  the  cause  of  freedom  was  advancing.  He  was 
no  longer  to  stand  alone.  Eloquent  lecturers  were 
travelling  and  speaking  in  all  the  Free  States,  while 
such  papers  as  "The  Emancipator,"  "The  Liberator," 
and  "  The  Philanthropist "  were  doing  excellent  work 
for  the  cause.  The  time  to  lay  aside  his  armor  had 
not  come,  for  he  was  in  the  midst  of  his  fight. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

DECEMBER,   1842,   TO  DECEMBER,   1844. 

Second  Session  of  the  Twenty-seventh  Congress.  —  The  Twenty-first 
Rule.  —  Southern  Intolerance.  —  Claim  of  West  Florida  Slavehold 
ers. —  Claim  for  Slaves  lost  in  the  Coastwise  Trade.  —  Speech. — 
Encounter  with  a  Southern  Bully.  —  Annexation  of  Texas.  —  The 
Twenty-eighth  Congress.  —  Presidential  Canvass  of  1844. —  Position 
of  Mr.  Clay.  —  His  Letters.  —  Attitude  of  Giddings.  —  Friendship 
of  Adams  and  Himself. 


A 


T  the  beginning  of  this  session  Mr.  Adams  intro 
duced  a  resolution  repealing  the  Twenty-first 
Rule  of  the  House,  and  called  for  the  previous  ques 
tion.  The  House  seconded  the  demand,  but  refused 
to  order  the  main  question,  and  the  subject  was  post 
poned  from  day  to  day  for  some  time,  when  it  was  laid 
on  the  table  by  a  bare  majority.  All  parties  saw  that 
the  gag-rule  was  doomed.  An  attempt  was  made  at 
this  session  by  the  Southern  members  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  Claims  to  deprive  Giddings  of  his  chair 
manship  of  that  committee,  on  account  of  his  action 
in  the  "Creole"  case;  but  as  the  Speaker  of  the 
House  was  friendly  to  him,  and  as  he  also  shared  the 
warm  friendship  of  Mr.  Clay,  the  project  was  finally 
abandoned.  Southern  members,  however,  became 
more  insolent  and  overbearing  during  this  session 
than  at  any  previous  time,  while  the  little  group 
of  men  who  defied  them  and  dared  to  claim  their 
souls  as  their  own  had  grown  no  larger.  And  yet 
the  spirit  of  liberty  was  gradually  extending  among 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  141 

the  better  class  of  men  throughout  the  Northern 
States.  The  labors  and  sacrifices  of  Adams  and 
Giddings  had  not  been  in  vain.  The  constitutional 
doctrines  of  the  "  Pacificus  "  papers  were  spreading, 
while  the  growing  madness  of  the  slaveocracy  was 
itself  a  sign  of  promise  to  its  foes. 

On  the  1 4th  of  January,  1843,  the  question  of  prop 
erty  in  human  beings  was  brought  before  the  House 
in  a  very  offensive  form.  When  General  Jackson 
invaded  West  Florida  in  1814,  his  camp-followers 
took  with  them,  on  leaving  the  Territory,  more  than 
a  hundred  slaves ;  and  when  he  again  invaded  it,  four 
years  later,  he  took  from  the  inhabitants  a  consider 
able  amount  of  provisions.  By  the  ninth  article  of 
our  treaty  with  Spain,  in  1820,  it  was  stipulated  "that 
the  Spanish  inhabitants  shall  receive  compensation 
for  any  losses  they  may  have  sustained  by  reason  of 
the  operations  of  the  late  American  army  within  that 
territory."  Under  this  treaty  all  claims  arising  from 
the  operations  of  the  army  in  1818  were  adjusted;  but 
those  who  had  lost  slaves  during  the  invasion  of  1814 
now  claimed  indemnity.  Mr.  Crawford,  at  that  time 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  rejected  the  claims.  They 
were  then  sent  to  Congress,  where  they  were  also 
rejected.  But  the  claimants  presented  them  to  the 
following  Congress;  and  Mr.  Everett,  Chairman  of 
the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  to  whom  the 
claims  were  referred,  reported  in  favor  of  payment. 
The  House,  however,  did  not  sanction  his  report. 
Mr.  Woodbury,  who  succeeded  Mr.  Crawford  as  Sec 
retary  of  the  Treasury,  and  to  whom  the  claims  were 
now  referred,  paid  some  thousands  of  dollars  on  their 
liquidation,  but  on  learning  the  action  of  his  prede 
cessor,  he  refused  further  payment.  The  claimants 
again  applied  to  Congress,  and  at  the  next  session 


142  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G ID  DINGS. 

the  case  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Territo 
ries,  of  which  the  Hon.  James  Cooper  of  Pennsyl 
vania  was  chairman,  who  reported  a  bill  for  the 
payment.  As  Mr.  Slade  was  in  declining  health  and 
Mr.  Gates  was  unwilling  to  take  the  lead  in  debate, 
Adams  and  Giddings  alone  had  to  face  the  hungry 
and  importunate  demands  of  the  slaveholders. 

Mr.  Adams  spoke  with  great  earnestness  and  effect. 
He  carried  the  members  with  him  as  he  progressed 
with  his  argument,  and  the  fate  of  the  bill  was  dis 
tinctly  foreshadowed  on  the  countenances  of  mem 
bers.  Giddings,  like  Adams,  dwelt  chiefly  upon  the 
moral  character  of  slavery,  and  insisted  that  nothing 
which  man  could  do  could  make  one  human  being 
the  property  of  another.  Mr.  Howard  of  Michigan 
said  "a  bill  of  sale  from  the  Almighty"  would  do  it; 
to  which  Giddings  promptly  replied  that  in  such  a 
case  he  would  deny  the  handwriting.  Holmes  of 
South  Carolina  called  him  to  order,  but  he  was 
allowed  to  proceed  with  his  argument.  The  dele 
gate  from  Florida  made  a  feeble  speech  in  reply, 
after  which  the  vote  was  taken  on  the  bill,  only 
thirty-six  members  giving  it  their  support. 

On  the  I4th  of  February  another  claim  for  the 
value  of  lost  slaves  came  before  the  House.  It  re 
lated  to  the  slave-ships  "Comet"  and  "Encomium," 
which  were  wrecked  near  the  British  West  India 
Islands,  and  the  slaves  made  free  by  coming  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  British  law,  as  stated  in  a  previous 
chapter.  The  claim  was  first  asserted  under  Presi 
dent  Jackson,  and  on  the  false  representation  of  Mr. 
Stevenson,  our  minister  to  England,  that  this  Gov 
ernment  had  been  in  the  habit  of  recognizing  slaves 
as  property,  the  British  Ministry  consented  to  pay 
some  seventy-five  thousand  dollars  for  the  benefit 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  143 

of  slave-dealers.  Without  consulting  Congress,  the 
President  paid  out  all  but  nine  thousand  dollars,  for 
which  no  claimants  appeared.  When  about  to  retire 
from  office,  President  Van  Buren  paid  over  this  bal 
ance  to  the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States,  who, 
however,  refused  to  pay  it  to  the  claimants  now  ask 
ing  it,  without  an  Act  of  Congress  authorizing  him  to 
do  so.  They  therefore  applied  to  Congress,  and  their 
petition  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Ways  and 
Means,  which  reported  a  bill  authorizing  the  Treas 
urer  to  pay  over  the  money  to  the  claimants. 

Giddings  proposed  to  Stanly  of  North  Carolina, 
who  had  the  matter  in  charge  as  the  representative 
of  the  claimants,  who  were  his  constituents,  that  the 
bill  should  simply  authorize  the  Treasurer  to  replace 
the  money  in  the  hands  of  the  Executive,  which 
would  answer  every  practical  purpose,  and  relieve 
Congress  of  the  odium  of  taxing  the  people  for  the 
support  of  the  slave-trade.  Stanly  agreed  to  this, 
and  at  his  request  Giddings  drew  up  a  bill  which 
Stanly  accepted  as  a  substitute  for  the  original  bill, 
and  which  was  passed  by  the  House.  When  it  was 
taken  up  in  the  Senate,  the  original  bill  reported 
by  the  committee  was  substituted  by  the  House  bill, 
and  came  back  in  that  form.  Giddings  was  aston 
ished  at  the  apparent  treachery  of  Stanly,  who  de 
clined  to  make  any  explanation;  and  having  charge 
of  it,  he  was  awarded  the  floor,  and  demanded  the 
previous  question.  Giddings  asked  him  to  withdraw 
the  demand;  but  he  refused,  and  the  question  on  con 
curring  in  the  Senate's  substitute  was  put  and  carried. 

Giddings  was  of  course  indignant,  and  having 
voted  in  the  affirmative  for  the  purpose,  he  now 
moved  to  reconsider  the  vote,  and  entered  into  a 
thorough  discussion  of  the  policy  of  the  Government 


144  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G1DDINGS. 

respecting  the  traffic  in  slaves.  He  exposed  the 
shameless  falsehood  of  our  minister  to  England, 
through  which  he  prevailed  on  the  British  Ministry 
to  allow  these  claims.  He  referred  to  our  coastwise 
slave-trade,  under  the  operation  of  which  the  slaves 
in  this  case  became  free  by  passing  beyond  the  terri 
torial  jurisdiction  of  slavery,  and  to  the  readiness  of 
the  Government  to  aid  the  slave-dealer,  while  it 
gagged  the  men  who  would  denounce  his  crimes.  He 
reprobated  the  unauthorized  action  of  Jackson  and 
Van  Buren  in  espousing  the  interests  of  these  claim 
ants  without  consulting  Congress,  thus  making  them 
selves  the  agents  and  solicitors  of  piratical  slave- 
dealers.  He  pointed  to  the  inconsistency  of  the 
Government  in  hanging  men  as  pirates  for  trafficking 
in  slaves  on  the  African  coast  and  keeping  an  expensive 
squadron  there  to  guard  it,  while  supporting  a  more 
execrable  traffic  at  home.  In  conclusion,  he  said : 

"  Sir,  place  this  subject  in  whatever  attitude  you  please,  throw 
around  it  whatever  sophistry  the  human  intellect  is  capable  of 
calling  into  exercise,  yet  the  disgusting  fact  will  stand  portrayed 
to  the  world  in  coming  time  that  in  the  year  1843  this  American 
Congress  sat  gravely  legislating  in  aid  of  this  traffic  in  human 
flesh.  Let  it  go  upon  the  record.  Let  the  archives  of  this  body 
bear  to  coming  generations  the  proof  that  two  hundred  and  forty- 
two  American  statesmen  were  on  this  day  engaged  in  granting 
relief  and  encouragement  to  persons  engaged  in  that  execrable 
commerce  which  Mr.  Jefferson  declared  had  '  rendered  us  the 
scoff  of  infidel  nations.'  But  let  not  my  name  be  found  among 
its  advocates.  Let  not  my  descendants  in  future  years  be  called 
to  blush  for  their  ancestor  on  reading  the  record  of  this  day's 
proceeding.  Sooner,  far  sooner,  would  I  have  it  erased  from  the 
records  of  this  House,  —  yea,  sooner  would  I  have  it  blotted  from 
existence,  —  than  see  it  placed  on  record  in  favor  of  the  bill 
before  us." 

The  motion  of  Giddings  to  reconsider  the  bill  was 
laid  on  the  table,  after  which  he  rose  to  a  question 
of  privilege  touching  an  occurrence  which  had  taken 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  145 

place  during  the  proceedings.  He  said  that  while 
speaking  he  had  noticed  several  persons  standing  in 
front  of  the  clerk's  desk,  one  of  whom  was  Mr.  Daw- 
son  of  Louisiana;  that  the  moment  he  closed  his 
remarks  he  was  violently  pushed  by  what  appeared 
to  be  the  elbow  of  a  man  pressing  against  his  side, 
while  at  the  same  instant  Mr.  Dawson  passed  him, 
on  his  way  from  the  outside  towards  the  clerk's  desk; 
that  he  approached  from  behind,  and  was  neither 
heard  nor  seen  until  this  manifestation  of  his  dis 
pleasure;  that  recognizing  Dawson  as  he  passed,  he 
spoke  in  an  undertone,  but  so  loud  as  to  be  heard, 
saying,  "  Dawson  !  "  when  that  member  turned  around 
and  seized  the  handle  of  a  bowie-knife,  which  par 
tially  protruded  from  his  bosom,  and  immediately 
advanced  towards  Giddings  until  within  striking  dis 
tance,  when,  looking  him  in  the  eye,  Giddings  said, 
"Did  you  push  me  in  that  rude  manner?"  He  an 
swered,  "  Yes."  "  For  the  purpose  of  insulting  me?  " 
"Yes,"  said  Dawson,  as  he  partially  removed  the 
knife  from  the  scabbard.  Giddings  rejoined:  "No 
gentleman  will  wantonly  insult  another.  I  have  no 
more  to  say  to  you,  but  turn  you  over  to  public  con 
tempt,  as  incapable  of  insulting  an  honorable  man." 

By  this  time  Mr.  Moore  of  Louisanna  and  other 
members,  seized  Dawson  and  took  him  from  the 
hall.  Giddings  stated  to  the  House  that  he  felt  it 
due  to  the  members  of  the  body  to  lay  these  facts 
before  them,  wishing  it  distinctly  understood  that 
he  asked  no  protection  from  the  House,  but  left  that 
body  to  protect  its  own  dignity.  Mr.  Calhoun  of 
Massachusetts  insisted  on  reading  the  manual  re 
lating  to  privileges  of  members,  and  Mr.  Adams 
inquired  whether  Dawson  threatened  to  cut  Mr. 
Giddings'  throat  from  ear  to  ear,  as  he  had  that  of  the 

10 


146  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA  R.   GID DINGS. 

gentleman  from  Tennessee  a  few  days  before,  when 
Mr.  Arnold  said  something  unpleasant  to  Dawson. 
The  matter  of  privilege  was  dropped  at  this  point. 
Dawson  had  doubtless  acted  with  the  approbation 
of  several  members,  who  probably  desired  to  try  the 
experiment  of  threatening  personal  violence,  to  deter 
members  from  the  expression  of  their  views.  It  was 
generally  believed  that  Dawson  intended  to  provoke 
a  blow  from  Giddings,  which  would  have  served  as 
an  excuse  for  assassination.  The  exhibition  aroused 
in  the  public  mind  a  feeling  of  disgust  at  the  grow 
ing  insolence  of  slaveholding  members. 

The  question  of  annexing  Texas  to  the  Union  was 
now  coming  to  the  front  as  a  vital  and  overshadowing 
issue.  The  slaveocracy  was  secretly  plotting  for  an 
nexation,  but  the  great  body  of  the  people  of  the 
Northern  States  were  as  yet  ignorant  of  this  con 
spiracy  to  bring  them  into  political  partnership  with 
a  new  slaveholding  State.  It  was  Mr.  Adams  who 
sounded  the  alarm,  and  his  character  and  sources  of 
information  were  such  that  his  words  made  a  power 
ful  impression  on  the  public  opinion  of  the  country. 
On  the  3d  of  March,  twenty  members  of  Congress 
united  in  an  address  to  the  people  of  the  Free  States, 
assuring  them  that  the  annexation  of  Texas  had  been 
resolved  upon  by  the  statesmen  and  politicians  of  the 
South;  that  the  object  was  to  extend  and  perpetu 
ate  the  institution  of  slavery;  that  it  must  involve 
us  in  a  war  with  Mexico  for  its  support ;  that  no  act 
could  be  more  dangerous  than  for  the  Government 
to  enter  upon  the  conquest  of  territory  to  enlarge 
its  power;  and  that  a  dissolution  of  the  Union 
would  not  only  result  from  the  policy,  but  the  act 
itself  would  be  an  abandonment  of  the  Union  then 
enjoyed  and  the  formation  of  a  new  one  with  foreign 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  147 

slaveholders.  The  address  further  declared  that  no 
act  of  the  Executive,  or  of  Congress,  or  of  all  the 
departments  of  the  Government  could  impose  upon 
the  people  of  the  Free  States  any  constitutional  obli 
gation  to  submit  to  such  a  transfer,  or  to  become 
subservient  in  any  degree  to  the  foreign  slaveholders 
of  Texas.  This  address  was  written  by  Seth  M.  Gates, 
and  was  signed  by  John  Quincy  Adams,  Seth  M. 
Gates,  William  Slade,  Wm.  B.  Calhoun,  Joshua  R. 
Giddings,  Sherlock  J.  Andrews,  Nathaniel  B.  Borden, 
Thomas  C.  Chittenden,  John  Mattocks,  Christopher 
Morgan,  Jacob  M.  Howard,  Victory  Birdseye,  Thomas 
Tomlinson,  Staley  N.  Clarke,  Charles  Hudson,  Archi 
bald  L.  Linn,  Thomas  W.  Williams,  Truman  Smith, 
David  Bronson,  and  Geo.  N.  Briggs.  It  was  pub 
lished  at  the  close  of  the  session  in  the  "  National 
Intelligencer,"  and  was  generally  copied  by  the  Whig 
papers  of  the  North. 

The  project  was  now  fairly  launched.  This  ad 
dress  called  the  attention  of  the  Mexican  Govern 
ment  to  the  conspiracy  then  on  foot  in  the  United 
States  to  dismember  that  Republic,  and  the  Mexican 
Executive  notified  the  President  that  Texas  was  a 
revolted  province  which  the  Government  of  Mexico 
was  endeavoring  tQ  bring  back  to  its  allegiance,  and 
that  its  annexation  to  the  United  States  would  neces 
sarily  involve  a  state  of  hostilities  between  the  two 
countries.  The  President  entered  upon  the  work  of 
negotiating  a  treaty  of  annexation,  while  the  fact  that 
Lord  Brougham  had  declared  in  the  House  of  Lords 
that  "the  abolition  of  slavery  in  Texas  would  cut  off 
the  market  for  slaves  now  sent  from  the  slave-breed 
ing  States  of  the  Union  to  Texas,  and  thereby  tend 
to  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  States,"  was  referred 
to  as  an  incident  of  an  "alarming  character." 


148  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

When  the  Twenty-eighth  Congress  assembled,  in 
December,  1843,  two  of  the  anti-slavery  colleagues 
of  Giddings,  Messrs.  Gates  and  Slade,  had  retired 
from  public  life,  and  their  seats  were  filled  by  new 
and  untried  members.  Mr.  Adams  alone,  now  sev 
enty-six  years  of  age,  remained.  His  hand  was  un 
steady  and  his  voice  feeble,  but  his  mind  was 
unimpaired,  and  although  much  discouraged,  he  was 
fully  resolved  to  continue  at  his  post  of  duty  so  long 
as  his  strength  would  permit.  His  age  and  historic 
position  partially  shielded  him  from  the  violence  of 
his  Southern  assailants;  but  with  Giddings  the  case 
was  different.  He  was  contemptuously  denounced 
as  an  "Abolitionist"  and  an  "agitator."  It  was  the 
fashion  of  Democratic  papers  everywhere  to  assail 
him,  while  public  meetings  of  the  party  singled  him 
out  for  denunciation.  The  Press  of  his  own  party 
did  not  sustain  him,  and  the  common  civilities  usually 
extended  to  members  of  Congress  were  denied  him. 
He  exchanged  cards  with  but  few,  and  wholly 
abstained  from  making  calls  of  ceremony.  After 
having  long  served  as  Chairman  of  the  Committee 
on  Claims,  he  was  now  removed  from  that  post,  and 
assigned  to  the  seventh  position  in  the  Committee 
on  Revolutionary  Pensions,  which  had  no  business 
and  did  not  meet.  Such  were  the  circumstances 
under  which  he  resumed  his  public  duties.  But  he 
accepted  the  situation  without  flinching,  and  girded 
himself  for  the  conflict. 

At  this  session  Mr.  Adams  succeeded  in  having  a 
committee  appointed,  of  which  he  was  chairman,  to  re 
port  a  code  of  rules  for  the  government  of  the  House. 
He  made  a  report  omitting  the  Twenty-first  Rule,  and 
the  debate  upon  it  during  the  morning  hour  was  con 
tinued  for  several  weeks,  when  it  was  laid  on  the  table 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  149 

by  a  small  majority.  Giddings  relates  that  during 
the  progress  of  this  debate,  on  entering  the  hall  one 
morning,  he  found  Mr.  Adams  greatly  burdened  in 
mind.  His  appearance  indicated  the  loss  of  sleep. 
He  declared  that  our  government  had  become  the 
most  perfect  despotism  of  the  Christian  world;  that 
he  was  physically  disqualified  to  contend  longer  for 
the  floor;  and  that  he  must  leave  the  vindication  of 
his  report  to  Giddings,  as  duty  to  himself  forbade 
further  attempt  on  his  part.  He  said  he  had  in 
dulged  the  hope  of  living  to  see  the  gag-rule  abro 
gated,  but  he  now  considered  this  doubtful.  Giddings 
was  touched  by  this  appeal,  and  on  obtaining  the  floor 
on  the  2d  of  February  following,  he  made  a  vigor 
ous  argument  against  the  rule,  which  hastened  its 
approaching  overthrow. 

On  the  28th  of  December,  a  colored  man  named 
William  Jones,  who  had  been  imprisoned  in  the 
Washington  jail  on  suspicion  that  he  was  a  fugitive, 
found  means  to  send  a  petition  to  Giddings,  stating 
that  he  was  a  free  citizen  of  the  United  States,  born 
in  Virginia,  and  while  residing  in  Washington,  with 
out  any  charge  of  crime  or  offence,  he  had  been  seized 
and  imprisoned,  and  after  considerable  expense  had 
been  incurred,  which  he  was  unable  to  pay,  he  was  ad 
vertised  for  sale  to  meet  the  costs  of  this  proceeding. 
He  asserted  that  he  had  no  owner  but  God,  and  he 
prayed  Congress  to  protect  him  in  the  enjoyment  of 
his  liberty.  Giddings  presented  his  petition,  and 
moved  its  reference  to  a  select  committee.  The 
presentation  of  this  petition  from  one  presumed  by 
Southern  laws  to  be  a  slave  created  some  sensation, 
but  there  was  no  display  of  ruffianism,  and  no  motion 
to  censure  the  member  presenting  it.  The  petition 
was  respectfully  received,  but  the  debate  upon  it  was 


150  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GID DINGS. 

postponed  until  the  following  day,  when  Mr.  Saun- 
ders  of  North  Carolina  declared  that  the  law  in  all 
Slave  States,  and  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  pre 
sumed  every  colored  person  a  slave  who  could  not 
prove  his  freedom,  and  that  respect  for  this  law  de 
manded  the  instant  rejection  of  the  petition.  To 
this  it  was  replied  that  no  such  presumption  could 
be  just  or  reasonable,  or  in  accordance  with  the 
Constitution,  and  that  it  was  neither  more  nor  less 
than  a  mode  of  enslaving  free  persons,  and  was  pi 
ratical  in  its  character.  The  subject  was  debated  at 
some  length,  after  which  the  petition  was  referred 
to  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary,  which  never  made 
any  report. 

In  the  course  of  the  debate  Mr.  Adams  referred  to 
the  fact  that  in  the  preceding  Congress,  when  a  citi 
zen  of  Louisiana  was  shown  to  be  illegally  impris 
oned  in  the  Washington  jail,  the  House  promptly 
suspended  the  rules  in  order  to  pass  a  bill  for  his 
relief,  and  within  a  half  hour  from  its  introduction 
the  bill  reached  the  Senate.  But  the  wronged  man 
in  this  case  was  white. 

On  the  same  day  the  vigilance  of  Giddings  found 
further  employment  in  dealing  with  our  home  squad 
ron.  The  subject  was  brought  before  the  House  by 
a  resolution  of  Mr.  Hale,  of  New  Hampshire,  calling 
for  certain  information  respecting  this  establishment. 
Its  ostensible  purpose  was  the  protection  of  American 
commerce;  but  Giddings  joined  Adams  in  warning  the 
public  that  the  interests  of  slavery  were  chiefly  con 
cerned  in  its  operations.  He  referred  to  the  fact  that 
a  lieutenant  in  command  of  one  of  our  national  vessels 
had  prostituted  the  flag  of  his  country  to  the  base  pur 
pose  of  catching  fugitive  slaves  on  the  coast  of  Flor 
ida.  He  declared  that  the  coastwise  slave-trade  was 


THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   G  ID  DINGS.  I  5  I 

no  part  of  American  commerce,  as  the  Supreme  Court 
had  decided,  and  he  was  opposed  to  the  use  of  the 
navy  for  the  relief  of  slave-ships  employed  in  trans 
porting  human  cargoes  around  the  peninsula  of  Flor 
ida  to  the  New  Orleans  market.  The  agitation  of 
this  question  seemed  to  be  very  distasteful  to  South 
ern  members,  and  after  a  brief  debate  they  managed 
to  suppress  it. 

It  was  in  the  latter  part  of  December  that  Mr. 
Adams  introduced  the  memorial  of  the  Massachu 
setts  Legislature,  praying  an  amendment  of  that  fea 
ture  of  the  Constitution  which  allowed  three  fifths 
of  the  slaves  to  be  counted  in  the  basis  of  represen 
tation.  It  gave  rise  to  a  memorable  debate,  and  was 
referred  to  a  select  committee  of  nine  members,  con 
sisting  of  Adams  of  Massachusetts,  Rhett  of  South 
Carolina,  J.  R.  Ingersoll  of  Pennsylvania,  Gilmer 
of  Virginia,  Davis  of  Kentucky,  Burke  of  New 
Hampshire,  Morse  of  Maine,  Sample  of  Indiana, 
and  Giddings  of  Ohio.  The  question  involved  was 
seriously  argued  in  committee,  after  which  a  resolu 
tion  was  unanimously  adopted,  declaring  it  inexpe 
dient  at  that  time  for  the  House  to  recommend  such 
an  amendment  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  chairman, 
Mr.  Adams,  was  directed  to  prepare  a  report  to  that 
effect.  It  was  not  ready  till  April,  1844,  when  every 
member  was  present  to  hear  it  read.  It  declared 
that  the  provision  of  the  Constitution  giving  the 
enslavers  of  men  superior  power  and  influence  in 
the  government  over  non-slaveholders  "  is  opposed 
to  the  vital  principles  of  Republican  representation; 
to  the  self-evident  truths  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence  ;  to  the  letter  and  spirit  of  the  Constitution 
itself;  to  the  letter  and  spirit  of  the  Constitutions  of 
almost  all  the  States  of  the  Union;  to  the  liberties 


152  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

of  the  whole  people  of  the  Free  States,  and  to  all 
that  portion  of  the  people  of  the  Slave  States  other 
than  the  owners  of  slaves;  that  this  is  its  essential 
and  inextinguishable  character  in  principle;  and 
that  its  fruits,  in  its  entire  practical  operation  upon 
the  government,  correspond  with  that  character." 
The  report  further  declared  that  "the  Declaration 
of  Independence  constituted  a  sacred  pledge  in  the 
name  of  God,  solemnly  given  by  each  State,  to  abol 
ish  slavery  as  soon  as  practicable,  and  to  substitute 
freedom  in  its  place;"  and  that  "slavery  is  opposed 
to  all  the  teachings  of  the  gospel,  is  at  war  with  God's 
attribute  of  justice,  and  should  be  eradicated  from 
the  earth." 

While  this  report  conceded  that  the  time  for  rec 
ommending  the  proposed  change  of  the  Constitution 
had  not  yet  arrived,  the  doctrines  it  enunciated  were 
well  calculated  to  arouse  in  the  American  people  a 
spirit  of  liberty  that  would  hasten  the  day  of  total 
emancipation.  It  was  such  an  arraignment  of  the 
viciousness  of  slave  representation  as  John  Quincy 
Adams  alone  could  make,  and  its  influence  upon 
public  opinion  was  inestimable.  Adams  and  Gid- 
dings  alone  signed  this  report,  while  the  other  mem 
bers  of  the  committee  agreed  upon  three  special 
reports,  drawn  to  meet  the  views  of  the  members 
who  signed  them.  The  memorial  and  resolves  of  the 
Legislature  of  Massachusetts  were  presented  in  the 
Senate,  where  they  were  denounced  as  "resolutions 
to  dissolve  the  Union,"  and  were  laid  on  the  table; 
but  the  motion  to  print  t/icm  was  rejected.  A  few 
days  later,  Mr.  Berrien  of  Georgia  presented  resolu 
tions  from  that  State  in  opposition  to  the  change 
of  the  Constitution  prayed  for  by  Massachusetts. 
These  resolutions  were  respectfully  laid  on  the  table, 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GID DINGS.  153 

and  ordered  to  be  printed.  So  craven  was  the  Senate 
that  this  insult  to  Massachusetts  and  discrimination 
in  favor  of  the  barbarism  of  slavery  was  suffered  to 
go  unrebuked  by  any  voice  in  that  body. 

On  the  1 8th  of  April  Giddings  addressed  the 
House  on  the  claim  of  the  Spanish  pirates,  Montez 
and  Ruiz,  for  compensation  for  the  loss  of  the  ne 
groes  on  board  the  "Amistad."  This  claim,  as  we 
have  seen,  had  been  declared  void  by  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States ;  but  it  was  now  brought 
before  Congress  in  a  bill  from  the  Committee  on 
Foreign  Affairs,  accompanied  by  an  elaborate  report 
from  its  chairman,  Hon.  Charles  J.  Ingersoll  of 
Pennsylvania,  who  moved  to  print  ten  thousand  extra 
copies. 

The  speech  of  Giddings  has  been  referred  to  in  a 
preceding  chapter;  but  it  does  so  much  honor  both 
to  his  head  and  his  heart  that  some  further  mention  of 
it  is  demanded.  In  his  opening  remarks  he  said,  — 

"  The  proposition  goes  one  degree  beyond  any  other  ever 
made  to  this  body.  We  have  been  called  on  to  sustain  our  own 
coastwise  slave-trade,  but  never  were  we  asked  to  support  the 
African  slave-trade,  until  the  presentation  of  the  report  under 
consideration.  We  have  been  called  on,  as  the  House  is  aware, 
to  legislate  for  the  encouragement  of  our  own  slave-merchants ; 
but  never,  until  this  report  came  before  us,  were  we  asked  to 
sustain  the  slave-dealers  of  Cuba.  We  have  surely  entered  upon 
a  new  era  in  our  national  legislation.  The  people  of  the  Free 
States  should  certainly  understand  the  burdens  we  are  about  to 
place  upon  them. 

"  The  advocates  of  oppression  are  desirous  of  preparing  the 
public  mind  to  receive  the  insult  about  to  be  tendered  the  people 
of  the  North.  Hence  the  necessity  of  sending  out  this  extraordi 
nary  number  of  the  report,  which  is  perhaps  the  ablest  vindi 
cation  of  the  foreign  slave-trade  that  has  emanated  from  any 
legislative  body  during  the  present  century.  And  it  is  hoped 
that  this  argument  will  have  the  effect  of  reconciling  our  people 
of  the  North  to  the  degradation  of  becoming  involved  in  the 
guilt  of  sustaining  this  commerce. 


154  THR  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

"  The  author  of  the  report  is  entitled  to  much  credit  for  the 
boldness  of  his  positions.  To  stand  forth  upon  the  records  of 
our  nation  as  the  advocate  of  Spanish  slave-merchants,  to  espouse 
the  cause  of  foreign  slave-dealers,  and  to  denounce  those  who 
oppose  that  '  execrable  commerce,'  requires  at  this  day  no  small 
portion  of  moral  courage.  The  report  in  question,  with  great 
gravity,  proposes  to  review  and  re-examine  the  solemn  decision 
of  the  highest  judicial  tribunal  known  to  our  laws.  It  goes  on 
to  point  out  the  supposed  errors,  and  proposes  that  we  shall  cor 
rect  them. 

"  This,  I  believe,  is  the  first  proposition  of  the  kind  ever 
brought  before  this  body.  A  new  precedent  is  sought  to  be 
established.  We  are  to  erect  ourselves  into  a  court  for  the  cor 
rection  of  errors  committed  in  the  judicial  branch  of  government. 
How  far  the  precedent  is  to  extend,  I  know  not;  nor  am  I  able 
to  say  whether  this  supervisory  power  is  also  to  extend  over  the 
executive  department  or  not.  We  have  generally  found  much 
more  business  than  we  have  been  able  to  transact  while  we  con 
fined  ourselves  to  the  legitimate  subjects  of  legislation.  But  if, 
to  these  ordinary  duties,  we  add  that  of  a  court  for  the  correction 
of  errors,  it  will  become  necessary  to  have  another  department 
formed,  whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  legislate  for  the  nation.  And 
what,  I  ask,  is  the  occasion  which  demands  of  us  thus  to  assume 
new  duties  unknown  to  the  Constitution  ?  Why,  sir,  it  is  nothing 
less  than  to  pay  a  sum  of  money  from  the  public  treasury  to 
these  slave-traders,  in  a  case  where  the  law  will  not  give  it ;  where 
respect  for  ourselves,  for  our  own  consistency,  and  for  the  char 
acter  of  the  nation  forbid  it ;  where  justice,  humanity,  and  the 
Constitution  forbid  it. 

"  We  appropriate  a  million  of  dollars  annually  to  suppress  the 
African  slave-trade  and  to  hang  our  own  people  who  engage  in 
it ;  and  we  are  now  asked  to  pay  a  large  sum  to  the  Spanish 
slave-dealers  to  encourage  them  to  persevere  in  their  accursed 
vocation.  How  many  gentlemen  who  placed  their  names  on 
record  but  a  few  days  since  in  favor  of  so  large  an  appropriation 
of  money  to  suppress  this  African  slave-trade,  are  now  willing  to 
record  their  names  in  favor  of  an  appropriation  of  seventy  thou 
sand  dollars  to  promote  it?  How  many  are  prepared  to  vote  for 
that  trade  to-day  who  voted  against  it  yesterday  ?  " 

Giddings  argued  the  case  at  length  and  with  great 
thoroughness,  presenting  the  legal  and  moral  aspects 
of  the  question  with  much  clearness  and  force.  He 
concluded,  — 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA    R.    GIDDINGS.  155 

"  We  have  been  called  to  legislate  in  favor  of  the  slave-dealers 
of  our  own  land.  We  have  been  asked  to  pay  them  for  slaves 
lost  and  for  slaves  stolen ;  but  never,  until  this  report  was  made, 
has  Congress  been  called  on  to  pay  foreigners  for  their  losses 
while  dealing  in  human  flesh.  I  have  felt  it  my  duty  to  meet 
this  proposition  at  the  threshold,  and  to  oppose  it  with  what 
energy  and  influence  I  possess.  I  have  done  so,  knowing  the 
feeling  arrayed  against  me  ;  but  the  country,  the  people  of  this 
widespread  Republic,  now  and  hereafter,  will  pronounce  judg 
ment  upon  those  attempts  to  prostitute  our  powers  to  the  support 
of  a  commerce  in  our  own  species." 

At  the  conclusion  of  his  speech  the  motion  to  print 
was  laid  on  the  table,  and  neither  the  bill  nor  the  re 
port  was  ever  called  up  for  consideration  afterwards. 

On  the  following  day  Giddings  wrote,  - 

MY  DEAR  DAUGHTER,  —  ...  You  will  see  by  the  "  Intelligencer  " 
of  this  morning  that  yesterday  brought  me  in  contact  with  the 
famous  C.  J.  Ingersoll,  of  Philadelphia.  He  had  prepared  a  dis 
graceful  report  and  bill  to  take  seventy  thousand  dollars  from  the 
public  treasury  to  pay  to  the  Spanish  slave-dealers  on  board  the 
"  Amistad."  I  felt  indignant  on  reading  the  report.  Ingersoll 
moved  to  print  ten  thousand  copies  for  distribution.  I  broke 
forth  and  spoke  as  I  felt.  He  felt  my  thrusts,  for  he  constantly 
interrupted  me,  and  each  interruption  placed  him  in  a  more  unen 
viable  situation  than  before.  I  used  up  my  hour,  and  when  I  took 
my  seat,  my  old  and  venerable  friend  Mr.  Adams  came  to  my  seat 
and  thanked  me  with  great  feeling,  and  added,  "  You  have  told  us 
God's  truth."  Other  friends  assured  me  that  I  made  a  better 
speech  than  I  ever  made  before.  I  expected  that  Ingersoll  would 
be  down  upon  me  this  morning  with  great  power;  but  after 
examining  my  positions  he  submitted  to  have  the  motion  laid 
on  the  table,  and  this  is  an  end  of  it.  You  see  by  the  "  Intelli 
gencer  "  a  short  sketch  of  my  remarks ;  but  it  is  meagre.  The 
short  passages  at  arms  between  us  gave  much  amusement  to 
members,  who  several  times  cheered  me  loudly,  while  the  slave 
holders  sat  around  me  in  silent  sadness.  You  must  excuse  me  for 
not  correcting  what  I  have  written ;  I  have  no  time  to  do  so. 
God  bless  you  ! 

J.  R.  GIDDINGS. 

On  the  2  ist  of  May,  Giddings  addressed  the  House 
on  the  question  of  annexation.  Many  speeches  had 


156  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

been  made  in  favor  of  the  project,  but  this  was  the 
first  in  opposition.  Referring  to  the  argument  that 
the  acquisition  of  Texas  was  necessary  to  the  security 
of  slavery,  and  that,  therefore,  the  guarantees  of  the 
Constitution  required  it,  he  said,  — 

"  Sir,  this  senseless  jargon,  this  eternal  repetition  concerning 
the  'guarantees  of  slavery,'  is  daily  sounding  in  our  ears.  It  is 
put  forth  by  men  of  character  and  those  high  in  office.  Sir,  the 
idea  that  the  Constitution  contains  a  guarantee  of  slavery  is  an 
impeachment  both  of  the  sincerity  and  the  judgment  of  the 
framers  of  that  charter  of  American  liberty  ;  and  I  take  this 
occasion  to  repeat  my  assertion  that  no  such  stipulation  exists, 
or  ever  did  exist,  in  that  instrument.  And  standing  here,  in  the 
presence  of  so  many  learned  and  able  statesmen  of  the  South, 
many  of  whom  have  repeated  the  unfounded  assumption,  I  call 
upon  any  one  or  all  of  them  to  refer  me  to  any  such  covenant  or 
stipulation  in  the  Constitution. 

"  Mr.  BRENGLE  of  Maryland  stated  that  at  the  formation  of  the 
Constitution  slavery  existed  in  most  of  the  States,  and  that  slaves 
were  regarded  as  property,  and,  in  that  light,  were  the  subject 
of  protection  as  much  as  any  other  property. 

"  Mr.  GIDDINGS.  Will  the  gentleman  point  me  to  the  section 
in  which  I  may  find  this  guarantee  ? 

"  Mr.  BRENGLE.  I  don't  refer  to  any  section  in  particular,  but 
to  the  whole  instrument.  [A  laugh.] 

"  Mr.  GIDDINGS.  Well,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  finally  chased 
this  notable  guarantee  into  the  region  of  Southern  abstrac 
tions;  but  I  declare  I  never  came  so  near  finding  it  before. 
[Laughter.]  .  .  . 

"  But  I  ask,  where  is  the  power  to  annex  territory  to  the  Union 
for  the  purpose  of  sustaining  slavery  in  a  foreign  state  ?  To 
open  up  new  slave-markets  ?  To  assume  the  war  of  a  foreign 
state  ?  To  use  the  army  and  navy,  and  violate  our  treaties  with 
other  governments,  for  the  purpose  of  perpetuating  an  institution 
which  we  detest?  I  denounce  all  these  efforts  to  plunge  us  into 
a  war,  to  pour  out  the  treasure  and  the  blood  of  a  nation  that 
slavery  and  the  slave-trade  may  flourish,  as  violations  of  the  Con 
stitution  and  of  the  dearest  rights  of  the  people. 

"  I  discard  the  idea  of  interfering  with  the  institution  in  any  of 
the  States.  I  admit  their  power  to  hold  slaves,  independent  of 
Congress  or  of  the  Federal  Government.  Sir,  I  admit  your  legal 
right,  under  the  laws  of  Virginia,  to  hold  your  fellow-man  in 
bondage.  I  cannot  interfere  with  that  privilege.  But  while  I  do 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  157 

this,  I  demand  an  equal  respect  for  the  rights  and  privileges  of 
the  people  of  my  State.  Ohio  has  an  indisputable  right  to  be 
free  and  exempt  from  the  support  of  slavery." 

Returning  to  the  question  of  power,  Giddings  said  : 

"  Sir,  the  President,  in  seeking  to  sustain  slavery  in  Texas, 
proposes  to  annex  that  government  to  this  Union.  Those  who 
oppose  this  policy  deny  the  constitutional  power  to  associate  a 
foreign  people  with  us  in  the  administration  of  government.  To 
this  the  gentleman  from  Alabama  [Mr.  Belser]  replied  rather 
sneeringly,  as  I  thought,  that  there  was  a  class  of  public  men  who 
deny  the  constitutional  power  of  the  Federal  Government  to 
annex  Texas  to  this  Union.  He  then  went  on  to  say  that  such 
were  the  views  of  the  Abolitionists,  and  that  their  candidate  for 
President  [James  G.  Birney]  had  started  this  doctrine.  Now,  I 
beg  leave  to  differ  with  that  gentleman  as  to  the  authorship  of 
this  doctrine.  It  had  been  put  forth  long  before  Mr.  Birney's 
letter  was  written.  It  was  put  forth  by  a  greater  abolitionist 
than  Mr.  Birney,  by  a  man  whom  I  have  always  regarded 
as  a  far  greater  man,  and  to  whose  opinions  I  have,  from  my 
youth  up,  been  taught  to  pay  the  highest  respect.  [Cries,  'Who 
is  it?  Who  is  it?']  He  was  the  author  of  the  first  abolition 
tract  ever  published  in  the  United  States,  and,  in  my  opinion,  the 
best  ever  put  forth.  [Cries,  '  Name  him  !  Name  him  ! ']  I  bor 
rowed  my  own  abolition  sentiments  from  his  writings,  and  have 
cherished  them,  and  shall  continue  to  do  so,  from  respect  to  his 
memory,  if  from  no  other  motive.  His  name  was  Thomas  Jeffer 
son.  [A  laugh.]  And  his  abolition  tract  was  called  the  Decla 
ration  of  Independence  [great  laughter]." 

The  question  of  annexation  now  completely  occu 
pied  the  public  mind  in  every  section  of  the  Union. 
In  furtherance  of  the  scheme,  Mr.  Webster  had  been 
retired  from  the  State  Department,  and  Mr.  Upshur, 
a  disciple  of  Calhoun,  succeeded  him.  On  Upshur's 
death  Calhoun  himself  was  made  Secretary  of  State. 
Pending  the  negotiation  of  a  treaty  of  annexation,  the 
question  found  its  way  into  our  party  politics  and 
dictated  the  Presidential  nomination.  Mr.  Clay  was 
nominated  by  the  Whigs,  on  the  1st  of  May,  and  his 
position  on  this  question  had  been  clearly  defined  in 
his  letter  to  the  "National  Intelligencer  "  of  the  i/th 


158  THE  LIFE  OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

of  April,  in  which  he  declared  that  annexation  and 
war  with  Mexico  were  identical,  and  placed  himself 
squarely  against  it,  except  upon  conditions  named, 
which  would  make  the  project  of  immediate  an 
nexation  impossible.  On  the  slavery  question  he 
had  not  yet  seriously  offended  the  anti-slavery  ele 
ment  in  his  own  party,  and  was  even  trusted  by 
some  of  the  voting  Abolitionists.  In  his  speech  at 
Raleigh,  in  April  of  this  year,  he  declared  it  to 'be 
the  duty  of  each  State  to  sustain  its  own  domestic 
institutions.  He  had  publicly  said  that  the  General 
Government  had  nothing  to  do  with  slavery  save  in 
the  matters  of  taxation,  representation,  and  the  re-' 
turn  of  fugitive  slaves;  and  he  had  condemned  the 
censure  of  Giddings,  in  1842,  as  an  outrage,  and 
indorsed  the  principles  laid  down  in  his  papers 
signed  "Pacificus." 

James  K.  Polk  was  nominated  by  the  Democrats, 
on  the  2/th  of  May,  solely  on  the  ground  that  he 
was  unequivocally  committed  to  the  policy  of  imme 
diate  annexation,  and  because  Mr.  Van  Buren,  in  the 
face  of  a  great  temptation,  had  written  his  manly  and 
statesmanlike  letter  in  disapproval  of  the  project. 
The  Liberty  party  had  nominated  James  G.  Birney 
in  August  of  the  previous  year,  so  that  there  were 
now  three  Presidential  candidates,  all  chosen  with 
special  reference  to  the  same  great  question. 

The  cordial  friendship  existing  between  Clay  and 
Giddings  at  this  time  is  shown  in  a  letter  to  Mrs. 
Giddings,  dated  April  28,  from  which  I  quote:  — 

"  Mr.  Clay  came  to  the  city  on  Friday.  I  called  to  pay  my 
respects  and  to  introduce  my  colleagues.  He  is  in  fine  health, 
and  appeared  glad  to  see  me.  Although  many  Southern  men  of 
high  standing  were  present,  he  complimented  me  on  the  course  I 
had  taken  in  public  life,  and  declared  my  views  to  be  correct. 
By  the  way,  while  in  North  Carolina  he  avowed  my  principles, 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  159 

without,  however,  making  any  allusion  to  me.  It  is  not  un 
likely  that  I  felt  flattered  by  the  compliment  he  paid  me ;  and 
I  certainly  felt  a  high  gratification  when  I  read  his  remarks  at 
Raleigh,  in  which  he  set  forth,  in  a  short  and  lucid  manner,  the 
entire  doctrines  of  '  Pacificus.'  " 

The  confidence  of  Giddings  in  the  anti-slavery 
character  of  Henry  Clay  is  one  of  the  remarkable 
facts  of  his  public  life.  It  may  be  partially  ac 
counted  for  by  his  admiration  for  the  great  leader, 
which  he  shared  with  all  his  fellow  Whigs,  and  by 
the  indescribable  power  of  Clay's  personal  magnet 
ism,  which  was  even  more  potent  in  the  social  circle 
than  in  his  public  speeches.  In  the  speech  from 
which  I  have  just  quoted,  he  says, — 

"  I  verily  believe  that  Mr.  Clay  will  administer  the  govern 
ment,  if  elected,  with  a  strict  regard  to  the  constitutional  rights 
of  all  the  States.  This  he  stands  pledged  to  do  ;  and  a  long  life 
of  public  service  has  given  me  and  the  public  satisfactory  evi 
dence  that  he  will  wipe  out  the  foul  disgrace  already  brought 
upon  our  national  character  by  attempting  to  make  slavery  and 
the  slave-trade  subjects  of  national  support." 

And  yet  in  his  famous  speech  in  the  Senate  against 
the  Abolitionists,  in  1839,  Clay  had  declared  himself 
against  the  abolition  of  slavery  and  the  slave-trade 
in  the  District  of  Columbia.  He  had  justified  the 
action  of  Congress  in  behalf  of  the  coastwise  slave- 
trade  by  referring  it  to  the  power  of  Congress  to 
regulate  commerce  between  the  States.  He  had 
opposed  the  prohibition  of  slavery  in  the  Territory 
of  Florida.  He  had  declared  that  "  that  is  property 
which  the  law  makes  to  be  property,"  and  that  "two 
hundred  years  of  legislation  have  sanctioned  and 
sanctified  negro  slaves  as  property,"  —  doctrines  which 
Giddings  and  all  the  Abolitionists  on  both  sides  of 
the  Atlantic  utterly  repudiated.  He  had  repeated  the 
current  accusation  that  the  Abolitionists  had  tight- 


160  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   A.    G  ID  DINGS. 

ened  the  chains  of  slavery  and  postponed  indefinitely 
the  work  of  emancipation,  while  he  declared  that  as 
a  citizen  of  any  one  of  the  planting  States,  he  would 
oppose  "any  scheme  of  emancipation  whatever,  grad 
ual  or  immediate."  It  should  be  remembered,  too, 
that  in  the  Senate,  in  1840,  he  joined  Calhoun  in  the 
effort  to  nationalize  slavery  and  the  traffic  in  slaves, 
by  supporting  the  resolutions  of  the  latter  touching 
the  slave-ship  "Enterprise."  Indeed,  it  was  Clay's 
offensive  record  on  the  slavery  question  which  armed 
the  Liberty  party  with  its  power,  and  exposed  Gid- 
dings  to  the  hot  shot  of  the  followers  of  Birney  on 
the  one  hand,  and  the  equally  galling  fire  of  the 
annexationists  on  the  other.  It  is  quite  evident, 
therefore,  that  when  Clay  declared  it  to  be  the  duty 
of  each  State  to  sustain  its  own  domestic  institu 
tions,  and  indorsed  "the  entire  doctrines  of  'Pacifi- 
cus, '  "  he  meant  one  thing,  while  Giddings  meant 
a  totally  different  thing. 

But  the  issue  in  this  canvass  involved  other  con 
siderations  than  the  attitude  of  Mr.  Clay  on  the 
slavery  question.  Giddings  was  a  Whig,  and  thus 
far  his  Whig  constituents  had  sustained  him.  In 
Congress  the  Whigs  from  the  Northern  States,  as  a 
rule,  had  stood  by  him  in  his  fight  over  the  "  Creole  " 
resolutions,  his  struggle  for  the  right  of  petition,  and 
his  effort  to  denationalize  slavery.  Quite  naturally 
he  looked  to  the  Whig  party  as  the  instrumentality 
through  which  he  could  best  hope  to  give  practical 
effect  to  his  anti-slavery  principles.  In  common 
with  other  Whigs,  he  believed  that  in  this  canvass 
the  best  elements  of  society,  in  a  very  large  measure, 
stood  behind  Clay, —  the  men  of  intelligence,  high 
character,  public  spirit,  and  uprightness  in  every 
walk  of  life;  while  Polk  was  backed  by  Southern 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  161 

fire-eaters,  slavery  extensionists,  and  nullifiers,  who 
were  ready  to  subordinate  the  Constitution  itself  to 
their  zeal  for  their  peculiar  institution,  and  who  were 
reinforced  by  nearly  the  solid  foreign  vote,  and  the 
vicious  and  criminal  classes  in  all  the  great  cities  of 
the  North  and  in  New  Orleans. 

To  Giddings  the  question  of  duty  seemed  perfectly 
clear.  On  the  vital  issue  of  annexation  Clay  had 
clearly  defined  his  position  in  the  papers  already 
mentioned.  Giddings  firmly  believed  that  his  elec 
tion  would  avert  the  calamities  of  war  and  the  fatal 
ascendancy  of  slavery  which  would  follow  the  acqui 
sition  of  Texas.  The  slaveocracy  agreed  with  him. 
Its  champions  believed  the  restriction  of  slavery  fore 
shadowed  its  destruction,  and  their  zeal  for  annexa 
tion  proved  the  sincerity  of  this  opinion.  The  issue 
could  not  be  mistaken,  nor  could  its  magnitude  be 
overstated.  The  duty  of  the  hour  was  not  to  pro 
mulgate  a  creed  and  organize  a  new  party,  but  to 
meet  a  fearful  national  emergency.  An  opportunity 
was  now  offered  to  strike  at  the  life  of  slavery  by 
strangling  the  only  project  through  which  it  could 
hope  to  extend  its  dominion;  and  no  member  of  the 
Liberty  party  could  have  labored  more  zealously  and 
conscientiously  for  his  candidate  than  did  Giddings 
for  the  idolized  leader  of  the  Whigs. 

The  canvass,  however,  brought  with  it  much  anx 
iety  to  the  Whigs,  and  this  was  chiefly  caused  by  the 
action  of  Mr.  Clay  himself.  On  the  6th  of  July 
Giddings  addressed  to  him  the  following  confidential 
letter :- 

DEAR  SIR,  —  On  my  return  from  Washington  I  found  our 
people  as  much  engaged  in  the  coming  contest  as  I  had  ex 
pected.  Our  Fourth  of  July  passed  off  in  a  manner  highly 
flattering  to  our  cause.  Our  people,  of  all  political  parties,  re 
gard  the  great  questions  to  be,  Whether  the  nation  shall  assume 

II 


1 62  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

upon  itself  the  support  of  slavery  in  the  States  ?  Whether  the 
people  of  the  Free  States  shall  be  involved  in  the  expense  of  its 
maintenance  ?  These  questions,  you  are  aware,  are  pressed 
upon  our  attention  in  the  official  correspondence  accompanying 
the  Texas  treaty ;  and  we  regard  them  as  important,  and  even 
vital,  to  our  institutions.  We  are  therefore  rallying  upon  that 
issue.  From  your  Texas  letter,  and  the  analysis  of  Whig  doc 
trines  given  in  your  speech  at  Raleigh,  we  regarded  you  as 
opposed  to  these  propositions.  In  the  ninth  article  of  the  Whig 
faith,  as  given  in  your  published  remarks,  you  state  "  the  main 
tenance  exclusively  by  the  several  States  of  their  own  local  and 
peculiar  institutions  "  to  be  a  fundamental  doctrine  of  the  Whig 
party.  On  the  4th  instant  the  "  National  Intelligencer "  ar 
rived,  with  your  Raleigh  speech  as  written  out  by  yourself.  In 
it  we  find  no  allusion  to  the  above  doctrine.  This  has  led  many 
to  apprehend  that  we  have  mistaken  your  views  on  this  all- 
important  point.  Indeed,  the  absence  of  all  allusion  to  it  in 
your  speech  as  written  by  yourself  has  created  great  appre 
hension  in  the  minds  of  many  of  your  friends.  I  regard  it  as 
important  that  we  should  be  informed  on  the  subject.  Indeed, 
our  people  feel  that  they  have  the  right  to  understand  your  senti 
ments  in  respect  to  this  important  question  now  pressed  upon  us 
by  the  opposition  party. 

I  would,  therefore  most  respectfully  suggest  that  you  cause 
your  views  on  this  point  to  be  made  public  in  such  way  as  your 
judgment  may  dictate.  The  importance  of  such  a  step  can  only 
be  appreciated  by  those  who  understand  the  deep  feeling  which 
now  pervades  the  minds  of  a  portion  of  the  people  of  all  the 
Free  States  against  all  participation  in  the  support  of  the  institu 
tion  of  slavery.  If  I  have  myself  mistaken  your  views,  I  beg 
you  will  inform  me  at  your  earliest  leisure. 
With  great  respect, 

Your  ob't  servant, 

J.  R.  GIDDINGS. 

To    this    letter   Giddings    received   the    following 

confidential  reply :  — 

ASHLAND,  July  19,  1844. 

MY  DEAR  SIR,  —  I  received,  and  thank  you  for,  your  friendly 
letter  of  the  6th  instant,  and  I  am  extremely  happy  to  receive 
the  encouraging  accounts  which  it  communicates  of  the  progress 
of  the  Whig  cause.  I  had  before  received,  from  other  sources, 
highly  gratifying  information  of  the  zeal  and  ability  with  which 
you  were  sustaining  it.  The  omission  in  my  Raleigh  speech,  as 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  163 

published,  of  the  principle  of  "  the  maintenance  exclusively  by 
the  several  States  of  their  own  local  and  peculiar  institutions," 
was  altogether  accidental  and  without  any  design.  I  adhere 
faithfully  to  that  principle,  which  I  have  on  various  occasions 
announced.  The  declaration  of  that  principle  by  me  once  is  as 
good  as  a  thousand  times ;  for  I  hope  all  men  will  do  me  the 
justice  to  suppose  that  I  intend  faithfully  to  execute,  as  far  as  I 
can,  every  public  pledge  or  promise  or  assurance  I  may  make. 
The  Raleigh  speech,  as  corrected  by  me,  was  written  out  by 
the  aid  of  notes  taken  by  a  stenographer  at  the  time  it  was 
delivered,  and  there  are  other  omissions  of  what  I  said  in  the 
delivery  of  it  unintentionally  made.  Your  own  experience  in  the 
preparation  for  the  Press  of  speeches  previously  delivered,  will 
have  suggested  to  you  how  impracticable  it  is  to  write  them  out 
exactly  as  they  were  delivered.  I  have  great  repugnance  to 
appearing  before  the  public  without  an  urgent  necessity.  You 
will  understand  and  appreciate  my  motives.  But  if  a  suitable 
occasion  shall  occur  I  will  take  pleasure  in  complying  with  your 
request  again  to  announce  the  principle,  the  omission  of  which 
in  the  Raleigh  speech  has  occasioned  your  regret. 

I  offer  you  cordial  congratulations  upon  our  success  in  Lou 
isiana.  I  consider  that  State  as  certain  for  us  in  November  as 
any  State  in  the  Union;  and  I  am  happy  to  be  able  to  add  that 
the  Whig  cause  will  sustain  no  prejudice  from  the  Texas  question 
anywhere  at  the  South  or  Southwest. 

I  am  your  friend  and  obedient  servant, 

H.  CLAY. 
To  HON.  JOSHUA  R.  GIDDINGS. 


The  omitted  passage  in  the  Raleigh  speech  was 
repeated  in  a  letter  from  Clay  published  in  the  "Lex 
ington  Observer"  of  September  2;  but  his  troubles 
were  only  fairly  begun.  His  Southern  supporters 
began  to  show  signs  of  discontent  respecting  his 
attitude  on  the  question  of  annexation,  and  in  a  mo 
ment  of  weakness  he  wrote  his  unfortunate  "Alabama 
letters."  In  the  letter  of  the  2/th  of  July  he  said: 
"I  do  not  think  that  the  subject  of  slavery  ought  to 
affect  the  question  one  way  or  the  other.  Whether 
Texas  be  independent  or  incorporated  into  the  United 
States,  I  do  not  believe  it  will  prolong  or  shorten  the 


1 64  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

duration  of  that  institution."  He  also  declared  that 
he  "  would  be  glad  to  see  it  [the  annexation  of  Texas] 
without  dishonor,  without  war,  with  the  common 
consent  of  the  Union,  and  upon  just  and  fair  terms." 
These  words  were  most  chilling  to  Giddings  and  his 
anti-slavery  supporters,  who  were  utterly  opposed  to 
annexation  on  any  terms,  because  the  power  of  sla 
very  would  thus  inevitably  be  extended  and  strength 
ened  in  the  Union.  The  letter  was  a  disastrous  mis 
take,  and  grew  out  of  Clay's  besetting  tendency  to 
mediate  between  opposing  policies,  instead  of  plant 
ing  his  feet  on  the  solid  ground  of  principle  and 
bravely  accepting  the  consequences. 

Giddings  was  sorely  troubled,  and  he  gave  earnest 
expression  to  his  feelings  in  a  letter  to  Clay,  which 
has  not  been  preserved,  but  to  which  the  latter 
replied  as  follows  :  — 

[Confidential.] 

ASHLAND,  Sept.  u,  1844. 

MY  DEAR  SIR,  —  Your  friendly  letter  of  the  4th  instant, 
which  I  have  just  received,  affords  me  a  good  opportunity  of 
writing  to  you,  which  I  very  much  desired.  I  am  extremely 
sorry  that  my  letters  to  Alabama  should  have  produced  any  un 
favorable  impressions  in  your  portion  of  Ohio.  It  was  not  my 
intention,  in  those  letters,  to  vary  the  ground  in  the  smallest 
degree  which  I  had  assumed  in  my  Raleigh  speech.  It  had  been 
represented  to  me  that  in  that  speech  I  had  displayed  a  deter 
mined  opposition  to  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United 
States,  although  the  whole  Union  might  be  in  favor  of  it,  and 
it  could  be  peacefully  and  honorably  effected  upon  fair  and  just 
terms.  It  was  my  purpose,  in  those  Alabama  letters,  to  say  that 
no  personal  or  private  motives  prompted  me  to  oppose  annexa 
tion,  but  that  my  opinion  in  opposition  to  it  was  founded  solely 
upon  public  and  general  considerations.  I  therefore  said  that  if 
by  common  consent  of  the  Union,  without  national  dishonor,  with 
out  war,  and  upon  just  conditions,  the  object  of  annexation  could 
be  accomplished,  I  did  not  wish  to  be  considered  as  standing  in 
opposition  to  the  wishes  of  the  whole  confederacy,  but  on  the 
supposition  stated  would  be  glad  to  see  those  wishes  gratified. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS,  165 

Could  I  say  less?  Can  it  be  expected  that  I  should  put 
myself  in  opposition  to  the  concurrent  will  of  the  whole  nation, 
if  such  should  be  its  will  ?  You  appear  to  have  rightly  con 
ceived  me  ;  and  I  think  any  one  who  will  take  a  fair  and  candid 
view  of  all  my  letters  together,  must  be  satisfied  with  their 
import,  and  perfectly  convinced  of  my  entire  consistency.  But, 
my  dear  sir,  as  I  had  learned  from  Pittsburg  that  my  last  Alaba 
ma  letter  was  operating  mischievously  there,  I  have  addressed  a 
letter  to  James  Dunlap,  Esq.,  and  others,  in  which  I  reaffirmed 
all  the  sentiments  and  opinions  which  I  expressed  in  my  Raleigh 
speech,  and  go  the  length  of  saying  that  if  three  such  States  as 
Ohio,  Massachusetts,  and  Vermont  were  to  manifest  a  decided 
opposition  to  the  annexation  of  Texas,  it  ought  not  to  be  an 
nexed  to  the  United  States.  That  letter  will  be  published,  will 
probably  reach  you  by  the  time  that  this  does,  and  I  confidently 
anticipate  will  be  satisfactory. 

My  position  is  very  singular.  Whilst  at  the  South  I  am 
represented  as  a  Liberty  man,  at  the  North  I  am  decried  as  an 
ultra  supporter  of  slavery;  when  in  fact  I  am  neither  one  nor 
the  other.  This  peculiarity  of  position  exposes  me  to  a  cross-fire 
from  opposite  directions,  and  rendered  it  indispensably  necessary 
that  I  should  come  out  a  few  days  ago  with  a  note  in  relation  to  a 
letter  of  Cassius  M.  Clay,  Esq.,  first  published  in  the  "Tribune." 
That  letter,  although  I  have  no  doubt  it  was  written  with  the 
best  intentions,  was  doing  great  mischief  to  the  Whig  cause 
even  here  in  Kentucky,  and  there  was  much  reason  to  apprehend 
that  it  would  be  much  more  extensively  prejudicial  in  the  States 
of  Tennessee,  Georgia,  North  Carolina,  and  Louisiana,  upon 
whose  vote  we  have  strong  reason  for  counting.  You,  I  trust, 
will  be  satisfied  with  the  position  taken  in  my  note,  —  that  the 
existence,  maintenance,  and  continuance  of  the  institution  of 
slavery  depend  exclusively  upon  State  power  and  authority.  As 
you  had  expressed  regret  that  my  Raleigh  speech  should  have 
omitted  that  principle,  I  thought  the  occasion  a  suitable  one  for 
reasserting  it.  I  shall  be  very  sorry  if  Mr.  Clay  should  be  at 
all  wounded  by  my  note.  Such  was  not  my  intention,  and  if  he 
had  been  here,  he  would  have  felt  the  imperative  necessity  for  it. 
I  am,  with  great  respect, 

Your  friend  and  obedient  servant, 

H.  CLAY. 
The  HON.  MR.  GIDDINGS. 

These  letters  are  given  in  full,  because  they  clearly 
reveal  the  complications  in  which  Mr.  Clay  need 
lessly  involved  himself  by  his  anxiety  to  succeed. 


1 66  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

He  threw  away  his  advantages  when  victory  was 
within  his  grasp,  and  thus  grievously  disappointed 
and  mortified  his  devoted  friends  in  both  sections 
of  the  Union.  His  mistake  was  irreparable;  for  al 
though  his  partisans  still  kept  up  the  fight,  he  had 
alienated  thousands  of  anti-slavery  voters,  whose 
help  would  have  carried  him  safely  through  the  con 
test  if  he  had  possessed  sufficient  courage  and  cool 
ness  to  rest  his  cause  on  his  Raleigh  speech.  His 
foolish  attempt  to  explain  his  position  showed  vacil 
lation  and  weakness  in  dealing  with  a  great  question, 
and  necessarily  invited  the  result  he  had  so  anxiously 
sought  to  avert. 

Giddings,  however,  did  not  slacken  his  labors  for 
the  Whig  cause.  Clay  was  unquestionably  right  in 
saying  that  annexation  and  war  were  identical;  and 
although,  on  the  slavery  question  he  might  be  feared 
as  a  compromiser,  there  was  no  valid  reason  to  doubt 
that  if  elected  he  would  resist  the  annexation  scheme, 
except  upon  conditions  already  stated,  which  could 
not  fail  to  defeat  it  as  a  present  danger,  and  avoid 
the  calamities  of  a  foreign  war.  The  struggle,  as  it 
proceeded,  became  angry  and  bitter  to  the  last  de 
gree.  Nearly  all  the  young  Whigs  of  the  District 
had  joined  the  Liberty  party,  and  hundreds  of  the 
most  devoted  friends  of  Giddings  in  previous  years 
were  now  fighting  him.  Crimination  and  recrimina 
tion  became  the  order  of  the  day  between  the  Whigs 
and  the  Liberty  men ;  but  the  man  who  had  withstood 
the  power  of  slavery  in  Congress  for  so  many  years 
was  not  to  be  silenced  by  his  new  assailants,  who 
found  that  blows  were  to  be  received  as  well  as 
given.  Some  of  the  leaders  of  the  Liberty  party 
charged  Giddings  with  having  sold  himself  to  Henry 
Clay.  In  their  hearts  they  did  not  believe  this,  and 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  167 

were  only  grieved  and  vexed  that  he  would  not  see 
with  their  eyes.  They  asserted  that  he  was  more  in 
the  way  of  the  progress  of  the  Liberty  party  than  any 
other  man ;  to  which  he  replied  that  the  Liberty  party 
was  more  in  the  way  of  the  anti-slavery  cause  than 
all  its  members  would  be  if  they  were  openly  sup 
porting  the  Democratic  ticket.  He  and  the  follow 
ers  of  Birney  were  substantially  agreed  in  principle, 
and  differed  only  as  to  the  method  of  serving  a  com 
mon  cause;  but  controversies  are  never  more  bitter 
than  when  the  difference  between  the  disputants  is 
very  small.  It  has  been  aptly  said  that  if  you  want 
to  see  the  true  white  heat  of  controversial  passion, 
you  should  look  at  controversialists  who  do  not  differ 
at  a!/,  but  who  have  adopted  different  words  to  ex 
press  the  same  opinion. 

Party  animosities  increased  till  the  State  election 
in  October,  when  the  vote  was  found  so  close  that 
it  depended  upon  the  Whig  majority  in  Ashtabula 
County.  The  returns  were  slow  in  reaching  the 
capital,  those  from  Ashtabula  being  among  the  last, 
and  for  a  time  the  Democrats  felt  so  sure  of  the 
State  that  in  several  localities  they  began  to  cele 
brate  their  victory  by  the  firing  of  cannon,  and  other 
demonstrations ;  but  when  the  returns  from  Ashtabula 
were  received,  an  unprecedented  party  majority  was 
shown,  which  gave  the  State  to  the  Whigs.  Mr. 
Clay  and  his  friends  in  Lexington  felt  so  grateful  to 
Giddings  for  his  indefatigable  labors  in  this  canvass 
that  they  sent  a  delegation  to  present  a  beautiful 
silk  banner  to  the  Whigs  of  the  county  for  their 
efforts  in  this  remarkable  struggle.  All  this  was 
sufficiently  exasperating  to  the  zealous  supporters  of 
Mr.  Birney. 

But  Clay  was  defeated.     Folk's  Kane  letter  on  the 


1 68  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

tariff  was  so  marvellously  utilized  as  to  give  him  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania.  Nativism,  which  had  just 
broken  out  in  the  great  cities,  so  alarmed  our  foreign- 
born  citizens  as  to  throw  them  almost  unanimously 
against  the  Whigs.  The  Plaquemine  frauds  in  Lou 
isiana,  which  were  engineered  by  John  Slidell,  and 
accomplished  through  the  shipment  of  roughs  and 
scoundrels  from  New  Orleans  to  Plaquemine,  un 
doubtedly  gave  that  State  to  the  Democrats,  while 
New  York  was  lost  to  Clay  on  account  of  his  trim 
ming  on  the  question  of  annexation,  which  drove 
from  him  a  sufficient  number  of  anti-slavery  men  to 
accomplish  his  defeat.  Such  was  the  ill-fated  result 
of  this  memorable  struggle.  Looking  back  to  the 
strifes  of  that  time,  and  judging  them  by  the  light  of 
subsequent  events,  we  see  clearly  that  Giddings  and 
those  of  his  Whig  friends  who  supported  Clay  as  an 
anti-slavery  man  in  any  honest  sense  of  the  term 
were  mistaken.  They  were  not  less  mistaken  in 
looking  forward  to  the  Whig  party  as  a  trustworthy 
agency  in  confronting  the  aggressions  of  the  South, 
while  it  should  be  admitted  with  equal  frankness  that 
Texas  would  have  been  annexed  at  no  distant  time 
if  Clay  had  been  made  President.  The  poison  of 
slavery  had  so  entered  into  the  life  of  the  people  that 
the  triumph  of  Polk  and  immediate  annexation  only 
quickened  the  march  of  events  towards  the  final 
catastrophe  of  civil  war,  which  the  supineness  of 
the  people  of  the  Northern  States  had  already  made 
unavoidable. 

In  previous  chapters  the  mutual  friendship  of 
Adams  and  Giddings  has  been  repeatedly  referred 
to.  It  steadily  grew  stronger  with  time,  and  ri 
pened  into  affection.  In  his  later  years  Mr.  Adams 
led  a  solitary  life.  His  open  hostility  to  slavery  had 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  169 

greatly  multiplied  his  enemies  in  both  sections  of 
the  Union,  and  severely  tried  his  faith  in  humanity. 
His  intimate  and  trusted  friends  were  few.  While 
in  age,  acquirements,  intellectual  training,  experi 
ence,  and  social  advantages,  he  and  Giddings  were 
the  opposites  of  each  other,  yet  their  relations  were 
as  kindly  and  dutiful  as  those  of  father  and  son. 
Each  loved  the  other  for  the  enemies  he  had  made 
in  battling  for  the  rights  of  man.  Their  bond  of 
union  was  the  heroic  service  of  a  great  cause,  for 
which  each  was  ready  to  suffer.  Their  friendship 
had  in  it  the  qualities  of  a  religion.  It  was  during 
this  year,  when  Mr.  Adams  was  nearly  seventy-eight 
years  old,  that  he  gave  expression  to  this  warmth  of 
his  feelings  towards  his  friend  in  the  following  Ifnes, 
written  in  a  trembling  hand,  in  an  autograph  album 
kept  by  Giddings  at  that  time :  — 

TO  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS, 
OF  JEFFERSON,  ASHTABULA  Co.,  OHIO. 

When  first  together  here  we  meet, 

Askance  each  other  we  behold, 
The  bitter  mingling  with  the  sweet, 

The  warm  attempered  by  the  cold. 

We  seek  with  searching  ken  to  find 

A  soul  congenial  to  our  own  ; 
For  mind,  in  sympathy  with  mind, 

Instinctive  dreads  to  walk  alone. 

And  here,  from  regions  wide  apart, 

We  came,  our  purpose  to  pursue, 
Each  with  a  warm  and  honest  heart, 

Each  with  a  spirit  firm  and  true. 

Intent,  with  anxious  aim  to  learn, 

Each  other's  character  we  scan, 
And  soon  the  difference  discern 

Between  the  fair  and  faithless  man. 


1 70  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA    R.   GIDDINGS. 

And  here,  with  scrutinizing  eye, 

A  kindred  soul  with  mine  to  see, 
And  longing  bosom  to  descry, 

I  sought,  and  found  at  last  —  in  thee. 

Farewell,  my  friend  !  and  if  once  more 

We  meet  within  this  hall  again, 
Be  ours  the  blessing  to  restore 

Our  country's  and  the  rights  of  men. 

JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS, 

Of  Quincy,  Massachusetts. 
H.  R.  U.  S.,  WASHINGTON,  17  June,  1844, 

Anniversary  of  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

DECEMBER,  1844,  TO  MARCH,   1847. 

Last  Session  of  the  Twenty-eighth  Congress.  —  Repeal  of  the  Gag- 
rule.  —  Insolence  of  Southern  Members.  —  General  Jessup  as  a 
Slave-trader.  —  Mr.  Calhoun's  New  Argument  for  Annexation.  — 
The  Measure  consummated.  —  First  Session  of  the  Twenty-ninth 
Congress.  —  The  Oregon  Question.  —  The  War  with  Mexico. — 
Minor  Questions.  —  Last  Session  of  the  Twenty-ninth  Congress. 

EARLY  in  this  session,  which  convened  on  the 
2d  of  December,  1844,  Mr.  Adams  renewed  his 
customary  attack  upon  the  gag-rule.  Against  all 
odds,  and  in  the  face  of  a  furious  opposition,  he  had 
kept  up  this  fight  for  ten  years,  and  at  last  his  mo 
tion  to  strike  the  rule  from  the  manual  was  carried 
by  a  vote  of  108  to  80.  The  ranks  of  its  supporters 
had  been  growing  thinner  year  by  year,  until  now 
only  fourteen  members  from  the  Free  States  voted 
against  rescinding  it,  while  four  members  from  the 
Slave  States  voted  for  its  repeal.  It  was  a  great  vic 
tory;  but  while  the  right  of  petition  was  restored  to 
the  people,  it  was  practically  nullified  by  the  Speaker, 
who  so  formed  the  committees  that  petitions  in  re 
gard  to  slavery  were  retained  by  them  until  the  close 
of  the  session,  when  they  found  their  final  resting- 
place  among  the  archives  of  the  House. 

The  signal  triumph  of  slavery  in  the  recent  elec 
tion  inspired  Southern  members  with  renewed  cour 
age  and  zeal,  and  rendered  them  less  tolerant  of 
opposition.  This  was  illustrated  on  the  6th  of  Feb- 


1^2  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

ruary,  1845,  when  Giddings  addressed  the  committee 
of  the  whole  on  the  bill  making  appropriations  to 
carry  out  our  treaty  stipulations  with  the  Indian 
tribes.  He  discussed  the  subject  in  its  relations  to 
slavery,  and  among  other  things  referred  to  the  claim 
of  certain  Georgia  slaveholders  who,  after  receiving 
$109,000  as  a  compensation  for  their  fugitive  slaves, 
demanded  of  the  Government,  and  were  allowed, 
$141,000  more  as  a  compensation  for  the  slaves 
which  the  females  would  have  borne  to  their  masters, 
had  they  remained  in  bondage. 

Mr.  Black  of  Georgia  obtained  the  floor  to  reply, 
and  was  immediately  surrounded  by  Southern  mem 
bers.  His  abuse  was  too  grossly  personal  and  vulgar 
to  be  reported  in  full.  He  referred  to  the  charge 
that  Giddings  was  interested  in  the  horses  which  one 
Torrey  lost  when  attempting  to  aid  slaves  to  escape 
in  Maryland.  He  said  that  Torrey  had  died  in  the 
Penitentiary,  and  that  Giddings  ought  to  be  there, 
and  would  be  sent  at  once  if  the  House  could  decide 
the  question.  He  declared  that  Giddings  had  vio 
lated  the  law  by  franking  through  the  post-office  a 
calico  dress  to  his  wife;  and  he  closed  by  advising 
him  to  return  to  his  constituents  and  ascertain  if  he 
had  a  character,  for  Black  asserted  before  Heaven 
he  had  none  in  that  hall. 

Giddings  replied  that  as  to  the  story  about  his 
connection  with  Torrey  and  his  horses,  which  had 
been  referred  to  a  year  before  by  the  gentleman  from 
Alabama  (Mr.  Payne)  and  denied,  he  knew  nothing 
but  what  he  had  seen  in  the  newspapers,  and  that  he 
made  this  statement  for  the  benefit  of  gentlemen, —  of 
men  who  understood  the  decencies  of  life,  and  not  for 
that  of  the  member  from  Alabama,  or  his  less  wor 
thy  confrere  from  Georgia,  to  whom  he  owed  no  other 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  173 

respect  than  that  which  parliamentary  law  constrained 
him  to  observe.  In  regard  to  the  charge  of  franking 
a  calico  dress,  he  knew  nothing,  and  could  only  say 
that  it  was  an  unmitigated  falsehood.1  He  said  the 
member  from  Georgia  was  less  responsible  for  his  con 
duct  than  were  the  respectable  members  who  stood 
around  him  while  speaking,  and  prompted  his  coarse 
ness  and  brutality;  that  in  treating  of  the  institution 
of  slavery  he  had  confined  himself  to  matters  of  fact 
which  were  authenticated  by  official  documents,  and 
which  the  member  from  Georgia  did  not  deny;  and 
that  he  represented  an  intelligent  constituency,  who 
a  few  months  before  had  indorsed  his  action  in  Con 
gress  by  a  fourth  election,  while  Mr.  Black  had  been 
discarded  after  one  election  as  unworthy  to  hold  a 
place  among  honorable  men. 

The  scene  which  followed  was  described  by  the 
newspapers  of  the  time  and  by  Mr.  Adams  in  his 
diary.  While  Mr.  Giddings  was  speaking,  Black 
passed  through  the  lobby  behind  the  Speaker's 
chair,  and  entered  the  small  aisle  on  the  right  of 
Giddings,  and  raising  a  large  cane  which  he  held  in 
his  hand,  said :  "  If  you  repeat  those  words,  I  will 
knock  you  down."  Giddings,  under  the  impulse  of 
the  moment,  repeated  the  language  he  had  used,  in 
order  to  test  the  courage  of  Black,  whose  friends, 
seeing  the  position  in  which  he  had  placed  himself, 
now  took  charge  of  him.  Mr.  Adams  says :  "  As  he 
pressed  on,  with  a  face  convulsed  and  the  look  of  a 
coward  fiend,  Mr.  Hammet  threw  his  arms  around 

1  A  note  addressed  by  Mr  Giddings  to  Mr.  Wickliffe,  then  Post 
master-General,  led  to  the  development  of  some  interesting  facts.  The 
supposed  calico  dress  was  a  shawl  franked  by  a  Democratic  member  of 
Congress  from  northern  Ohio  to  his  wife.  Mr.  Wickliffe  and  the  mem 
ber  called  on  Giddings,  and  entreated  him  so  urgently  to  take  no  further 
action  in  the  matter  that  he  reluctantly  consented. 


1/4  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

him  and  carried  him  away  as  he  would  a  woman 
from  a  fire." 

Giddings  continued  his  remarks,  when  Mr.  Daw- 
son  of  Louisiana,  who  had  assaulted  him  on  a  pre 
vious  occasion,  came  across  the  hall  within  a  few 
yards  of  him,  and  placing  his  hand  in  his  pocket, 
said,  "I  '11  shoot  him,  by  G— d!  I  '11  shoot  him !  "  at 
the  same  time  taking  care  to  cock  his  pistol  so  as  to 
have  the  click  heard  by  those  around  him.  Mr.  Cau- 
sin,  a  Whig  from  Maryland,  instantly  took  his  posi 
tion  in  front  of  Giddings  and  directly  between  him 
and  Dawson,  folding  his  arms  across  his  breast,  with 
his  right  hand  apparently  resting  upon  the  handle  of 
his  weapon,  while  Mr.  Slidell  of  Louisiana,  and  Mr. 
Stiles  of  Georgia,  with  two  other  Democratic  mem 
bers,  at  the  same  moment  took  their  positions  near 
Dawson.  At  the  same  time  Kenneth  Raynor,  a 
North  Carolina  Whig,  fully  armed,  took  his  place  on 
the  left  of  Giddings,  while  Mr.  Hudson  of  Massa 
chusetts  placed  himself  on  his  right,  and  Mr.  Foot 
of  Vermont  at  the  entrance  of  the  aisle  through 
which  Black  had  made  his  exit.  With  armed  foes 
in  front  and  friends  on  either  hand,  Giddings  con 
tinued  his  remarks;  but  the  slaveholders  in  front 
began  to  realize  the  awkwardness  of  their  position, 
and  quietly  returned  to  their  seats,  except  Dawson, 
who  remained  until  Giddings  closed  his  speech,  with 
Causin  firmly  facing  him.  The  business  of  legisla 
tion  was  then  resumed.  Giddings,  in  his  "History 
of  the  Rebellion,"  says  that  this  was  the  last  effort 
made  to  silence  a  member  of  the  House  by  threats  of 
personal  violence  during  his  service  in  Congress. 

The  hostility  of  Southern  members  of  Congress 
towards  Giddings  cannot  be  regarded  as  surprising. 
From  the  beginning  of  the  government  they  had  been 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  175 

accustomed  to  have  their  own  way  in  its  administra 
tion  as  well  as  on  their  plantations,  and  it  maddened 
them  to  have  their  supremacy  questioned.  Giddings 
made  it  his  mission  to  watch  the  encroachments  of 
slavery  upon  the  rights  of  the  people  of  the  Free 
States,  and  to  hold  the  slave-masters  strictly  to  their 
own  avowed  principle,  that  the  existence  and  con 
tinuance  of  slavery  depended  solely  on  the  authority 
of  the  States  in  which  it  existed.  Wherever  he  saw 
this  principle  violated,  he  felt  it  to  be  his  duty  to 
lift  up  his  voice  in  its  defence;  and,  accordingly, 
only  two  days  after  the  scene  just  described,  he  took 
occasion  to  expose  the  extraordinary  character  of  a 
claim  brought  before  Congress  at  its  previous  ses 
sion,  and  now  pending  in  the  form  of  a  bill  providing 
for  its  payment. 

Soon  after  General  Jessup  assumed  command  of 
our  army  in  Florida,  in  1836,  he  entered  into  a  writ 
ten  contract  with  certain  chiefs  and  warriors  of  the 
Creek  tribe  of  Indians,  by  which  they  agreed  to  fur 
nish  two  battalions,  of  not  less  than  six  hundred  men 
each,  to  serve  one  year  against  the  Seminoles;  for 
which  they  were  to  receive  ten  thousand  dollars,  and 
such  plunder  as  they  might  capture  from  the  enemy. 
The  law  had  provided  the  mode  of  enlisting  troops, 
and  determined  the  amount  to  be  paid  to  each  soldier; 
yet  General  Jessup  did  not  appear  to  know  that  he 
was  violating  the  law  by  entering  into  this  contract. 
But  the  Executive  and  the  War  Department  approved 
his  action,  and  the  Creek  warriors  entered  upon  the 
stipulated  service.  The  Cherokees  refused  to  furnish 
warriors  for  such  a  purpose,  and  their  principal  chief, 
John  Ross,  in  an  able  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  War, 
violently  protested  against  the  employment  of  Pagan 
warriors  to  fight  the  battles  of  a  Christian  nation. 


176  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

The  Creek  warriors  during  the  year  captured  more 
than  one  hundred  negroes,  who  were  claimed  by  the 
Indians  as  plunder  under  the  contract,  and  were  en 
slaved  by  their  captors.  General  Jessup  and  the 
Secretary  of  War  concurred  in  this  action,  and  the 
practice  of  enslaving  prisoners  captured  in  war,  which 
had  long  been  abandoned  by  all  Christian  nations, 
was  now  revived  by  the  American  Government  under 
the  Administration  of  Jackson.  But  provisions  being 
scarce,  General  Jessup  published  an  order  directing 
eight  thousand  dollars  to  be  paid  to  the  Indians  as 
a  compensation  for  these  enslaved  negroes,  whom  he 
ordered  to  be  sent  to  Fort  Pike,  below  New  Orleans, 
as  the  property  of  the  Government,  which  approved  of 
these  proceedings.  The  Commissioner  of  Indian 
Affairs,  however,  in  an  official  communication,  sug 
gested  that  it  was  doubtful  whether  Congress  would 
not  hesitate  in  appropriating  the  money  to  carry  out 
this  arrangement.  He  did  not  appear  to  doubt  the 
propriety  of  enslaving  men  in  Florida,  as  well  as  on 
the  African  coast,  but  the  novelty  of  these  proceed 
ings  seems  to  have  made  an  unfavorable  impression 
upon  his  mind. 

A  solution  of  the  difficulty  was  found.  A  rich 
slave-dealer  from  Georgia,  James  C.  Watson,  hap 
pened  to  be  in  Washington,  and  to  him  the  whole 
subject  was  explained.  A  proposition  was  made  for 
him  to  take  these  negroes,  receive  a  bill  of  sale  from 
the  Creek  Indians,  to  whom  he  should  pay  fifteen 
thousand  dollars;  and  as  the  negroes  were  held  by 
officers  of  the  American  army,  the  Secretary  of  War 
should  issue  an  order  to  the  officer  having  them  in 
charge,  directing  their  delivery  to  the  slave-dealer. 

But  our  military  officers  refused  to  respect  the 
order  of  the  Secretary  of  War.  General  Taylor 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  177 

positively  declined  to  interfere  in  the  matter,  and 
General  Gaines  made  vigorous  efforts  to  save  the 
negroes  from  Watson,  who,  after  many  disappoint 
ments  and  much  expense,  failed  to  obtain  any  of  the 
negroes ;  and  having  paid  his  money  for  them  at  the 
request  of  our  public  officers,  petitioned  Congress  for 
the  refunding  of  the  same,  with  interest  and  expenses. 
As  already  stated,  Giddings  had  been  removed  from 
his  place  at  the  head  of  the  Committee  on  Claims, 
and  ex-Governor  Vance,  of  Ohio,  succeeded  him.  As 
he  was  without  experience  in  his  new  duties,  Howell 
Cobb  of  Georgia  was  added  to  the  committee,  with 
special  reference  to  this  claim,  and  he  reported  a  bill 
to  compensate  Watson.  Mr.  Giddings  tried  in  vain 
to  get  his  Whig  brethren  interested  in  the  case,  and 
when  it  came  before  the  House,  he  recited  the  facts 
already  given,  and  gave  his  reasons  for  opposing  the 
bill.  He  insisted  that  when  General  Jessup  entered 
into  a  compact  by  which  innocent  women  and  chil 
dren  were  to  be  captured  and  enslaved,  he  entered 
into  a  covenant  for  the  commission  of  crime  which 
we  as  a  nation  had  declared  piracy  when  committed 
on  the  African  coast;  that  the  place  of  committing 
such  crimes  could  not  alter  their  character;  that  both 
General  Jessup  and  the  Creek  Indians  deserved  pun 
ishment  for  their  conspiracy  to  deprive  the  Seminoles 
of  the  sacred  rights  which  God  had  given  them ;  that 
the  Secretary  of  War,  who  sanctioned  the  contract, 
simply  made  himself  a  party  to  the  crime,  while  the 
President  was  equally  guilty;  that  the  Constitution 
provides  that  "no  person  shall  be  deprived  of  life, 
liberty,  or  property  without  due  process  of  law," 
that  is,  without  trial  and  conviction  in  a  court  of 
competent  jurisdiction;  and  that  Watson,  who  had 
attempted  to  make  merchandise  of  human  souls,  cer- 

12 


1/8  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA    R.    GIDDINGS. 

tainly  had  no  claim  upon  the  people  of  the  Northern 
States  because  he  had  failed  to  consummate  the  crime 
he  had  attempted. 

Cobb  and  Stephens  of  Georgia,  and  Bclser  of 
Alabama,  spoke  in  favor  of  the  claim,  after  which 
Mr.  Adams  urged  that  all  who  participated  in  this 
attempt  to  enslave  innocent  people  were  criminals, 
and  he  moved  to  lay  the  bill  on  the  table.  Mr. 
Hammet  of  Mississippi,  not  being  willing  to  risk 
a  vote,  moved  an  adjournment,  and  the  bill  was  not 
again  heard  of  during  that  Congress. 

Mr.  Calhoun's  treaty  for  the  annexation  of  Texas 
had  been  rejected  on  the  8th  of  June,  1844,  and  early 
in  this  session  came  before  Congress  for  its  action. 
Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  had  protested  against 
the  measure,  and  many  remonstrances  from  the  peo 
ple  of  the  Free  States  were  submitted  for  the  con 
sideration  of  Congress.  A  new  phase  of  the  question 
was  now  presented  by  the  instructions  of  Mr.  Calhoun 
to  our  ministers  at  London  and  Paris,  in  which  he 
argued  that  slavery  is  a  humane  institution,  and  ad 
vantageous  to  both  master  and  slave.  This  new 
challenge  of  the  slaveocracy  was  at  once  accepted 
by  Giddings,  and  on  the  22d  of  January,  1845,  he 
addressed  the  House  at  length,  and  with  much  thor 
oughness  and  force,  upon  the  economical  and  moral 
bearings  of  slavery  upon  the  people  of  the  South, 
both  bond  and  free,  and  the  constitutional  powers  of 
the  Federal  Government  in  dealing  with  it.  He  be 
gan  by  referring  to  the  action  of  England,  France, 
and  Denmark  against  slavery,  and  said  that  — 

"  Even  semi-barbarous  nations  are  at  this  day  lustrating  them 
selves  from  its  moral  contagion.  The  Bey  of  Tripoli,  in  his 
decree  prohibiting  the  slave-trade,  which  our  honorable  Secretary 
of  State  is  so  anxious  to  maintain,  declared  that  he  did  it  '  for 
the  honor  of  man  and  the  glory  of  God.'  But  while  the  Bey  of 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  179 

Tripoli  and  the  Pasha  of  Egypt  are  extending  the  enjoyment  of 
civil  liberty,  this  government  is  openly  engaged  in  endeavoring  to 
extend  the  institution  of  slavery.  While  we  ourselves  are  sending 
one  fleet  to  suppress  the  slave-trade  on  the  African  coast,  we  are 
sending  another  to  support  the  same  traffic  on  the  American 
coast.  While  we  have  entered  into  solemn  treaty  with  England 
to  exert  our  utmost  effort  to  suppress  this  trade  in  human  flesh, 
our  Secretary  of  State  is  calling  upon  the  king  of  France  to 
assist  us  in  extending  and  maintaining  it.  While  we  as  a  nation 
are  professing  to  be  lovers  of  liberty,  our  high  officers  of  govern 
ment  are  exerting  our  national  influence  to  increase  and  extend 
slavery.  ...  Of  all  the  civilized  nations  of  the  earth,  ours  alone 
now  stands  as  the  advocate  of  negro  slavery.  The  spectacle  is 
humiliating ;  but  so  it  is  that  the  Executive  of  this  nation  is  now 
remonstrating  with  European  potentates  against  their  efforts  to 
promote  human  liberty,  and  using  all  the  skill  and  intrigue  of 
diplomacy  to  prevent  the  extension  of  human  freedom." 

Speaking  of  the  economical  bearings  of  slavery, 
as  presented  by  Mr.  Calhoun,  Giddings  said, — 

"  He  urges  upon  Mr.  King  and  the  French  Government  that 
the  abolition  of  slavery  '  has  diminished  the  exports  of  the  British 
West  India  Islands,'  and  he  infers  that  it  would  have  the  same 
effect  in  this  country  if  our  slaves  were  to  follow  their  example 
in  respect  to  emancipation.  Now,  sir,  the  argument  is  not  legiti 
mate.  It  places  pecuniary  profit  in  the  scale  against  the  nat 
ural  rights  of  man,  and  gives  preponderance  to  the  former.  Go 
to  the  thief,  who  lives  and  thrives  by  his  midnight  larcenies; 
remonstrate  with  him  ;  tell  him  that  the  property  of  his  neighbors 
of  right  belongs  to  them,  and  that  he  ought  not  feloniously  to 
take  it,  —  he  may  turn  round,  and,  in  the  language  of  our  honorable 
Secretary,  say  to  you  that  were  he  to  adopt  your  idea  of  justice, 
and  cease  his  thefts,  'his  exports  would  be  diminished.'  Go  to 
the  pirate,  who  robs  the  merchant-vessel  of  its  rich  lading,  and, 
in  order  to  destroy  all  evidence  of  his  crimes,  murders  the  crew 
and  sinks  the  ship.  Tell  him  that  his  practice  is  criminal,  and 
that  he  ought  to  cease  from  further  outrages ;  and  he  will  reply, 
in  the  language  of  American  diplomacy,  that  '  his  exports  would 
be  diminished.'  Still,  we  should  regard  him  as  a  pirate,  and  hope 
that  justice  would  overtake  him.  His  excuse  would  not  mitigate 
his  crimes,  —  nay,  it  would  aggravate  his  guilt.  So  with  our  Sec 
retary's  argument.  If  slavery  be  opposed  to  the  natural  rights  of 
men,  —  if  it  be  a  self-evident  truth  that  man  is  born  free  and  has 
received  from  his  God  the  right  to  enjoy  his  liberty,  —  then  it  is 


ISO  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

wrong ;   it  is  a  crime  for  us  to  rob  him  of  his  God-given  rights, 
although  it  may  thereby  increase  our  exports." 

Giddings  referred  to  slavery  as  an  element  of 
weakness. 

"  They  [the  slaves]  are  acquainted  with  the  habits  of  their 
masters,  —  with  their  roads  and  streams,  their  arsenals  and  fortifi 
cations  ;  in  short,  with  all  the  circumstances  with  which  they  are 
surrounded.  Now,  sir,  let  an  invading  army  of  a  hundred  thou 
sand  men  land  in  our  Southern  States,  with  the  material  for  two 
hundred  thousand,  and  let  it  proclaim  freedom  to  such  slaves  as 
will  unite  with  them,  and  as  the  slaves  reach  their  encampment 
let  them  be  armed  and  drilled,  and  sent  out  to  liberate  their  wives 
and  children  and  those  who  have  been  oppressed  with  them. 
Could  more  efficient  troops  be  employed  ?  Stimulated  by  a  re 
collection  of  the  wrongs  which  they  had  suffered,  they  would 
become  desperate,  and  the  consequences  I  will  not  attempt  to 
describe !  Sir,  in  case  of  invasion  the  master  will  not  dare  to 
send  his  servant  abroad,  or  to  the  field,  unless  he  is  watched.  If 
he  does,  the  servant  will  not  be  likely  to  return.  At  night,  too, 
they  must  be  watched,  and  the  family  must  be  guarded  against 
the  domestics.  Thus  they  detract  from  the  ability  of  a  nation  to 
defend  itself.  In  1779  the  authorities  of  South  Carolina  sent  a  spe 
cial  messenger  to  Congress  to  inform  that  body  that  their  State 
could  furnish  no  troops  to  repel  the  invasion  then  making  upon 
them,  as  it  required  all  their  forces  to  remain  at  home  in  order  to 
protect  their  families  against  their  slaves.  .  .  . 

"  I  desire  that  Southern  gentlemen  will  understand  me  as 
making  these  remarks  strictly  in  answer  to  the  doctrine  advanced 
by  Mr.  Calhoun  and  others,  and  not  with  any  desire  to  call  up 
unpleasant  feelings  in  the  minds  of  any  Southern  man.  General 
Jackson  and  others  say  that  it  is  necessary  that  we  should  have 
Texas  as  a  means  of  national  defence.  I  reply,  that  every  addi 
tion  of  slave  territory  renders  us  weaker,  and  places  a  heavier 
burden  upon  the  Free  States.  This  extension  of  slavery  at  the 
expense  of  our  Free  States  is  what  the  honorable  Secretary  regards 
as  economy." 

Mr.  Giddings  next  referred  to  the  economical  bear 
ings  of  slavery  in  connection  with  the  Post-Office 
department,  the  navy,  the  public  lands,  and  the 
cost  of  the  Florida  War;  and  then  proceeded  to  con 
trast  the  condition  of  the  leading  Free  and  Slave 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  igl 

States.      Turning  next  to   Mr.    Calhoun's   position, 
that  slavery  is  a  moral  institution,  he  said,— 

"  Gentlemen  here  become  pathetic  upon  the  sufferings  to 
which  the  people  of  Texas  have  been  subjected  during  their  war 
with  Mexico.  They  speak  in  melting  terms  of  the  predatory 
warfare  heretofore  carried  on  against  Texas,  and  they  ask  the 
people  of  our  Free  States  to  relieve  them  from  Mexican  barbarity. 
Why,  sir,  there  is  more  human  suffering  in  this  city  every  year, 
by  reason  of  the  slave-trade,  than  has  been  endured  by  the  whole 
people  of  Texas  during  their  entire  revolution  of  eight  years. 
The  consumption  of  human  life  attendant  and  consequent  upon 
the  slave-trade  in  this  district  is  greater  every  year  than  it  has 
been  in  Texas  during  any  period  of  their  war  with  Mexico.  It 
should  be  borne  in  mind  that  this  slave-trade  is  authorized  and 
maintained  by  Act  of  Congress,  which  the  advocates  of  annexation 
refuse  to  repeal.  The  scenes  which  I  have  described  and  the 
sufferings  I  have  mentioned  are  authorized  by  our  laws,  passed 
by  this  body,  which  we  now  keep  in  force.  Gentlemen  on  this 
floor,  who,  by  supporting  the  gag-rule,  have  for  years  voted  to 
continue  those  laws  and  the  scenes  to  which  I  have  made  refer 
ence,  whose  hearts  are  unmoved  by  all  the  sufferings  of  the 
slave  population  here,  and  by  all  the  blood  that  is  annually  shed 
in  this  district,  become  eloquent  upon  the  sufferings  endured  by 
the  people  of  Texas.  They  are  willing  to  spend  the  national 
treasure  and  pour  out  American  blood  to  protect  the  Texans, 
while  they  authorize  by  law  all  those  crimes  and  outrages  and  all 
the  violence  and  bloodshed  attendant  upon  the  slave-trade  in 
this  district.  Indeed,  they  are  striving  to  extend  and  perpetuate 
those  crimes  in  Texas,  under  the  plea  of  extending  the  area  of 
freedom" 

Of  the  suffering  and  sacrifice  of  life  among  the 
slaves  of  the  South,  Giddings  said,— 

"  Upon  the  cotton  plantations  they  purchase  none  but  full- 
grown  slaves.  The  average  life  of  the  slaves  thus  purchased, 
after  entering  upon  the  plantations,  is  only  seven  years.  I  speak 
upon  the  authority  of  extensive  cotton-growers,  whose  long  expe 
rience  and  observation  enable  them  to  form  correct  opinions.  It 
is  regarded  by  cotton-growers  as  more  profitable  to  drive  their 
slaves  so  hard  that  the  intensity  of  their  labor  shall  produce 
death  in  seven  years,  and  then  to  supply  their  places  by  fresh 
purchases,  than  it  is  to  treat  them  more  leniently ;  thus  whole 
gangs  of  slaves,  consisting  of  many  hundreds  on  each  cotton 
plantation,  are  consigned  to  their  graves  once  in  seven  years. 


1 82  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

The  driver's  lash  impels  them  to  excessive  effort,  and  really 
causes  their  death  as  much  as  the  knife  or  the  pistol  of  the  mur 
derer  causes  the  death  of  his  victim.  .  .  . 

"  The  pirate  thinks  it  more  profitable  for  him  to  sacrifice  the 
lives  of  his  captives  within  an  hour  after  he  takes  possession  of 
them.  The  cotton  planter  regards  it  as  more  conducive  to  his 
interest  to  hold  his  slaves,  under  the  torture  of  the  overseer's 
whip,  for  seven  years. 

"  Upon  sugar  plantations,  however,  the  slaves  are  worked  still 
harder,  and  the  average  life  of  slaves  on  sugar  estates  is  computed 
at  five  years ;  that  is,  the  planters  on  those  estates  regard  it  as 
more  profitable  to  work  their  hands  so  severely  as  to  cause  their 
death  in  five  years,  and  then  to  replace  them  by  fresh  purchases, 
than  it  would  be  to  use  them  more  leniently.  The  precise  number 
of  slaves  thus  sacrificed  annually  cannot  be  ascertained.  .  .  . 
This  tide  of  human  gore  is  constantly  flowing,  and  we  are  called 
upon  to  lend  our  official  aid  to  increase  and  extend  it.  In  order 
to  effect  this  object,  the  honorable  Secretary  of  State  has  urged 
upon  us  to  consider  the  humane  and  moral  bearings  of  slavery. 
It  is  therefore  due  to  him  that  we  examine  them. 

"  Do  we  believe  there  is  a  Power  above  us  who  will  visit  na 
tional  sins  and  crimes  with  national  judgments  ?  That  He  will 
visit  upon  this  great  people  the  just  penalty  due  to  us  for  the  suf 
fering  we  have  inflicted,  the  blood  we  have  shed,  and  the  murders 
that  have  been  committed  under  our  laws  ?  I  am  one  of  those 
who  solemnly  believe  that  transgression  and  punishment  are  in 
separably  connected  by  the  inscrutable  wisdom  of  God's  provi 
dence.  With  this  impression,  I  feel  as  confident  that  chastisement 
and  retribution  for  the  offences  which  we  have  committed  against 
the  down-trodden  sons  of  Africa,  await  this  people,  as  I  do  that 
justice  controls  the  destinies  of  nations  or  guides  the  power  of 
Omnipotence." 

The  project  of  annexation  by  treaty  having  failed, 
the  question  was  brought  before  both  houses  of  Con 
gress  early  in  December,  in  the  form  of  various 
propositions  for  annexation  by  joint  resolution.  The 
proposition  offered  in  the  House  by  Milton  Brown 
of  Tennessee  was  adopted  by  that  body  on  the  2$th 
of  February,  1845,  by  a  vote  of  120  to  98.  This 
resolution  was  amended  in  the  Senate  on  the  motion 
of  Mr.  Walker  of  Mississippi,  by  giving  the  Presi 
dent  power  to  conclude  a  treaty  under  certain  condi- 


THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  183 

tions  if  he  should  deem  it  advisable.  This  amend 
ment,  and  the  positive  promise  of  the  incoming 
President  that  he  would  act  upon  it,  secured  for  the 
measure  the  support  of  Mr.  Benton  and  others  who 
had  opposed  it  as  clearly  unconstitutional.  The  reso 
lution  as  amended  passed  the  Senate  on  the  28th  of 
February  by  a  vote  of  27  to  25,  and  on  the  same  day 
the  House  concurred  in  it  by  a  vote  of  132  to  76. 
President  Polk  violated  his  promise  and  deceived  the 
friends  who  had  confided  in  him ;  but  the  success  of 
the  measure  was  thus  secured,  although  the  leading 
jurists  of  the  country  and  a  majority  of  both  Houses 
of  Congress  denied  the  constitutional  power  of  the 
Government  to  annex  Texas  by  joint  resolution. 
Giddings  thus  records  his  impressions  at  the  time : 

"  It  was  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening  when  the  final  vote  was 
taken.  No  sooner  had  the  Speaker  announced  the  result,  than 
cannon  upon  the  terrace  west  of  the  Capitol  sounded  forth  the 
triumph.  Immediately  bonfires  lighted  up  the  city,  and  the  sound 
of  revelry  and  drunkenness  was  heard  in  its  various  localities. 
Northern  Democrats  and  Southern  slaveholders  rejoiced  at  a 
result  which  they  believed  would  place  them  in  undisputed  con 
trol  of  the  government.  Members  from  the  slaveholding  States 
were  rejoicing  in  the  anticipated  profits  which  they  expected  to 
reap  from  the  increased  price  of  human  flesh.  Pensively  and 
alone,  the  writer  walked  to  his  lodgings.  Never  before  had  he 
viewed  his  country  as  he  then  saw  it.  The  exultation  of  slave- 
breeders  and  slave-dealers  at  thus  controlling  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States  constituted  a  spectacle  that  he  had  not  ex 
pected  to  witness.  The  barbarous  war,  the  bloodshed,  the  de 
vastation,  the  corruption,  the  civil  war  which  resulted  from  this 
triumph  of  the  slave  power,  were  at  no  subsequent  period  of  his 
life  more  vividly  before  his  mind  than  they  were  that  evening 
while  alone  in  his  room,  contemplating  the  results  which  would 
naturally  follow  the  action  of  Congress  on  that  sad  day." 

Early  in  this  session  Mr.  Duncan  of  Ohio  intro 
duced  a  bill  to  organize  a  territorial  government  for 
Oregon,  covering  all  that  portion  of  country  which 
was  then  in  the  joint  occupation  of  Great  Britain  and 


1 84  THE  LIFE  OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

the  United  States.  An  amendment  excluding  slav 
ery  from  the  Territory  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  131 
to  69.  The  bill  also  authorized  the  President  to  give 
notice  to  the  British  Government  terminating  the 
joint  occupation  of  the  Territory,  and  it  passed  the 
House  by  a  vote  of  140  to  59.  About  the  same  time 
a  bill  was  introduced  into  the  Senate  authorizing  the 
President  to  take  possession  of  the  whole  of  Oregon 
up  to  54°  40' :  but  no  vote  was  taken  upon  it.  On 
the  4th  of  March  Mr.  Polk  was  inaugurated  as  Presi 
dent,  and  in  his  inaugural  address  he  assured  the 
country  that  "our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  is 
clear  and  unquestionable."  At  this  time  the  Demo 
cratic  party  seemed  to  be  quite  as  ready  to  extend 
our  national  domain  in  this  direction  as  it  had  been 
to  acquire  Texas,  and  quite  as  indifferent  about  the 
consequences. 

Near  the  close  of  this  session  Florida  and  Iowa, 
which  had  been  yoked  together  in  their  application 
for  admission  into  the  Union,  were  both  admitted. 
The  constitution  of  Florida  prohibited  free  negroes 
from  coming  into  the  State,  and  prohibited  the  Legis 
lature  of  the  State  from  abolishing  slavery.  It  was 
in  the  discussion  of  this  question  that  Mr.  Douglas 
of  Illinois  first  asserted  the  doctrine  of  popular  sov 
ereignty,  which  he  maintained  so  earnestly  in  later 
years.  He  argued  that  the  people  of  a  Territory  have 
the  right,  in  framing  a  constitution,  to  establish 
slavery  if  they  choose,  and  that  his  own  State  could 
at  any  time  do  the  same  thing  by  changing  its  con 
stitution.  In  thus  denying  the  principles  proclaimed 
by  the  fathers  of  the  Constitution,  that  governments 
are  instituted  to  secure  men  in  the  enjoyment  of  life 
and  liberty,  he  remained  steadfast  and  consistent  to 
the  end  of  his  life. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   G  ID  DINGS.  185 

President  Polk,  in  his  annual  message  to  the 
Twenty-ninth  Congress,  in  December,  1845,  in 
formed  that  body  that  all  attempts  to  settle  the  Ore 
gon  question  had  failed,  and  called  on  Congress  to 
make  the  necessary  provision  for  maintaining  our 
rights  to  the  whole  of  the  disputed  territory.  Early 
in  the  session  General  Cass  offered  resolutions  in 
structing  the  Committees  on  Military  and  Naval 
Affairs  to  inquire  into  the  condition  of  our  forti 
fications  on  the  sea-board,  and  our  naval  supplies. 
Joint  resolutions  were  also  introduced  directing  the 
President  to  give  notice  of  the  termination  of  the 
joint  occupancy  of  the  Territory  of  Oregon.  These 
resolutions  were  adopted  by  the  Senate  and  sent  to 
the  House,  where  they  were  referred  to  the  Com 
mittee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  which  reported  them  back 
with  a  recommendation  of  concurrence. 

The  danger  of  an  immediate  war  with  England  was 
now  regarded  as  imminent.  The  business  interests 
of  the  country  were  seriously  threatened,  and  there 
was  a  wide-spread  feeling  of  alarm.  Our  title  to 
the  whole  of  Oregon  was,  to  say  the  least,  exceed 
ingly  debatable,  but  it  was  quite  as  "  clear  and  un 
questionable  "  as  our  title  to  the  whole  of  Texas,  as 
claimed  by  herself,  for  the  assertion  of  which  the 
Government  was  about  to  plunge  the  nation  into  a 
war  with  Mexico.  England  and  the  United  States  had 
each  taken  a  definite  and  positive  position,  and  there 
seemed  to  be  no  reason  to  suppose  that  either  would 
yield.  The  President  had  the  united  support  of  his 
party,  which  seemed  to  be  eager  for  the  great  conflict ; 
and  yet  the  Administration  made  no  adequate  prepa 
rations  for  the  struggle.  In  the  opinion  of  those  who 
had  most  carefully  studied  the  designs  of  the  slave- 
ocracy,  he  was  playing  a  cowardly  game  of  diplomacy. 


1 86  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDD2NGS. 

Giddings,  in  a  speech  in  the  House  on  the  5th  of 
January,  1846,  reminded  the  slaveholders  of  some 
exceedingly  disagreeable  facts,  lie  said,  — 

"  It  is  the  annexation  of  Texas  that  has  rendered  the  whole  of 
Oregon  necessary  to  restore  that  balance  of  power.  By  the  an 
nexation  of  Texas  the  Slave  States  now  have  a  majority  in  the 
Senate.  They  will  continue  to  retain  that  majority  unless  we 
add  territory  to  our  northwestern  border.  By  the  annexation 
of  Texas  the  protection  of  the  free  labor  of  the  North  has  been 
surrendered  to  the  control  of  the  slave-power.  Our  constitu 
tional  rights  and  the  honor  of  our  Free  States  are  delivered 
over  to  the  keeping  of  slaveholders.  .  .  .  No,  Mr.  Speaker,  it 
becomes  us  to  act  like  men,  to  look  our  difficulties  in  the  face,  and 
to  pursue  the  best  mode  of  retrieving  the  advantages  that  have 
been  thrown  away.  That  can  only  be  done  by  restoring  the 
balance  of  power  by  adding  new  States  at  the  West  and  North 
west.  To  admit  new  States  on  that  border,  we  must  have  the 
territory  out  of  which  such  States  may  be  formed. 

"  But  Southern  gentlemen  —  whose  voices  at  the  last  session 
were  heard,  loud  and  long,  in  favor  of  Texas  and  the  whole  of 
Oregon  —  now  see  a  lion  in  the  way.  They  were  then  chivalrous  ; 
now  they  are  all  for  peace.  Then  they  waxed  valiant ;  now 
they  'roar  you  as  gently  as  any  sucking  dove.'  But  a  year  ago 
their  motto  was  ' now  or  never;"1  at  this  time  ' a  masterly  inac 
tivity  '  is  their  maxim.  Last  year  they  spoke  in  strains  of  fervid 
eloquence  of  the  glory  of  extending  the  American  sway  over 
new  territory,  and  of  adding  new  States  to  our  brilliant  constel 
lation;  now  they  call  upon  their  Northern  friends  to  stop  this 
mad  career  of  extending  the  power  of  our  Government,  and  to 
leave  the  political  control  of  the  nation  in  their  hands  for  a  few 
years,  until  Great  Britain  shall  quietly  give  up  her  claims  to  that 
territory.  They  have  suddenly  called  to  mind  the  declaration  of 
British  statesmen  that  '  a  war  with  the  United  States  will  be  a 
war  of  emancipation.'  They  see  in  prospect  the  black  regi 
ments  of  the  British  West  India  islands  landing  among  them, 
and  their  slaves  flocking  to  the  enemy's  standard.  Servile  in 
surrections  torment  their  imaginations.  Rapine,  blood,  and  mur 
der  dance  before  their  affrighted  vision.  They  are  now  seen  in 
every  part  of  the  hall,  calling  on  Whigs  and  Democrats  to  save 
them  from  the  dreadful  consequences  of  their  own  policy.  Well, 
sir,  I  reply  to  them,  this  is  your  policy,  not  ours;  you  have  forced 
us  into  it  against  our  will  and  our  utmost  opposition  ;  you  have 
prepared  the  poisoned  chalice,  and  we  will  press  it  to  your  lips 
until  you  swallow  the  very  dregs." 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  187 

After  arguing  that  one  of  the  consequences  of  a 
war  with  England  would  be  the  acquisition  of  Can 
ada,  Nova  Scotia,  and  New  Brunswick,  he  thus  refers 
to  the  President:  — 

"  It  is  most  obvious  to  my  judgment  that  he  cannot  be  driven 
into  a  war  with  England.  As  I  have  already  stated,  a  war  with 
that  nation  must  prove  the  total  overthrow  of  slavery.  Every 
reflecting  statesman  must  see  this  as  clearly  as  any  event  can  be 
foretold  by  human  perception.  I  do  not  think  the  slaveholding 
portion  of  the  Democratic  party  were  aware  that  the  carrying 
out  of  their  Baltimore  resolutions  would  sacrifice  that  institution. 
They  rather  believed  that  by  obtaining  Texas,  the  price  of  human 
riesh  would  be  enhanced,  and  slavery  supported.  The  conse 
quences  of  seizing  upon  '  the  whole  of  Oregon  '  were  not  considered. 
Mr.  Polk,  in  his  inaugural  address  and  in  his  annual  message, 
evidently  overlooked  the  momentous  effect  which  his  twice-de 
clared  policy  would  produce  upon  the  slave  interest,  to  which  he 
is  indissolubly  wedded.  He  and  his  cabinet  and  his  party  have 
made  a  fatal  blunder.  They  will  soon  discover  their  error,  and 
will  recede  from  their  position.  With  the  same  degree  of  confi 
dence  that  I  have  in  my  own  existence,  I  declare  that  they  will, 
before  the  nation  and  the  world,  recede  from  their  avowed  policy, 
and  will  surrender  up  all  that  portion  of  Oregon  north  of  the 
forty-ninth  parallel  of  latitude,  or  let  the  subject  remain  as  it 
now  is.  I  wish  to  place  this  prediction  on  record  for  future 
reference." 

These  extracts  sufficiently  indicate  the  character 
of  the'  speech.  It  was  most  timely  and  effective, 
whatever  the  real  attitude  of  the  slaveocracy  might 
prove  to  be  touching  the  question  of  war.  If  the 
President  and  his  Southern  brethren  were  indeed 
consumed  by  the  desire  for  a  war  with  England,  the 
speech  was  an  admirable  counter-irritant,  which  could 
scarcely  fail  to  bring  relief.  If,  however,  they  were 
playing  a  game  of  duplicity  and  treachery,  through 
which  the  interests  of  the  people  of  the  North  and 
Northwest  were  to  be  sacrificed  to  the  greed  of  sla 
very,  then  the  chastisement  administered  by  Giddings 
was  exactly  the  thing  called  for  by  the  situation. 


1 88  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G ID  DINGS. 

No  utterances  could  have  been  more  opportune,  and 
probably  no  congressional  speech  ever  exerted  a 
stronger  or  more  decisive  influence  upon  the  settle 
ment  of  a  great  question  involving  the  preservation 
of  the  public  peace.  It  struck  the  key-note  of  en 
lightened  public  opinion  in  every  section  of  the 
Union,  while  it  exposed  the  selfishness  and  rapacity 
of  the  slave  interest  to  the  gaze  of  the  world. 

But  Giddings  did  not  stand  alone  in  the  views 
expressed  in  his  speech.  A  few  days  before  its  de 
livery,  a  veteran  journalist  and  a  master  spirit  in  the 
arts  of  practical  politics  wrote  him, — 

DEAR  SIR,  —  If  the  President  in  his  message  plays  the 
game  of  war,  why  not  out-trump  him  ?  Wars  are  sometimes 
national  blessings,  though  generally  the  reverse.  But  are  there 
not  worse  things  than  war  ?  If  war  with  England  would  give 
us  a  tariff,  Canada,  and  freedom,  shall  we  refuse  it  ?  But  it  has 
another  aspect,  — the  duplicity  of  the  Administration.  Were 
you  to  take  this  ground  in  one  of  your  strong,  vigorous  fifteen- 
minute-speeches,  it  would  blow  the  war  and  the  Administration 
sky-high.  Very  truly  yours, 

THURLOW  WEED. 

On  the  i6th  of  January  J.  A.  Briggs,  a  prominent 
Whig  politician  of  Cleveland,  Ohio,  wrote  Giddings : 

"  I  think  you  have  settled  the  Oregon  question,  for,  believe  me, 
your  speech  will  have  more  influence  in  the  South  than  all  that 
Calhoun  can  say,  or  President  Polk  can  write.  The  fact  is,  you 
spoke  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth ;  and 
spoke,  too,  as  ninety-nine  out  of  every  one  hundred  Northern 
men  feel,  but  will  not  all  speak  out  so  boldly  as  yourself.  I  am 
glad  you  made  the  speech,  although  you  may  expect  to  be 
abused  like  a  pickpocket  and  thief  for  it.  But  abuse  you  are 
used  to,  and  it  will  not  hurt  you.  It  takes  well  here.  Even 
Allen  said  it  was  'good  talk,'  and  would  frighten  the  South  out 
of  Oregon  and  settle  the  question." 

On  the  Qth  of  February,  Dr.  Bowditch,  of  Boston, 
wrote :  — 

"  Please  to  accept  my  hearty  thanks  for  your  manly,  noble 
speech  on  the  Oregon  question.  Thanks,  as  an  Abolitionist,  for 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  189 

the  utterance  of  such  sentiments.  Would  that  Northern  slaves 
and  Southern  lords  more  frequently  heard  such  speeches.  If 
anything  will  avail  to  wake  up  the  so-called  freemen  of  the  North 
from  their  deadly  apathy,  speeches  like  this  will  do  it.  But  what 
a  farce  it  is  to  speak  of  freemen  of  the  North !  If  to  be  free 
men  we  must  be  bound  hand  and  foot,  if  we  must  be  so  besotted 
as  to  hug  our  very  chains  as  our  greatest  blessing,  then  indeed 
are  we  freemen ;  but  not  otherwise." 

A  few  months  later,  when  time  had  closed  all  con 
troversy  respecting  the  policy  of  the  Administration, 
his  old  friend  Governor  Slade,  of  Vermont,  wrote 
Giddings, — 

"  Great  events  have  crowded  so  thick  upon  each  other  for  the 
past  few  months  as  to  hold  me  in  almost  breathless  astonish 
ment.  Your  prediction  in  regard  to  Folk's  disposition  to  snatch 
at  a  peace  notwithstanding  all  his  blustering,  has  been  verified. 
I  think  the  Aliens  and  Hannegans  and  Casses  must  feel  cheap ; 
but  they  should  have  expected  nothing  better  from  their  coalition 
with  slavery.  It  is  false  to  everything  but  the  instinct  of  its  own 
preservation.  When  will  the  North  learn  this  ? " 

Two  clays  after  the  delivery  of  this  speech  Mr. 
Adams  addressed  the  House  on  the  same  subject. 
In  an  elaborate  argument  he  supported  the  claim 
of  the  Administration  to  the  whole  of  Oregon,  but 
did  not  admit  that  the  assertion  of  our  title  would 
involve  the  country  in  a  war  with  England.  He, 
however,  agreed  with  Giddings  as  to  the  disastrous 
effects  such  a  war  would  have  upon  the  institution 
of  slavery,  and  joined  him  in  the  prediction  that  the 
Administration  would  surrender  its  belligerent  posi 
tion.  In  the  mean  time,  Mr.  Calhoun  had  re-entered 
the  Senate  on  the  22d  of  December,  and  surprised 
his  friends  by  throwing  his  whole  weight  against  his 
party  on  this  question.  He  saw  as  clearly  as  Adams 
and  Giddings  the  effect  of  such  a  conflict  upon  the 
interests  of  the  South,  and  vigorously  urged  the 
policy  of  concession.  On  the  i6th  of  March  he 
said, — 


190  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

"  Once  settle  the  question  of  Oregon,  and  we  may  then  settle 
the  question  of  Mexico;  but  till  then,  Mexico  will  calculate  the 
chances  of  a  rupture  between  us  and  Great  Britain  ;  and  if  she 
sees  any  chance  of  a  war  against  us,  she  will  go  over  to  the  power 
which  makes  war  upon  us.  Remove  those  chances,  put  an  end  to 
such  a  hope,  and  Mexico  will  speedily  settle  every  pending  ques 
tion  between  her  and  the  United  States." 

For  weeks  and  months  longer  the  debate  upon  the 
question  continued  in  both  Houses,  while  the  Presi 
dent  and  his  party  followers  still  claimed  the  whole 
of  Oregon,  and  the  Democratic  newspapers  made 
"fifty-four  forty  or  fight,"  the  party  shibboleth. 
When  it  was  rumored  that  the  President  proposed 
to  settle  the  question  on  the  line  of  forty-nine  de 
grees,  Senator  Hannegan  of  Indiana  made  his  mem 
orable  speech,  in  which  he  declared  that  "  so  long  as 
one  human  eye  remains  to  linger  on  the  page  of  his 
tory,  the  story  of  his  abasement  will  be  read,  sending 
him  and  his  name  together  to  an  infamy  so  profound, 
a  damnation  so  deep,  that  the  hand  of  resurrection 
will  never  drag  him  forth.  .  .  .  He  who  is  a  traitor 
to  his  country  can  never  have  forgiveness  of  God, 
and  cannot  ask  mercy  of  man." 

Meanwhile,  the  men  who  agreed  with  Adams  and 
Giddings  were  rapidly  multiplying,  and  the  suspicion 
was  steadily  growing  stronger  that  the  difficulty  would 
be  adjusted  without  war.  Finally,  on  the  loth  of 
June,  the  President  asked  the  advice  of  the  Senate 
on  the  subject  of  a  settlement  which  would  surrender 
the  whole  of  the  vast  territory  lying  north  of  forty- 
nine  degrees.  That  body  promptly  advised  him  to 
accept  such  a  settlement,  and  accordingly,  on  the 
1 5th  of  June,  a  treaty  to  that  effect  was  ratified;  and 
thus  ended  the  campaign  of  bluster  which  had  so 
long  been  prosecuted  under  the  leadership  of  Cass, 
Allen,  Hannegan,  and  Douglas,  with  the  treacherous 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  191 

connivance  of  Southern  Democrats.  Hannegan  was 
forgiven  by  President  Polk,  who  nominated  him  as 
minister  to  Russia,  at  the  close  of  his  senatorial 
term.  Harmony  in  the  Democratic  party  was  re 
stored.  The  power  of  slavery  over  the  people  of  the 
Northern  States  had  never  before  been  so  shamefully 
illustrated  as  in  the  obsequious  and  humiliating  sub 
mission  of  the  leaders,  who  for  a  year  and  a  half 
had  kept  the  nation  in  a  ferment  by  their  windy  talk 
about  war. 

The  Oregon  trouble  was  now  disposed  of,  but  our 
relations  with  Mexico  were  yet  unsettled. 

Texas  having  accepted  the  conditions  of  annexa 
tion,  Congress,  by  an  Act  which  passed  the  Senate 
on  December  22,  1845,  by  a  vote  of  31  to  14,  and 
the  House,  on  December  16,  by  141  to  57,  consum 
mated  the  work.  As  early  as  August,  1845,  General 
Taylor  had  been  ordered  by  President  Polk  to  Corpus 
Christi,  situated  at  the  mouth  of  the  Nueces,  on  the 
boundary  between  Texas  and  Mexico.  In  March  of 
the  following  year,  in  pursuance  of  further  orders, 
his  army  took  its  position  on  the  east  bank  of  the 
Rio  Grande,  opposite  Matamoras,  at  least  one  hun 
dred  miles  beyond  the  boundary  of  Texas,  and  of 
course  on  the  soil  of  Mexico.  Hostilities  followed, 
as  predicted  by  the  opponents  of  annexation,  and 
after  two  battles  the  President,  in  his  message  to 
Congress  of  May  n,  declared  that  "Mexico  has  in 
vaded  our  territory  and  shed  American  blood  upon 
the  American  soil."  The  message,  with  the  accom 
panying  papers,  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on 
Military  Affairs,  which  reported  a  bill,  the  preamble 
of  which  declared  that  "by  the  act  of  the  Republic  of 
Mexico  a  state  of  war  exists  between  that  Govern 
ment  and  the  United  States."  The  bill  appropriated 


I Q2  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

ten  million  dollars  and  provided  for  calling  out  fifty 
thousand  men,  and  it  passed  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives  with  only  fourteen  dissenting  votes.  The  men 
who  cast  these  votes,  of  whom  it  has  been  fitly  said 
that  they  "  looked  rather  to  the  day  of  judgment  than 
to  the  day  of  election,"  were  the  following:  John 
Quincy  Adams,  George  Ashmun,  Joseph  Grinnell, 
Charles  Hudson,  and  Daniel  P.  King  of  Massachu 
setts;  Henry  T.  Cranston  of  Rhode  Island;  Erastus 
D.  Culver  of  New  York;  Luther  Severance  of 
Maine;  John  Strahan  of  Pennsylvania;  and  Colum 
bus  Delano,  Joseph  M.  Root,  Daniel  R.  Tilden, 
Joseph  Vance,  and  Joshua  R.  Giddings  of  Ohio.  The 
bill  passed  the  Senate  the  next  day,  with  only  two 
dissenting  votes,  those  of  Thomas  Clayton  of  Dela 
ware,  and  John  Davis  of  Massachusetts. 

On  the  passage  of  the  bill  no  opportunity  to  debate 
it  was  granted.  The  documents  accompanying  the 
President's  message  were  not  allowed  to  be  read. 
Not  a  word  of  explanation  or  argument  was  per 
mitted,  nor  was  any  member  even  suffered  to  enter 
his  protest  against  the  bill  or  its  preamble.  At 
every  stage  of  the  proceeding  the  previous  question 
silenced  all  opposition. 

The  champions  of  slavery  now  regarded  their  as 
cendency  as  complete  and  unquestionable.  They 
compared  those  who  voted  against  the  war  with  the 
Federalists,  who  voted  against  that  of  1812.  They 
assumed  that  to  oppose  the  war  was  to  oppose  the 
Government,  and  they  spoke  of  all  who  condemned 
it  as  traitors  to  the  honor  of  the  nation.  It  was  the 
cowardice  of  the  Whigs  which  led  the  great  body  of 
them  to  vote  for  the  War  Bill,  with  its  lying  pream 
ble.  They  feared  they  might  be  charged  at  the  coming 
elections  with  betraying  the  cause  of  their  country; 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  193 

and  to  save  themselves  from  this  danger  they  voted 
to  raise  ten  millions  of  money  and  fifty  thousand 
men,  to  carry  on  a  war  which  they  denounced  as  a 
war  of  aggression  and  conquest.  They  tried  to  ex 
cuse  themselves  on  the  plea  that  General  Taylor 
and  his  army  were  in  danger  of  being  destroyed  or 
captured  by  the  enemy;  but  the  very  despatch  in 
which  Taylor  announced  that  hostilities  had  begun, 
demonstrated  his  perfect  security.  He  was  then 
making  preparations  for  advancing  into  Mexico,  and 
seven  days  after  the  fifty  thousand  men  had  been 
voted,  Taylor,  without  waiting  for  the  force  he  had 
asked  for,  entered  the  city  of  Matamoras  in  triumph. 
Moreover,  the  Whigs  knew  that  if  Taylor  had  been 
in  danger,  his  fate  would  be  decided  long  before  any 
force  raised  under  the  Act  could  reach  him,  and  that 
he  had  already  been  authorized  by  the  President  to 
call  for  and  accept  volunteers  from  no  less  than  six 
of  the  nearest  States.  They  also  knew  that  the 
Democrats  were  strong  enough  to  pass  the  War  Bill 
without  a  single  Whig  vote. 

But  if  any  valid  or  even  plausible  excuse  could  be 
urged  for  voting  for  this  declaration  of  war,  there 
could  be  none  for  indorsing  the  glaring  falsehood 
that  Mexico  was  the  aggressor.  By  voting  against 
this  falsehood,  the  Whigs  knew  that  the  country 
could  not  suffer,  for  the  grant  of  money  and  troops 
was  sure  to  be  made,  irrespective  of  their  action. 
Their  vote,  therefore,  was  a  perfectly  gratuitous  ex 
hibition  of  moral  cowardice,  and  placed  them  on  the 
same  level  with  the  President  and  his  supporters.  It 
was  utterly  unworthy  of  the  followers  of  Henry  Clay, 
who  said  in  a  public  speech  in  Kentucky, "No  earthly 
consideration  would  ever  have  tempted  me  to  vote  for 
a  bill  with  a  palpable  falsehood  stamped  on  its  face." 

13 


IQ4  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

Yet  these  Whigs  denounced  the  President  for 
bringing  on  this  war,  as  if  they  had  not  joined  him 
in  the  act.  Their  inconsistency  was  only  matched  by 
their  effrontery.  Says  Dr.  Von  Hoist,  — 

"  The  Whigs  always  spoke  of  '  Folk's  war.'  It  is  true  that 
Polk  had  purposely  brought  on  the  war ;  but  both  Houses  of 
Congress  had  declared  it  superfluous  to  read  even  the  documents 
that  had  been  voluntarily  sent  them  by  the  President,  in  order  to 
form  an  independent  judgment  of  the  question  how  hostilities 
with  Mexico  had  been  brought  on.  Certainly,  Polk  had  sinned 
deeply  against  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution  when,  behind  the 
back  of  the  assembled  Congress,  and  under  no  necessity,  he 
had  deliberately  worked  to  bring  about  an  encounter  on  the  Rio 
Grande,  in  order  to  win  by  a  war  California  and  New  Mexico, 
which  he  had  been  unable  to  buy;  but  both  Houses  of  Congress 
had  sanctioned  his  conduct  without  any  investigation.  It  was 
certain  that  Polk  had  done,  by  indirect  and  devious  ways,  what 
Congress  alone  could  rightfully  do ;  but  both  Houses  of  Con 
gress  had  given  their  approval.  Certainly,  Folk's  assertion  that 
the  United  States  and  Mexico  were  at  war  was  not  true ;  but 
both  Houses  of  Congress,  by  their  confirmation,  made  the  state 
ment  a  fact.  Certainly,  Polk  had  treated  Congress  with  an  in 
sulting  want  of  respect,  and  certain  it  was  that  this  criminal 
playing  with  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution  would  inevitably  bear 
bitter  fruit ;  but  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  had  vied  with  each 
other  in  putting  the  gag  into  their  own  mouths,  and  in  lowering 
themselves  to  mere  tools  of  the  President  in  a  still  greater  degree 
than  he  had  required  of  them.  Certainly,  Folk's  message,  with  its 
disingenuousness,  involved  half-truths,  and  its  intentional  reser 
vations,  was  an  unworthy  web  of  deceit;  but  both  Houses  of 
Congress,  under  no  compulsion  whatever,  and  with  the  exercise 
of  a  most  disgraceful  pressure  on  the  minority,  had  set  the  seal 
of  their  approbation  upon  it.  The  war  was,  indeed,  originally 
*  Folk's  war,'  but  Congress  was  responsible  for  the  fact  that  the 
Union  had  to  carry  on  'Folk's  war;'  and  if  the  true  and  the 
official  history  of  the  origin  of  the  war  were  so  related  to  each 
other  that,  as  Stephens  maintained,  Polk  deserved  the  appella 
tion  of  the  'mendacious,'  then  the  same  disgraceful  word  was 
branded  on  the  forehead  of  the  Congress,  for  it  had  voluntarily 
and  deliberately  pledged  itself  to  the  truth  of  the  official  history 
of  the  origin  of  the  war,  had  repeated  the  lie,  and  formally  made 
it  its  own."  J 

1  Constitutional  History  of  the  United  States,  ii.  252-254. 


THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  195 

The  day  following  the  passage  of  the  War  Bill  in 
the  House,  Giddings,  in  Committee  of  the  Whole, 
took  occasion  to  express  his  views  on  the  subject. 
His  speech  was  a  masterly  examination  of  our  rela 
tions  with  Mexico,  growing  out  of  the  annexation  of 
Texas.  He  exposed  the  false  pretences  of  the  Presi 
dent  respecting  the  boundaries  of  Texas,  and  laid 
bare  the  mingled  sophistry  and  knavery  by  which 
he  attempted  to  defend  his  action  and  put  Mexico 
in  the  wrong.  He  made  the  President  himself  a 
witness  to  the  fact  that  the  war  was  one  of  naked 
aggression  and  conquest,  in  which  he  was  as  com 
pletely  the  instrument  of  the  slaveocracy  as  he  had 
shown  himself  in  his  cowardly  surrender  of  'our  claim 
to  Oregon.  I  quote  a  single  extract :  — 

"  The  rights  of  the  several  States  and  of  the  people  now 
depend  upon  the  arbitrary  will  of  an  irresponsible  majority,  who 
are  themselves  controlled  by  a  weak  but  ambitious  Executive. 
Am  I  asked  for  the  evidence  of  this  assertion  ?  I  point  you  to 
the  invasion  of  Mexico  by  order  of  the  Executive  while  Con 
gress  was  in  session;  to  the  blockade  of  Matamoras;  to  those 
acts  which  have  involved  us  in  all  the  evils  of  actual  war,  with 
out  even  deigning  to  consult  Congress  on  the  subject.  When  all 
this  was  effected,  the  majority  of  this  House  placed  at  his  dis 
posal  the  whole  military  and  naval  force  of  the  nation,  with  ten 
millions  of  treasure,  for  the  conquest  of  Mexico,  and  then  in 
dorsed  his  flagrant  misrepresentation  by  declaring  that  '  war 
exists  by  the  act  of  Mexico?  Thus  has  Congress  surrendered 
its  honor,  its  independence,  and  become  the  mere  instrument  of 
the  Executive,  and  been  made  to  indorse  this  Presidential  false 
hood.  This  invasion  of  a  sister  republic,  this  usurpation  of 
imperial  powers,  this  most  despotic  act  of  making  war,  has  been 
sanctioned  by  this  body,  and  in  a  manner,  too,  which  fully  illus 
trates  the  disregard  of  Constitutional  restraints  entertained  by 
this  House. 

"  Sir,  on  this  great  and  momentous  subject  of  peace  and  war, 
involving  the  lives  of  thousands  of  our  fellow-citizens  and  the 
welfare  of  two  mighty  nations,  we  were  not  permitted  to  speak, 
to  deliberate,  or  to  compare  our  views.  No  member  was  allowed 
to  express  his  dissent,  or  state  his  objections  to  an  act  which  is 


196  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

to  tell  upon  the  future  destiny  of  civilized  man.  With  indecent 
haste,  with  unbecoming  levity,  under  the  gag  of  the  previous 
question,  our  nation  is  plunged  into  a  bloody  war  for  the  purpose 
of  conquest  and  the  extension  of  slavery." 

Giddings,  however,  did  not  allow  the  questions  of 
Oregon  and  Texas  to  divert  his  mind  from  the  tactics 
of  slavery  respecting  matters  of  smaller  moment.  On 
the  1 8th  of  February,  1846,  he  addressed  the  House 
on  the  Indian  Appropriation  Bill,  providing  for  the 
payment  of  forty  thousand  dollars,  under  our  treaty 
with  the  Creek  and  Seminole  Indians,  concluded  in 
1845.  He  had  explained  the  facts  connected  with 
this  treaty  in  his  speech  of  the  6th  of  February  of 
the  previous  year,  and  he  now  made  it  clear  that  this 
appropriation  was  asked  for  in  pursuance  of  the  long- 
continued  policy  of  the  Government  in  making  itself 
the  agent  of  slaveholders  in  the  recapture  of  fugitive 
slaves,  or  in  compensating  them  for  their  loss.  He 
showed  that  this  treaty  had  never  been  published, 
and  that  Congress  had  been  called  on  to  vote  appro 
priations  under  it  without  any  knowledge  of  the  facts 
and  circumstances  which  led  to  it.  "  From  the  time 
of  its  approval  to  this  hour,"  said  he,  "it  has  been 
entombed  in  the  Executive  archives,  and  kept  from 
the  view  of  gentlemen  who  are  now  called  to  act 
officially  under  it."  He  repeated  the  essential  facts 
set  forth  in  his  speech  on  the  Florida  War  in  1841, 
and  called  attention  to  the  remarkable  fact  that 
under  this  treaty  the  President  of  the  United  States 
is  to  sit  as  arbitrator  between  slaveholders  and  sav 
ages  in  determining  the  pretended  rights  of  property 
of  the  former  to  Seminole  Indians  who  were,  in  fact 
and  in  law,  free.  He  continued,  — 

"  And  now  the  question  is  distinctly  before  us.  Shall  we 
thrust  our  hands  into  the  pockets  of  our  constituents,  and  take 
this  money,  and  pass  it  over  to  a  slave-dealing  President,  to  be 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G ID  DINGS.  197 

expended  in  paying  for  the  bodies  of  husbands  and  wives  and 
children?  Are  the  representatives  from  the  Free  States  pre 
pared  to  enter  into  the  business  of  huckstering  in  human  flesh  ? 
Shall  we  involve  our  constituents  in  this  deep  and  damning 
crime  of  trading  in  the  image  of  our  God?  Our  votes  must 
answer  these  questions." 

Reverting  to  his  favorite  theory  that  the  existence 
of  slavery  in  the  South  depends  exclusively  upon  the 
authority  of  the  States  in  which  it  exists,  he  said : 

"To  appropriate  the  moneys  proposed  in  this  bill  to  pay 
for  these  slaves  will  be  as  clearly  in  violation  of  the  Federal 
compact  as  it  would  be  for  us  to  abolish  slavery  in  Georgia,  or 
establish  it  in  Massachusetts.  If  this  Government  possesses  the 
power  to  deal  in  slaves,  we  may  establish  a  slave-market  in 
Boston  or  in  New  York,  and  set  up  business  on  Government 
account  at  any  other  point  we  please.  If  we  possess  the  power 
to  tax  the  people  of  the  Free  States  to  the  amount  of  two  hun 
dred  thousand  dollars,  to  be  expended  in  payment  of  slaves,  as 
contemplated  by  this  treaty,  we  may  tax  them  two  hundred  mil 
lions  for  the  same  purpose.  The  question  before  us  is  one  of 
principle,  and  not  of  amount.  Had  our  Government  entered 
into  a  treaty  with  those  Indians,  and  agreed  to  pay  them  two 
hundred  thousand  dollars  for  assisting  the  slaves  of  Georgia  to 
escape  from  bondage,  we  should  all  of  us  have  pronounced  such 
a  treaty  unconstitutional ;  and  I  do  not  believe  that  a  member  of 
this  body  would  have  voted  to  appropriate  a  single  dollar  in  pur 
suance  of  it.  Yet  the  unconstitutionality  of  such  a  treaty  would 
have  been  no  more  obvious  than  is  that  of  the  treaty  before  us. 
It  is  a  perfectly  clear  proposition  that  if  the  Government  has 
power  to  restore  slaves,  it  has  the  same  power  to  entice  them 
away ;  and  if  it  has  the  power  to  pay  out  the  money  of  the 
people  for  one  purpose,  it  has  equal  power  to  pay  it  out  for  the 
other." 

In  affirming  these  propositions,  Giddings  chal 
lenged  members  to  controvert  them;  but  no  one 
attempted  to  do  so. 

In  the  latter  part  of  July,  in  compliance  with  the 
earnest  wishes  of  Whig  members  of  the  House  from 
New  England,  he  addressed  a  series  of  public  meet 
ings  in  Maine.  This  was  a  novel  experience  to  him, 


198  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

and  he  enjoyed  it  greatly.     He  gives  this  account  of  it 
in  a  letter  written  on  his  way  back  to  Washington : 

NEW  YORK,  July  26,  1846. 

MY  DEAR  WIFE,  —  On  reaching  Boston,  on  my  return  from 
Maine,  I  found  letters  requesting  my  immediate  return  to  Wash 
ington,  thinking  that  the  Tariff  Bill  may  be  returned  to  the 
House  with  amendments.  I  reached  here  this  morning  a  little 
after  daylight,  and  after  spending  the  day  intend  to  take  the  cars 
for  Washington,  so  as  to  reach  there  tomorrow  at  1 1  A.  M. 

I  have  had  a  most  delightful  trip,  —  one  well  calculated  to 
please  and  to  flatter  my  vanity.  The  respect  and  attention  with 
which  I  was  received  everywhere  was  gratifying.  All  classes 
and  all  political  parties  appeared  to  extend  to  me  a  most  cordial 
welcome.  I  twas  received  with  open  arms  and  unlimited  confi 
dence  by  both  Whigs  and  Liberty  men,  and  I  trust  I  have 
effected  the  object  of  my  mission.  The  cordial  respect  be 
stowed  upon  me  at  some  places  rather  overcame  my  feelings, 
and  in  some  instances  I  found  myself  unable  to  respond  to  the 
grateful  outpourings  of  gratitude  with  which  I  was  received.  I 
addressed  large  meetings  at  the  cities  of  Bangor,  Augusta,  and 
Portland;  and  after  spending  six  days  in  that  State,  I  left  it, 
much  more  to  the  regret  of  the  people,  I  think,  than  I  should 
have  done  if  I  had  come  away  the  day  after  I  entered  it.  At 
Boston  I  was  urged  to  stay  and  address  the  people,  but  could 
not.  .  .  .  Affectionately, 

J.    R.    GlDDINGS. 

When  the  second  session  of  this  Congress  assem 
bled,  the  varying  fortunes  of  the  war  entirely  en 
grossed  the  attention  of  the  House.  The  weakness 
and  recklessness  of  the  President's  message  were 
severely  criticised,  and  his  call  for  an  additional 
military  force  in  the  work  of  subjugating  Mexico 
aroused  a  formidable  opposition,  especially  in  the 
Senate,  where  Mr.  Calhoun  took  the  lead.  Our 
army  in  Mexico  was  suffering  from  sickness,  and 
the  war  had  become  so  unpopular  that  several  mem 
bers  who  had  voted  for  it  made  propositions  looking 
to  the  restoration  of  peace  without  the  acquisition  of 
territory.  The  resolutions  offered  by  Mr.  Stephens 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GID DINGS,  199 

of  Georgia,  to  this  effect,  on  the  22d  of  January,  1847, 
received  an  affirmative  vote  of  76,  to  88  in  the  nega 
tive.  The  anti-war  feeling  of  the  country  found  a  far 
more  startling  echo  in  Mr.  Corwin's  great  speech  in 
the  Senate  on  the  nth  of  February.  It  electrified 
both  Houses  of  Congress  and  the  people  of  the 
Northern  States.  In  a  letter  to  Charles  Sumner, 
written  on  the  day  of  its  delivery,  Giddings  said: 

"  I  take  pleasure  in  saying  that  Corwin  has  spoken,  and 
retires  this  night  in  the  proudest  attitude  of  any  man  in  the 
nation.  I  listened  to  most  of  his  speech.  In  substance  he  has 
met  my  expectations.  As  to  manner,  he  was  evidently  embar 
rassed.  Strangers  did  not  notice  it,  though  it  was  most  evident 
to  all  who  had  heard  him  before.  Mr.  Root  informed  me  that 
before  I  entered  the  hall  he  made  Mr.  Webster  look  pale,  by  one 
of  his  inimitable  appeals,  which  no  man  can  appreciate  who 
never  heard  him.  His  grounds  are.  that  the  war  was  com 
menced  without  cause  ;  that  we  had  long  abused  and  insulted 
Mexico  ;  that  the  President's  message  was  a  base  fabrication  ; 
that  the  war  will  be  fruitless  of  good;  that  the  Mexicans  will 
not  yield,  and  that  our  army  must  be  withdrawn ;  that  it  is  right 
and  proper  to  withhold  supplies,  etc.  In  short,  I  think  he  main 
tains  every  position  the  Young  Whigs  occupy.  He  declared  that 
the  people  of  the  North  will  never  yield ;  and  that  they  will  be 
burned  at  the  stake,  and  their  fingers  shall  blaze  like  candles, 
before  they  will  permit  further  slave  territory  to  be  added  to  the 
United  States.  But  you  will  see  a  better  sketch  than  I  can  give 
you  in  the  morning  papers.  His  manner  added  much  force  to  his 
speech ;  but  the  Young  Whigs  appeared  to  be  in  fine  spirits,  and 
some  of  them  declared  that  it  was  the  finest  effort  ever  made  by 
Mr.  Corwin.  They  now  regard  him  as  their  man  for  President.1' 

On  the  22d  of  February  Charles  Francis  Adams 
wrote,  — 

HON.  J.  R.  GIDDINGS,  Washington,  D.  C. 

MY  DEAR  SIR,  —  I  find,  by  all  the  information  I  can  gather, 
that  Mr.  Corwin  by  his  late  speech  has  given  an  impetus  to 
opinion,  the  force  of  which  he  did  not  in  all  probability  himself 
foresee.  A  very  large  part  of  the  people  is  ready  to  rally  round 
him  at  once.  He  must  revise  his  speech  with  care  for  publica 
tion,  as  it  will  probably  be  a  marking  point  in  the  country's 


200  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

history.  People  will  look  back  to  it  and  say  here  was  the  first 
glimmer  and  blaze  of  truth  and  right  in  the  Senate  chamber 
upon  the  Mexican  war. 

We  are  now  all  of  us  anxious  that  he  should  only  go  straight 
forward  in  the  same  path  as  it  respects  the  other  questions  in  the 
Senate  chamber.  Will  he  speak  again  upon  the  Wilmot  Proviso 
and  Mr.  Calhoun's  manifesto  ?  If  Mr.  Webster  should  falter  or 
equivocate,  whom  have  we  to  look  to  but  him.  Can  you  do 
nothing  with  him  ?  Tell  him  that  there  has  not  been  in  America 
since  the  Revolution  such  a  chance  for  a  man  to  make  an  ever 
lasting  reputation  as  is  now  before  him.  In  comparison  with  that, 
all  mere  offices  are  contemptible  objects  to  a  true  statesman. 

I  now  half  regret  that  I  did  not  call  to  see  Mr.  Corwin  when 
I  was  in  Washington.  But  I  have  such  an  aversion  to  appear 
ing  to  pump  anybody  for  sentiments  of  a  particular  kind  that  I 
would  rather  forego  any  satisfaction  to  my  own  mind  which  I 
might  get  from  a  conversation,  than  to  attempt  it. 

I  think  the  country  is  becoming  fairly  roused  to  the  issues 
before  us.  Firmness  and  moderation  must  be  our  policy.  We 
believe  the  public  is  growing  more  and  more  sensible,  —  how 
much  it  owes  to  you  !  Yours  very  truly, 

C.  F.  A. 

This  speech  at  once  brought  Corwin  to  the  front 
as  a  Presidential  candidate,  while  it  awakened  gen 
eral  alarm  among  the  champions  of  slavery. 

Giddings  was  not  silent  during  this  session.  On 
the  1 5th  of  December  he  made  an  elaborate  and  un 
usually  vigorous  arraignment  of  the  war  policy  of 
the  Administration,  as  defined  in  the  President's  mes 
sage.  His  exposure  of  his  mendacity  was  unsparing 
and  unanswerable,  and  in  speaking  of  his  demand 
for  further  supplies  of  men  and  money,  Giddings 
reiterated  his  purpose  to  vote  for  neither.  On  this 
subject  he  greatly  annoyed  his  Whig  brethren  who 
voted  for  the  war,  by  vindicating  the  action  of  those 
members  who  had  refused  to  join  in  that  vote  and 
to  grant  supplies  for  its  prosecution.  This  he  did  by 
citing  distinguished  British  precedents.  When  a 
war  of  aggression  and  conquest  was  waged  against 
the  American  colonies  by  the  British  king,  Gid- 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G ID  DINGS.  2OI 

dings  showed  that  Lord  Chatham  and  Fox  and 
Burke,  and  other  distinguished  friends  of  the  colo 
nies,  refused  to  vote  supplies  for  its  prosecution, 
and  demanded  the  withdrawal  of  the  English  armies 
from  their  work  of  conquest  and  rapine.  They  went 
farther,  and  even  refused  to  vote  thanks  to  General 
Clinton  and  others  for  their  military  services  in  Amer 
ica,  because  they  regarded  the  war  in  which  these 
services  were  rendered  as  unjust  and  indefensible. 

On  the  8th  of  January,  Mr.  Winthrop  attempted 
a  reply.  He  denied  the  applicability  to  the  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  of  the  English  precedents 
cited  by  Giddings.  He  said:  — 

"  I  am  not  ready  to  admit  that  there  is  any  close  analogy 
between  the  struggle  of  the  American  colonies  in  1776  and  that 
of  the  Mexicans  now.  Still  less  analogy  is  there  between  a  vote 
of  the  British  House  of  Commons  and  a  vote  of  the  American 
House  of  Representatives.  A  refusal  of  supplies  in  the  Parlia 
ment  of  Great  Britain  is,  generally  speaking,  equivalent  to  a 
change  of  Administration.  No  British  Ministry  can  hold  their 
places  in  defiance  of  such  a  vote.  A  successful  opposition  to 
supplies  in  time  of  war  is  thus  almost  certain  to  result  in  bringing 
forthwith  into  power  a  Ministry  opposed  to  its  further  prosecu 
tion;  and  the  kingdom  is  not  left  to  encounter  the  dangers  which 
might  result  from  a  conflict  upon  such  a  subject  between  the 
executive  and  legislative  powers.  It  is  not  so  here.  No  vote  of 
Congress  can  change  our  Administration.  If  it  could,  the  present 
Administration  would  have  expired  on  Saturday  last,  when  a  tax, 
which  they  had  solemnly  declared  was  essential  to  furnish  them 
with  the  sinews  of  war,  was  so  emphatically  denied.  If  it  could, 
the  present  Administration  would  have  gone  out  on  Tuesday  last, 
when  their  demand  for  a  Lieutenant-General  was  so  uncere 
moniously  laid  on  the  table.  No  British  Ministry,  in  these  days, 
could  have  survived  for  an  hour  two  such  signal  defeats. 

"  But  our  Executive  is  elected  for  a  term  of  years,  and  his 
cabinet  are  quite  independent  of  our  votes.  A  refusal  of  all  sup 
plies  might  hamper  and  embarrass  an  Executive,  and  give  an 
enemy  the  advantage  of  divided  counsels,  but  could  hardly  en 
force  a  change  of  policy,  or  secure  a  concerted  action  in  favor  of 
peace.  Certainly  it  does  not  seem  to  be  the  mode  contemplated 
by  our  Constitution  for  putting  an  end  to  a  war  when  it  has  once 


202  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   A'.    GID DINGS. 

been  commenced.  The  people  alone  can  apply  the  potent  styptic, 
the  magical  Brocchieri,  for  stopping  the  effusion  of  blood,  if  it 
be  the  Executive  will  that  it  shall  continue  to  flow.  It  is  their 
prerogative  to  change  the  Administration  ;  and  the  day  is  coming, 
though  farther  off  than  some  of  us  might  wish,  when  they  will 
have  the  opportunity  of  exercising  it." 

Winthrop  based  a  further  reply  to  Giddings  upon 
a  letter  quoted  from  John  Jay  to  Timothy  Pickering, 
dated  November  i,  1814,  in  which,  speaking  of  the 
War  of  1812,  he  said:  "We  cannot  be  too  perfectly 
united  in  a  determination  to  defend  our  country." 

The  friends  of  Giddings,  both  in  Congress  and 
throughout  the  country,  desired  him  to  reply  to  these 
views  and  expose  their  fallacy,  and  he  was  anxious 
to  do  so ;  but  he  had  already  addressed  the  House  at 
length,  while  many  members  who  had  not  spoken 
were  struggling  for  the  floor.  On  the  I5th  of  Jan 
uary,  Mr.  Sumner  wrote  :  — 

MY  DEAR  SIR,  —  I  am  glad  that  you  will  reply  to  Winthrop. 
I  hope  you  will  unmask  his  perversion  of  John  Jay.  Invoke 
John  Jay  in  a  war  of  offence,  or  in  an  implied  sanction  of  '  our 
country,  right  or  wrong  ' !  It  seems  to  me  that  the  contrast,  the 
antagonism,  the  world-wide  difference  between  defence  and  offence 
might  be  elaborated  with  effect.  .  .  . 

The  comment  of  Winthrop  on  the  British  statesmen  seemed 
like  an  attempt  to  take  advantage  of  the  House.  It  is  a  juggle. 
The  principle  of  duty  which  animated  Fox  and  Chatham  ought 
to  animate  the  American  Congress.  Would  to  God  that  their 
spirit  would  descend  upon  the  House  !  But  because  the  minority 
went  out  on  sustaining  a  defeat,  and  they  do  not  go  out  here, 
does  any  conclusion  follow  ?  Clearly  not.  If  any,  it  is  one  that 
should  make  us  more  vigilant  in  checking  their  course.  They 
should  be  held  to  strict  accountability  at  every  step.  .  .  . 
Yours  faithfully, 

CHARLES  SUMNER. 

On  the  following  day  he  made  a  further  reference 
to  the  same  subject:  — 

MY  DEAR  SIR,  —  I  cannot  forbear  writing  a  line  to-day  to 
say  that  President  Adams  expressed  particular  pleasure  when  I 


THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  203 

told  him  that  you  proposed  to  reply  to  Winthrop's  criticism  on 
the  English  authorities.  The  President  said  that  they  were  pre 
cisely  in  point ;  that  the  circumstance  adduced  by  Winthrop  did 
not  affect  their  authority  in  our  Congress.  They  denied  the 
justice  of  the  war  in  which  their  country  was  engaged,  and 
therefore  refused  to  sanction  it,  and  called  upon  their  country 
to  retreat,  —  not  from  any  enemy  of  human  force,  but  from 
wrong-doing.  .  .  .  Yours  faithfully, 

CHARLES  SUMNER. 

P.  S. —  I  hope  you  will  save  John  Jay  from  the  imputation 
thrown  upon  him  by  Winthrop's  speech.  How  puerile  to  discuss 
the  phraseology  of  the  message,  or  the  conduct  of  the  Executive, 
and  spare  the  great  crime  of  unjust,  unnecessary,  and  murderous 
war ! 

On  the  ist  of  February  Giddings  wrote  to  Sumner: 

"  I  have  some  apprehension  that  I  shall  not  be  able  to  speak 
again  at  this  session  on  the  war.  There  are  many  who  have  not 
spoken,  and  who  are  yet  desirous  of  speaking.  Under  these  cir 
cumstances,  I  have  imparted  my  views  to  my  colleague,  Mr. 
Delano,  so  far  as  regards  my  intended  reply  to  Mr.  Winthrop.  I 
have  also  placed  in  his  hands  the  extract  from  the  Madison  papers, 
giving  Mr.  Gorham's  views  in  the  convention  that  framed  the 
Constitution,  on  the  subject  of  controlling  the  Executive  by  with 
holding  supplies  in  time  of  war." 

Mr.  Delano  obtained  the  floor  on  the  following 
day,  and  made  it  clear  that  the  object  in  withholding 
supplies,  whether  in  England  or  America,  is  to  stop 
the  Administration  in  a  career  of  mischief  and  law 
lessness;  that  in  both  countries  the  withholding  of 
supplies  compels  the  government  to  change  its  pol 
icy;  that  the  resignation  of  the  Ministry  in  England 
does  not  give  the  right  to  refuse  supplies,  but  is 
simply  a  consequence  of  defeat ;  while  in  both  Eng 
land  and  America  the  end  to  be  obtained  is  the  same, 
and  that  the  fact  that  our  Executive  is  elected  for 
a  term  of  years  does  not  make  him  independent  of 
Congress  during  that  time.  On  this  point  Mr. 
Delano  said,  - 

"But  if  thus  independent,  may  the  President  involve  the 
country  in  a  war,  unconstitutional  in  its  origin,  expensive  in  its 


204  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

prosecution,  wicked  in  its  objects,  and  dangerous  in  its  conse 
quences  ?  And  is  there  '  no  mode  contemplated  by  our  Con 
stitution  for  putting  an  end  to  such  a  war  when  it  has  been 
commenced '  ?  Is  there  no  way  in  our  government  to  stop  the 
effusion  of  blood  in  such  a  war  '  if  it  be  the  Executive  will  that  it 
shall  continue  to  flow,'  except  to  let  it  flow  on  during  the  period 
for  which  the  Executive  was  elected,  and  then  let  the  people 
apply  '  the  potent  styptic  '  ? 

"  I  am  unwilling  to  sanction,  even  by  silence,  a  doctrine  which 
puts  this  country,  for  a  period  of  four  years,  so  entirely,  abso 
lutely,  at  the  mercy  of  one  man,  —  a  doctrine  which  proposes,  in 
time  of  war,  when  necessarily  and  inevitably  the  power  and  patron 
age  of  the  President  are  increased,  to  make  him  and  his  cabinet 
'  independent '  of  Congress ;  which  throws  at  once  the  reins  of 
government  upon  the  neck  of  executive  power,  and  gives  the 
steed  full  license  to  trample  upon  the  liberties  and  lives  of  the 
people.  The  framers  of  the  Constitution  never  looked  for  such 
an  interpretation  of  it.  They  expressly  reserved  to  Congress  the 
right  to  declare  war;  they  knew  that  money  was  necessary  to 
wage  war ;  and  they  supposed  that  as  long  as  the  power  to  grant 
and  withhold  supplies  remained  with  Congress,  the  President,  by 
a  judicious  exercise  of  this  power,  would  be  restrained  from 
prosecuting  any  war  longer  than  shall  be  necessary  and  proper." 

In  support  of  these  views  he  cited  the  debates  in 
the  convention  which  framed  the  Constitution,  and 
he  disposed  of  Mr.  Winthrop's  quotation  from  John 
Jay  by  reminding  the  House  that  the  War  of  1812  was 
a  war  of  defence,  and  that  when  Jay's  letter  was  writ 
ten,  our  Capitol  at  Washington  had  been  burned,  our 
frontiers  were  occupied  by  British  troops,  and  our 
commerce  was  exposed  to  a  British  navy.  The  letter 
had  no  relevancy  whatever  to  a  war  of  conquest  like 
that  waged  by  the  British  Crown  against  the  colonies 
in  1776,  or  our  war  with  Mexico,  which  was  wantonly 
and  unconstitutionally  begun  by  the  President.  De 
lano's  reply  to  Winthrop  was  complete;  and  this 
radical  difference  of  views  between  Giddings  and 
Winthrop  is  here  referred  to,  because  of  its  bearing 
upon  further  matters  of  controversy  between  them 
which  I  shall  hereafter  have  occasion  to  notice. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  2O$ 

On  the  2d  of  March,  1847,  tne  Civil  and  Diplomatic 
Appropriation  Bill  was  returned  from  the  Senate  to 
the  House  with  an  amendment  granting  to  the  claim 
ants  of  slaves  on  board  the  "Amistad"  fifty  thousand 
dollars.  In  a  letter  to  Sumner  of  that  date,  Giddings 
says,— 

"  You  will  recollect  the  story.  I  saw  that  our  opponents  in 
tended  to  get  out  of  committee  without  discussing  that  amend 
ment,  for  the  very  purpose  of  stopping  the  debate.  I  obtained 
the  floor,  and  called  the  attention  of  the  House  to  this  amend 
ment,  and  stated  the  facts.  After  I  was  through,  the  chairman  of 
the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  called  for  the  reading  of  a 
letter  from  the  Secretary  of  State  urging  Congress  to  make  the 
appropriation,  and  declaring  the  claim  to  be  just  and  valid. 
This  was  more  than  '  the  old  man  eloquent '  could  withstand,  and 
he  broke  out,  notwithstanding  the  weakness  of  his  voice  and 
health.  It  would  have  done  your  heart  good  to  see  the  members 
gather  around  him  in  a  dense  mass  and  listen  to  him  in  breath 
less  attention.  He  spoke  only  to  one  point,  and  only  about  fifteen 
minutes  ;  but  it  was  regarded  as  probably  his  last  speech  in  this 
hall,  and  was  received  with  profound  respect.  There  were  only 
twenty-eight  who  voted  for  the  appropriation  in  committee." 

In  the  House  it  failed  by  a  vote  of  40  to  112. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

MARCH,    1847,  TO  DECEMBER,    1848. 

Novel  State  of  Parties.  —  Correspondence.  —  Meeting  of  the  Thirtieth 
Congress. —  Struggle  for  the  Speakership.  —  Controversy  with  Win- 
throp.  —  Other  Questions. —  Death  of  Mr.  Adams.  —  Speech  on 
General  Politics.  —  Escape  of  Slaves  on  the  Schooner  "  Pearl. "- 
Mob  in  Washington. —  Speech.  —  Hope  H.  Slatter  and  Rev.  Mr. 
Slicer.  —  The  Claim  of  Hodges. —  Campaign  of  1848.  —  Letter  to 
Truman  Smith.  —  Effect  of  the  Free-Soil  Movement. 

DURING  the  Congressional  vacation  the  growth 
of  anti-slavery  opinion  throughout  the  North 
ern  States  was  unmistakable.  The  success  of  our 
armies  in  Mexico  rendered  the  acquisition  of  terri 
tory  certain,  and  made  the  prohibition  of  slavery 
therein  a  vital  issue.  On  this  question  and  that  of 
voting  supplies  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war  the 
Whig  party  was  threatened  with  disruption.  In  Mas 
sachusetts  it  was  divided  into  "Conscience  Whigs," 
who  were  earnest  and  outspoken  anti-slavery  men, 
and  "Cotton  Wliigs,"  or  conservatives,  who  subordi 
nated  the  slavery  issue  to  the  unity  of  the  party. 
The  leaders  of  the  former  were  Charles  F.  Adams, 
John  G.  Palfrey,  Charles  Sumner,  Stephen  C.  Phil 
lips,  Henry  Wilson,  Charles  Allen,  Samuel  and 
E.  R.  Hoar,  and  Richard  H.  Dana,  Jr.  ;  of  the  latter, 
Robert  C.  Winthrop,  J.  T.  Stevenson,  George  Ash- 
mun,  and  Levi  Lincoln.  Both  parties  were  uncom 
promising  and  thoroughly  in  earnest.  In  the  West 
a  similar  division  revealed  itself,  with  Mr.  Giddings 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   K.    GIDDINGS.  2O? 

and  Salmon  P.  Chase  as  the  most  conspicuous  rep 
resentatives  of  the  liberal  element. 

The  Democratic  party  was  likewise  threatened  with 
serious  division  on  the  slavery  question,  particularly 
in  New  York,  where  the  defeat  of  Van  Buren,  in 
1844,  for  writing  his  anti-Texas  letter,  had  paved  the 
way  for  the  formidable  revolt  which  followed  a  little 
later.  The  political  complications  were  still  further 
aggravated  by  the  victories  of  General  Taylor,  which 
brought  him  before  the  people  as  a  prospective  Whig 
candidate  for  the  Presidency,  while  the  anti-slavery 
men  of  the  country,  of  different  types  and  antece 
dents,  began  to  talk  about  the  formation  of  a  new 
party  on  the  issue  of  slavery,  and  to  discuss  the 
claims  of  Corwin,  Webster,  Judge  McLean,  and 
Martin  Van  Buren  as  Presidential  candidates.  The 
Liberty  party  was  still  in  the  field,  with  John  P.  Hale 
as  its  Presidential  favorite;  but  it  gave  no  promise 
of  rallying  to  its  support  the  mass  of  anti-slavery 
men  who  were  ready  to  secede  from  the  old  parties. 
A  considerable  body  of  Whigs  still  looked  to  Clay 
as  their  great  leader,  and  dwelt  upon  his  opposition 
to  the  annexation  of  Texas,  and  his  fulfilled  prophecy 
that  annexation  would  be  followed  by  war. 

At  this  season  of  political  uncertainty  and  confu 
sion  which  preceded  the  Free-Soil  revolt  of  the 
following  year  and  prepared  the  way  for  it,  the  cor 
respondence  of  Mr.  Giddings  possesses  a  peculiar 
interest.  His  position  at  Washington  gave  him  im 
portant  advantages  in  surveying  the  field  of  politics. 
He  was  the  active  and  uncompromising  representa 
tive  of  the  anti-slavery  cause  in  Congress.  His 
exceptional  knowledge  of  the  slavery  issue  in  all  its 
aspects  was  unquestioned,  while  his  age  and  political 
experience  also  conspired  to  invest  his  opinions  and 


208  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

counsel  with  authority.  We  can  now  read  his  cor 
respondence  in  the  light  of  accomplished  facts,  and 
are  able  to  assign  to  his  views  their  proper  value. 

Among  his  most  intimate  and  trusted  friends  at 
this  time  were  Charles  F.  Adams  and  Charles  Sum 
ner,  with  whom  he  was  in  frequent  communication  on 
political  topics,  and  who  often  sought  his  opinions 
respecting  public  men  and  measures.  But  little  of 
his  correspondence  with  the  former  has  been  pre 
served,  but  Sumner  carefully  filed  his  letters  from 
Giddings,  nearly  all  of  which  were  written  from  1846 
to  1851,  when  Sumner  entered  the  Senate  from  Mas 
sachusetts.  The  friendship  which  ripened  between 
him  and  Giddings  was  as  perfect  as  that  which  had 
so  long  existed  between  the  latter  and  ex-President 
Adams.  On  June  2,  Giddings  wrote  to  Sumner,  — 

"  I  was  aware  that  Mr.  Peters  was  partial  to  Judge  McLean. 
I  object  to  no  man  if  his  principles  are  right  and  his  character 
suited  to  the  place.  On  these  points  I  fear  Judge  McLean.  I 
think  his  political  views  nearly  the  same  as  they  were  when  he 
left  Jackson's  cabinet.  That  he  will  call  around  him  the  *  Old 
Hunkers'  of  our  party  I  entertain  no  doubt.  Men  of  the  'old 
school '  will  be  his  advisers  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  and  his 
administration  will  be  a  continuation  of  the  practice  of  uncondi 
tional  submission  to  the  slave-power.  He  is  doubtless  in  favor 
of  granting  men  and  money  to  carry  on  the  war." 

Giddings  did  not  agree  with  the  Whigs  who  desired 
the  nomination  of  Mr.  Clay,  though  still  warmly  at 
tached  to  him.  This  will  appear  from  the  following 
letter,  which  also  contains  other  matters  of  interest : 

[Confidential.] 

ASHLAND,  Oct.  6,  1847. 

I  received,  my  dear  sir,  your  friendly  letter  in  all  the  spirit  of 
kindness  and  amity  in  which  it  was  dictated,  and  I  answer  it  in 
the  same  spirit. 

I  am  thankful  for  your  friendship,  which  I  cordially  recipro 
cate.  I  hope  that  it  will  continue  to  be  mutual  between  us,  what 
ever  may  be  the  political  events  of  the  future. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  2OQ 

You  tell  me  that  it  is  possible  that  I  may  be  again  a  candi 
date  for  the  Presidency  by  the  nomination  of  the  Whig  conven 
tion,  and,  with  honorable  candor,  add  that  you  are  not  favorable 
to  my  nomination. 

After  the  disastrous  termination  of  the  last  contest,  I  never 
expected  to  be  again  a  candidate.  I  do  not  now  expect  it,  nor 
have  I  determined  in  my  own  mind  that  I  would  accept  the  nomi 
nation  if  it  were  offered  me.  It  probably  never  will  be  necessary 
for  me  to  decide  that  question ;  but  if  it  should  be,  I  should  de 
liberately  consider  the  circumstances  which  ought  to  influence 
my  judgment. 

I  am  not  surprised  at  the  progress  of  the  anti-slavery  feeling 
which  you  describe  in  the  Free  States.  The  annexation  of  Texas, 
this  most  unnecessary  and  horrible  war  with  Mexico,  and  the 
overthrow  of  the  tariff  of  1842,  were  well  calculated  to  produce 
that  effect.  But  you,  perhaps,  ought  to  reflect  that  these  meas 
ures  could  not  have  been  carried  without  large  Northern  support; 
and  perhaps  justice  would  also  require  that  it  should  not  be  for 
gotten  that  some  of  us  were  most  decidedly  adverse  to  them. 

You  kindly  refer  to  the  subject  of  the  slaves  I  hold,  and  tell 
me  what  would  be  the  good  consequences  of  my  emancipating 
them. 

I  regret  as  much  as  any  one  does  the  existence  of  slavery  in 
our  country,  and  wish  to  God  there  was  not  a  single  slave  in  the 
United  States,  or  in  the  whole  world.  But  here  the  unfortunate 
institution  is,  and  a  most  delicate  and  difficult  affair  is  it  to  deal 
with. 

I  have  during  my  life  emancipated  some  eight  or  ten,  under 
circumstances  which  appeared  to  me  to  admit  of  their  emancipa 
tion.  The  last  was  Charles,  and  I  am  not  sure  that  he  is  bene 
fited  by  his  freedom.  Of  the  remainder  (some  fifty  odd),  what  I 
ought  to  do  with  them,  and  how,  and  when,  is  a  matter  of  grave 
and  serious  consideration  often  with  me.  I  am  perfectly  sure 
that  to  emancipate  them  forthwith  would  be  an  act  of  great  in 
humanity  and  extreme  cruelty.  I  wish  you  would  come  and  see 
me  and  them.  Do  come.  You  would  behold  among  them  aged 
and  decrepit  men  and  women  and  helpless  children,  utterly  un 
able  to  gain  a  livelihood  or  support  in  the  world.  They  would 
perish  if  I  sent  them  forth  in  the  world. 

Alas,  alas!  my  good  friend,  I  fear  you  have  a  very  inad 
equate  idea  of  the  duties,  obligations,  and  relations  which  exist 
between  my  poor  slaves  and  me. 

But  whatever  I  may  or  might  do  tdwards  them  must  be 
wholly  independent  of  all  political  motives  or  considerations  ;  it 
must  rest  exclusively  with  my  own  sense  of  duty  and  propriety. 

14 


2IO  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

Nor  do  I  believe  that  if  it  were  possible  for  me  to  be  influ 
enced  by  the  motive  of  my  own  political  advancement  in  the 
emancipation  of  my  slaves,  at  this  time,  it  would  tend  in  the 
smallest  degree  to  the  promotion  of  that  end.  My  object  and 
purpose  would  be  alike  assailed  by  the  ultras  on  both  sides,  if  not 
by  others.  I  remain,  very  truly, 

Your  friend  and  obedient  servant,  H.  CLAY. 

The  Hon.  Mr.  GIDDINGS. 

In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Giddings  dated  October  i,  Mr. 
Sumner  gave  him  an  account  of  the  Massachusetts 
State  Whig  convention,  held  at  Springfield  on  the 
29th  of  September,  in  which  Mr.  Webster  was  nomi 
nated  for  the  Presidency,  and  declared  himself  in 
favor  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso.  Giddings  replied, 
October  8,  - 

"Your  favor  of  the  ist  instant  is  received.  I  am  astonished 
that  Mr.  Webster  should  have  made  so  bold  a  push  for  the  nomi 
nation.  I  am,  however,  delighted  with  the  expression  of  his 
views  in  regard  to  the  withdrawal  of  our  troops  and  in  favor  of 
the  Wilmot  Proviso.  It  must  have  given  you  and  Messrs. 
Adams,  Palfrey,  and  Phillips  great  pleasure  to  find  him  acting 
with  you ;  but  I  regret  that  you  had  not  learned  the  fact  at  an 
earlier  day.  Looking  at  the  doings  of  your  convention,  so  far  as 
I  am  informed,  I  think  the  developments  were,  on  the  whole, 
favorable  to  the  progress  of  correct  principle.  Even  the  nomi 
nation  of  Mr.  Webster,  under  the  circumstances,  tells  strongly  in 
favor  of  the  Young  Whigs.  I  am  gratified  to  see  Mr.  Palfrey 
standing  forward  as  he  did  in  your  convention.  He  will  enter 
Congress  with  no  doubtful  character,  and  I  feel  assured  that 
he  will  not  begin  to  '  play  dark  '  after  he  gets  before  the  nation. 
I  assure  you  that  I  anticipate  much  pleasure  at  seeing  him  as 
sume  a  portion  of  the  responsibility  that  has  so  long  rested  upon 
a  few  of  us. 

"As  to  Corwin,  I  know  not  that  I  can  give  you  any  informa 
tion.  I  have  written  him  very  fully,  and  when  I  get  his  answer 
will  know  more  about  his  speech  and  his  views.  I  have  put  to 
him  such  questions  as  I  think  will  draw  out  his  real  sentiments. 
I  had  supposed  that  I  knew  his  views  upon  the  subject  of  slavery. 
In  1844  I  was  with  him  on  the  stump.  At  Cadiz,  in  the  county 
of  Harrison,  at  a  very  large  convention,  among  whom  were  many 
slaveholders  from  Virginia,  and  some  from  Kentucky,  among 
them  Gen.  Leslie  Combs,  I  spoke  my  views  freely  and  fully  on 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  2  1 1 

the  subject  of  slavery,  the  more  so  because  there  were  also  many 
Liberty  men  present  who  had  asserted  that  I  would  say  nothing 
in  regard  to  slavery  when  slaveholders  were  present. 

"  Corwin  followed  me,  and  indorsed  and  confirmed  my  doctrines, 
and  avowed  them  as  his  own.  He  also  did  the  same  on  other 
occasions.  Last  winter  we  talked  the  subject  over  again,  and  he 
appeared  to  have  no  delicacy  in  the  matter,  but  said  he  should 
not  hesitate  to  declare  his  views  at  a  proper  time.  I  have  cau 
tioned  him  on  this  point  since  we  returned  from  the  last  session. 
This  is  all  I  can  say  at  present.  It  is  certain  that  in  his  speech 
there  was  an  intimation  that  I  did  not  approve.  Here  the  matter 
rests  so  far  as  I  am  concerned.  If  he  shows  the  doughface,  we 
shall  cast  him  off  without  hesitation.  Whatever  Mr.  Winthrop 
and  others  think  in  regard  to  voting  for  the  best  slaveholder,  we 
of  northern  Ohio  will  sustain  no  doughface,  were  he  a  brother  or 
a  son.  Corwin  understands  this  now,  and  will  understand  it  more 
fully  when  he  shall  have  read  the  papers  from  the  Reserve.  He 
is  and  has  long  been  the  favorite  of  northern  Ohio,  much  more 
than  of  the  southern  portion  of  the  State ;  but  we  shall  not  again 
be  Tylerized  by  any  man." 

The  attitude  of  Corwin  continued  to  engross  the 
attention  of  anti-slavery  Whigs  both  in  New  Eng 
land  and  the  West.  On  the  1 8th  of  October  Gid- 
dings  wrote  to  Sumner,  — • 

"  When  Henry  Clay's  Alabama  letter  appeared  in  1844,  my 
former  partner *  swore  he  would  favor  a  candidate  at  the  next 
Presidential  election  who  could  neither  read  nor  write.  I  doubt 
whether  he  should  not  include  those  who  make  speeches.  I 
think,  however,  that  the  whole  difficulty  with  Corwin  has  arisen 
from  two  causes,  —  first,  he  said  more  in  regard  to  the  dangers 
of  the  Wilmot  Proviso  than  he  should  have  said  ;  second,  what 
he  did  say  was  misrepresented.  He  is  exceedingly  vexed  at  the 
misrepresentations,  and  avows  the  same  sentiments  on  the  subject 
of  extending  slavery  which  you  and  I  hold.  In  short,  I  think  our 
friend  Adams  formed  a  very  accurate  opinion  when  he  said  Corwin 
had  shown  less  boldness  on  the  subject  than  became  a  man  in  his 
situation.  I  yet  believe  he  will  come  up  to  that  point  as  boldly 
as  he  did  on  the  war.  If  he  does  not,  however,  we  here  shall 
feel  under  no  obligation  to  support  him." 

On    the     ist    of    November    Sumner    replied    to 

Giddings.  - 

1  B.  F.  Wade. 


212  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GID DINGS. 

"Your  favor  of  the  iSth  was  duly  received.  Since  then  I 
have  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Corwin,  in  which  he  shows  some 
anxiety  on  account  of  the  report  of  the  Carthage  speech.  I 
regret  that  speech  very  much.  The  passage  with  Mr.  Chase  was 
unfortunate.  It  has  undoubtedly  disaffected  the  Abolitionists, 
who  already  inclined  to  Mr.  Corwin.  His  shrinking  from  the 
Wilmot  Proviso  as  a  dangerous  question  was  another  mistake. 
That  question,  when  rightly  understood,  is  a  source  of  safety. 
It  is  the  beginning  of  a  rally  against  the  slave-power  which  will 
save  the  Union.  I  wish  Mr.  Corwin  could  see  this  as  we  do.  I 
had  begun  to  feel  a  personal  attachment  for  him,  and  shall  be  un 
happy  if  we  cannot  act  under  him.  The  courage  which  he  showed 
against  the  war  ought  to  inspire  him  to  active  demonstrations 
against  slavery.  Meanwhile,  the  Democrats  in  New  York  are  in 
motion.  I  have  assurances  on  which  I  rely  that  they  are  in 
earnest.  Preston  King  says  he  does  not  care  whether  the  Presi 
dential  candidate  is  a  Whig  or  a  Democrat,  but  he  must  be  a 
Wilmot  Proviso  man.  I  may  say,  confidentially,  that  a  letter 
has  been  received  here  from  Albany  inquiring  if  J.  Q.  Adams 
will  join  with  Martin  Van  Buren  and  others  in  a  call  for  an  anti- 
slavery  convention  to  nominate  a  Northern  candidate.  Mr. 
Adams  was  asked  yesterday  if  he  would  do  it.  He  expressed 
great  pleasure  in  the  plan,  but  pleaded  that  he  was  so  old  and 
infirm  that  he  could  not  do  what  might  be  justly  expected  of  him 
if  he  were  to  sign  such  a  call. 

"It  seems  that  the  continuance  of  the  war  will  prevent  such  a 
call  immediately ;  but  when  that  ceases,  nothing  can  prevent  the 
coalition  of  the  two  anti-slavery  sections.  Let  us  try  to  prepare 
the  way. 

"  I  regret  J.  P.  Hale's  acceptance  of  the  Liberty  nomination. 
I  urged  him  in  vain  to  a  contrary  course. 

"Your  anticipation  with  regard  to  Palfrey  will  be  fulfilled. 
He  is  true  as  steel.  As  a  new  member,  of  marked  opinions,  he 
will  be  exposed  to  trials.  I  know  he  may  count  upon  your 
friendship  and  sympathy.  I  see  that  the  Whigs  will  continue  to 
vote  supplies.  Before  going  into  caucus  on  the  Speakership, 
should  you  not  understand  their  proposed  course  ?  " 

To  this  letter  Giddings  replied,  November  8,  - 

"  I  rejoice  at  the  proposition  made  to  Mr.  Adams.  It  shows 
advance  on  the  part  of  the  Van  Burens  more  rapidly  than  I  had 
expected,  although  I  had  strong  assurances  of  their  intentions  to 
stand  by  the  principles  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso;  and  from  some  I 
have  the  promise  that  they  will  go  for  a  total  and  perfect  separa 
tion  of  the  Federal  Government  from  all  support  of  slavery.  This 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  213 

I  think  is  the  line  which  we  should  draw,  and  on  which  we  should 
stand.  Let  us  repeal  all  laws  of  Congress  which  now  exist  for 
the  support  of  slavery,  wash  our  hands  entirely  of  it,  and  leave  it 
altogether  with  the  States  in  which  it  is  situated.  I  am  fully  of 
the  opinion  that  we  shall  affix  the  Wilmot  Proviso  to  the  first  ap 
propriation  bill  that  passes ;  for  although  I  have  hopes  that  the 
army  may  be  recalled,  yet  I  make  all  calculations  that  Southern 
Whigs  are  to  go  for  supplies.  .  .  . 

"  Mr.  Corwin  can  expect  the  anti-slavery  Whigs  to  support  him 
for  President  on  no  other  ground  than  that  of  maintaining  our 
doctrines  and  policy.  He  has  during  vacation  been  surrounded 
by  timid  doughfaces,  who  have  felt  that  he  was  injuring  himself 
and  party.  That  influence  has  doubtless  had  an  effect  upon  him. 
The  papers  speak  much  of  Mr.  Schenck's  course  in  opposing  the 
war,  when  in  fact  he  voted  for  it,  and,  to  the  best  of  my  recol 
lection,  has  at  all  times  either  dodged  the  question,  or  voted  for 
supplies,  while  it  is  true  he  has  spoken  against  the  war.  Mr. 
Schenck  has  been  much  with  Corwin,  and  I  fear  has  had  quite 
too  much  influence  with,  him ;  yet  I  have  confidence  that  he  will 
come  up  to  the  work  when  he  gets  back  to  the  Senate." 

A  little  later,  Charles  Francis  Adams  wrote,  — 

BOSTON,  Nov.  28,  1847. 

MY  DEAR  SIR,  —  ...  I  have  concluded  not  to  go  to  Wash 
ington  at  present.  You  have  doubtless  seen  the  base  attack  of 
the  "  Atlas  "  upon  us,  which  was  designed  to  curry  favor  for  Win- 
throp  with  the  Carolinians.  The  effort  to  manufacture  public 
opinion  is  going  on  with  great  industry,  and  I  suspect  our  Con 
gressmen  will  be  overawed.  But  I  know  nothing  of  them,  not 
even  of  my  father  or  Mr.  Palfrey.  If  I  were  to  go  to  Washing 
ton,  the  inference  would  immediately  be  that  I  was  going  in  order 
to  defeat  him  [Winthrop]. 

Mr.  Clay's  speech  seems  to  be  throwing  the  party  into  confu 
sion.  I  suspect  the  Taylor  movement  will  now  begin  in  earnest, 
and  that  Winthrop  will  secretly  favor  it.  He  will  not  easily  for 
give  Clay,  whom  he  never  loved  overmuch. 

What  is  to  be  done  ?  I  am  very  tired  of  the  equivocations  of 
the  Whigs,  and  so  far  as  I  am  concerned,  am  fully  prepared  for 
any  movement  which  may  be  made  from  any  quarter,  resting 
upon  the  ground  which  you  suggested  in  your  last.  But  I  will 
not  start  until  I  see  my  way  not  to  embarrass  you.  What  will 
the  Democrats  do?  Are  they  going  after  the  wild-goose  project 
of  trying  Mr.  Van  Buren  ? 

What  we  now  want  is  union,  and  to  understand  each  other. 
Cannot  this  be  done  at  once  ? 


214  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

Mr.  Palfrey  has  been  very  unwell,  and  it  is  not  certain  that  he 
can  get  on  in  season  for  Monday.  He  is  true  as  steel. 

After  all,  I  have  little  confidence  in  anybody  at  Washington 
excepting  in  Palfrey  and  yourself.  My  father,  of  course,  is  not 
active.  You  two  must  sustain  our  cause.  My  own  impression  is 
that  bold  measures  will  be  wisest,  —  union  with  other  parties 
without  scruple,  wherever  they  act  honestly  in  the  support  of  the 
only  principles  now  in  question,  and  if  possible  a  total  defeat  of 
any  intrigue  which  shall  attempt  to  stifle  the  slavery  question  in 
the  delusion  of  no  more  territory. 

What  say  you  ?     Let  me  know  early,  so  that  I  may  bring  the 
paper  well  out.     I  have  been  talking  very  gently  of  late. 
Very  truly  yours, 

C.  F.  ADAMS. 

On  December  I,  Sumner  wrote,  — 

"  I  find  that  the  person  who  wrote  to  ascertain  whether  Mr. 
Adams  would  unite  with  the  Van  Burens  and  others  in  the  call 
of  an  anti-slavery  convention  was  not  authorized  to  speak  for  the 
latter.  He  saw  Mr.  Van  Buren,  who  said  that  he  was  in  favor  of 
the  Wilmot  Proviso,  but  that  he  must  keep  himself  aloof  from  the 
agitation  of  that  question.  Old  fox  !  " 

Giddings,  like  Sumner  and  Adams,  was  reluctant 
to  surrender  his  faith  in  Corwin.  He  clung  to  him  as 
he  had  clung  to  Clay  in  1844.  Indeed,  his  hopeful 
ness  was  one  of  the  most  perfectly  defined  traits  in 
his  character.  He  believed  in  humanity,  and  though 
often  disappointed  in  his  favorable  estimate  of  men, 
he  never  lost  his  faith.  To  this  quality  of  his  mind 
he  was  doubtless  largely  indebted  for  the  constancy 
and  zeal  which  enabled  him  to  prosecute  his  labors 
in  the  face  of  the  most  threatening  forms  of  opposi 
tion  and  discouragement. 

Respecting  the  course  of  Mr.  Corwin,  his  anti- 
slavery  friends  were  not  long  kept  in  suspense. 
They  soon  discovered  that  he  had  taken  fright  at 
the  display  of  his  own  courage  or  at  the  plaudits 
of  the  Abolitionists,  and  that  he  lacked  the  moral 
nerve  and  steadfastness  of  purpose  which  would  have 
fitted  him  for  the  leadership  of  a  great  movement. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  21$ 

He  was  witty,  eloquent,  versatile,  sympathetic,  and 
full  of  generous  impulses.  His  oratory  was  as  cap 
tivating  as  it  was  inimitable,  and  his  geniality  as 
abounding  as  his  love  of  fun.  These  qualities  made 
him  the  idol  of  the  people,  but  they  did  not  supply 
him  with  convictions.  He  had  caught  a  glimpse  of 
the  truth  which  beckoned  him  forward  as  the  prophet 
of  the  people,  but  having  faltered  in  the  supreme 
moment  of  his  public  life,  he  turned  again  to  the 
beggarly  work  of  party  politics,  took  the  stump  for 
General  Taylor,  and  by  easy  stages  of  descent 
reached  the  position  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
under  Millard  Fillmore,  and  defender  of  the  Com 
promise  measures  of  1850.  Henceforward  till  his 
death  he  was  the  despair  of  the  men  who  had  longed 
to  fight  the  battle  of  freedom  under  his  banner. 

As  the  time  drew  near  for  the  meeting  of  the 
Thirtieth  Congress,  the  question  of  the  Speakership 
of  the  House  was  discussed  with  increasing  interest. 
The  choice  of  a  Speaker  always  involves  grave  con 
siderations,  but  the  condition  of  public  affairs  at  that 
time  made  it  pre-eminently  momentous.  We  have 
seen  that  Sumner  referred  to  it  in  his  last  letter;  but 
Giddings  had  seriously  pondered  the  question  much 
earlier.  In  a  letter  to  Horace  Greeley,  of  Septem 
ber  7,  he  had  stated,  with  great  clearness  and  force,  the 
attitude  of  the  Whig  party  on  the  subject  of  annexa 
tion  and  war,  the  verified  prophecies  of  the  Whig 
leaders  that  war  would  follow  annexation,  and  the 
undisguised  hostility  of  the  party  to  its  further  prose 
cution.  I  quote  from  this  letter:  — 

"  The  Whig  party  has  never  ceased  to  condemn  the  war. 
Their  disgust  for  it  was  never  stronger  than  at  present,  and  it  is 
gaining  strength  every  day.  With  these  circumstances  surround 
ing  them,  the  Whig  members  of  Congress  will  assemble.  The 
first  duty  that  will  devolve  upon  them  will  be  the  election  of  a 


2l6  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

Speaker.  That  officer  exerts  more  influence  over  the  destinies 
of  the  nation  than  any  other  member  of  the  government  except 
the  President.  He  arranges  the  committees  to  suit  his  own 
views.  If  a  Whig  in  favor  of  prosecuting  the  war  be  elected 
Speaker,  he  will  so  arrange  the  committees  as  to  secure  reports  in 
favor  of  continuing  our  conquests  in  Mexico.  If  he  be  opposed 
to  the  war,  he  will  so  arrange  them  as  to  have  reports  in  favor 
of  withdrawing  our  troops.  Which  course  will  the  Whig  party  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  pursue  ?  A  more  momentous  ques 
tion  was  never  presented  to  the  Whig  party.  Should  they  elect 
an  anti-war  candidate,  and  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means 
should  be  so  constituted  as  to  report  against  the  further  conquest 
of  Mexico,  it  is  quite  possible  that  Whigs  enough  would  vote 
with  the  Democrats  to  reverse  the  reports  of  committees,  and  to 
make  the  necessary  appropriations  to  carry  on  hostilities.  But 
such  an  act  of  a  few  individuals  would  not  involve  the  party, 
and  we  may  escape  the  odium  and  responsibility  of  such  act. 
We  should  in  such  event  remain  upon  the  ground  which  we  have 
long  maintained,  and  the  responsibility  of  the  war  will  remain 
with  those  who  brought  it  upon  us.  On  the  other  hand,  should 
they  elect  a  Speaker  in  favor  of  carrying  on  the  war,  there  will 
be  a  union  between  the  parties  in  regard  to  it ;  and  the  distinctive 
principles  on  which  the  Whig  party  has  hitherto  stood  will  be 
surrendered.  When  we  as  a  party  shall  thus  desert  our  doc 
trines,  and  obliterate  the  lines  that  have  hitherto  separated  the 
two  parties,  and  make  this  a  Whig  war,  and  assume  its  crimes 
and  disgrace,  its  final  overthrow  will  not  be  far  distant.  Now, 
sir,  I  wish  to  avoid  such  a  state  of  things.  I  am  aware  that  our 
friends  desire  to  see  a  Whig  Speaker  and  a  Whig  clerk  elected  ; 
but  I  submit  whether  it  would  not  be  a  thousand  times  better  for 
the  Whig  party  to  maintain  its  integrity  and  principles  than  to 
surrender  them  for  the  paltry  advantages  of  electing  a  Speaker 
and  clerk.  If  we  are  contending  for  great  and  holy  principles, 
let  us  stand  by  our  professions  ;  but  if  we  are  fighting  for  office 
and  power  merely,  why  then  the  sooner  we  disband  the  better." 

The  significance  of  these  views  was  soon  to  be 
practically  illustrated.  Their  value  was  to  be  tested 
in  the  nomination  and  election  of  Robert  C.  Win- 
throp,  of  Massachusetts,  as  Speaker  of  the  next 
House,  while  Mr.  Giddings  was  to  be  brought  face 
to  face  with  one  of  the  greatest  trials  of  his  public 
life.  On  December  4,  he  wrote  to  Sumner,  — 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  217 

"  Mr.  Palfrey  has  arrived  in  the  same  cars  that  brought  me 
your  favor  of  the  ist  instant.  His  health  is  improving.  I  was 
most  happy  to  see  him.  I  thank  God  that  I  have  one  man  on 
whom  I  can  lean.  Our  party  is  now  in  caucus  (10  o'clock  at  night) 
to  nominate  a  Speaker.  There  are  very  few  members  absent. 
They  entirely  refused  to  state  any  principle  on  which  our  future 
action  shall  be  based,  and  I  refused  to  meet  in  caucus,  as  I  might 
by  some  be  considered  as  bound  in  honor  to  vote  for  the  Whig 
nominee.  I  determined  that  no  circumstances  should  induce  me 
to  vote  for  any  man  who  is  not  pledged  to  arrange  the  commit 
tees  so  as  to  secure  the  withdrawal  of  the  army,  and  reports 
upon  Abolition  petitions.  I  shall  be  set  upon  by  the  blood 
hounds  of  the  party,  but  that  I  am  accustomed  to.  Winthrop 
has  satisfied  Hudson  and  others  who  felt  somewhat  on  the  sub 
ject  of  the  war,  and  they  will  vote  for  him  if  nominated.  Yet 
Mr.  Palfrey  and  myself  will  probably  hold  his  election  in  our 
hands.  I  therefore  intend  that  our  power  shall  be  exerted  and 
felt  ;LS  far  as  we  can  make  it  tell  upon  humanity.  Mr.  Adams 
will  vote  for  Mr.  Winthrop,  and  I  was  compelled  to  take  the 
stand  at  the  dictation  of  my  own  judgment  against  the  remon 
strance  of  personal  and  political  friends.  But  since  Mr.  Palfrey 
has  arrived,  I  have  stated  the  whole  case  to  him,  and  he  concurs 
with  me  in  opinion,  and  approves  my  course.  My  only  fears  are 
that  we  may,  by  thus  partially  separating  from  our  party,  lose 
influence  ;  but  I  hope  not.  I  am  sure  that  my  absence  from  the 
meeting  will  cause  inquiry,  and  think  they  will  discover  that  I 
hold  important  cards  in  my  hand. 

"  Half-past  eleven.  The  meeting  has  adjourned ;  Winthrop 
is  nominated  for  Speaker,  and  Campbell  of  Tennessee  for  clerk. 
Thus  you  see  the  subject  has  assumed  a  tangible  shape.  And 
now,  my  dear  sir,  though  accustomed  to  meet  responsibility  in 
various  ways,  I  frankly  say  that  I  feel  some  indecision  as  to  the 
course  I  may  hereafter  adopt.  I  have  no  doubt  that  if  King 
and  Palfrey  stand  firm,  we  may  yet  defeat  Winthrop  and  break 
up  the  present  dynasty  of  our  Whig  party ;  while  we  may,  I 
think,  secure  the  committees  in  our  favor  by  voting  for  him. 
Reflection  is  necessary.  I  would  like  to  see  you,  and  Mr.  Adams, 
and  Mr.  Phillips  for  an  hour  or  two  on  the  subject;  but  we  must 
decide  for  ourselves." 

The  dilemma  in  which  Giddings  was  now  placed 
was  a  painful  one,  but  it  was  certainly  not  of  his 
seeking.  He  had  been  actuated  by  no  factious  spirit 
in  refusing  to  co-operate  with  his  Whig  brethren. 


2l8  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

He  was  very  reluctant  to  part  company  with  his 
venerated  friend  Adams  upon  a  question  which  he 
believed  vitally  concerned  the  national  honor  and 
peace.  He  was  sorry  to  feel  obliged  to  withstand 
the  protests  and  entreaties  of  friends  with  whom  he 
had  been  in  accord  for  many  years.  He  would  gladly 
have  avoided  a  step  which  threatened  to  separate 
him  from  the  party  with  which  he  had  acted  since 
its  organization.  He  had  hitherto  been  loyal  to  all 
its  reasonable  demands,  and  had  incurred  the  hostile 
criticism  of  many  good  men,  and  lost  the  support  of 
many  of  his  most  devoted  friends,  by  refusing  to  join 
the  Liberty  party  in  1844. 

But  the  political  record  of  Winthrop  left  him  but 
one  alternative.  Personally,  he  was  unobjection 
able.  He  belonged  to  one  of  the  historic  families 
of  Massachusetts.  He  was  a  man  of  ability,  and  his 
patriotism  was  unquestioned.  His  parliamentary 
qualifications  were  conceded,  and  he  was  eloquent, 
scholarly,  and  accomplished.  But  by  temperament 
he  was  conservative.  He  had  an  instinctive  horror 
of  what  he  called  "ultraism,"  and  boasted  that  he 
was  no  "agitator,"  and  had  no  sympathy  with  "fa 
natics."  He  prided  himself  upon  his  political  mod 
eration.  He  belonged,  naturally,  to  the  school  of 
conciliation  and  compromise,  and  was  singularly 
wanting  in  the  qualities  which  would  have  fitted 
him  for  leadership  in  wrestling  with  the  thick-com 
ing  aggressions  of  the  slave-power. 

At  a  public  meeting  in  Faneuil  Hall,  on  July  4, 
1845,  before  the  annexation  of  Texas  had  been  con 
summated,  and  when  the  leading  statesmen  of  the 
country  in  both  sections  of  the  Union  denied  the 
constitutional  power  of  annexation  by  joint  resolu 
tion  of  Congress,  he  offered  his  famous  toast,  embody- 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  219 

ing  the  sentiment,"  Our  country,  however  bounded," 
which  won  him  the  favor  of  the  South,  rallied  the 
conservatives  and  capitalists  of  New  England  to  his 
standard  as  their  leader,  and  brought  sorrow  and 
disappointment  to  thousands  in  the  Northern  States, 
who  yet  clung  to  the  hope  that  the  country  might  be 
saved  from  this  concubinage  with  the  slavery  of  a 
foreign  territory.  On  the  25th  of  September,  1846, 
when  an  earnest  and  vigorous  effort  was  made  by  the 
Whigs  of  Massachusetts  in  a  State  convention  held  at 
the  same  place  to  commit  the  party  to  a  well-defined 
anti-slavery  policy,  Winthrop  took  the  lead  in  op 
posing  it,  and  was  chiefly  instrumental  in  balking 
the  rising  spirit  of  the  people.  On  September  29, 
1847,  at  another  Whig  convention  in  Massachusetts, 
when  Mr.  Palfrey  moved  a  resolution  pledging  the 
party  to  support  no  men  for  President  or  Vice-Presi- 
dent  who  were  not  committed  by  their  acts  or  avowed 
opinions  to  the  principle  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  Mr. 
Winthrop  opposed  the  resolution,  for  the  obvious 
purpose  of  leaving  the  way  clear  for  the  nomination 
of  General  Taylor.  On  May  n,  1846,  he  voted  for 
the  war  bill,  with  what  Mr.  Clay  called  "a  palpable 
falsehood  stamped  on  its  face;"  and  this  action  was 
afterwards  seconded  by  other  votes  in  favor  of  men 
and  money  in  aid  of  this  scheme  of  slaveholding 
vandalism. 

In  the  light  of  these  facts,  Giddings  had  no  dis 
cretion.  Events  had  so  predestined  his  course  of 
action  that  it  had  become  logically  and  morally  un 
avoidable,  however  painful  it  might  prove.  He  had 
voted  against  the  war,  and  against  supplies  to  carry 
it  on.  His  hostility  to  slavery  in  general,  and  par 
ticularly  to  its  further  extension,  had  long  been  well 
known.  He  could  not  belie  his  convictions  and  his 


22O  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G ID  DINGS. 

record.  He  saw,  however,  one  possible  way  of 
escape  from  his  embarrassment,  and  that  has  been 
indicated  in  his  letter  to  Sumner.  If  Winthrop 
himself  would  give  satisfactory  assurances  respect 
ing  the  formation  of  the  various  committees  of  the 
House,  he  might  support  him;  and  fortunately  a  way 
now  opened  to  test  this  question  through  the  inter 
vention  of  John  G.  Palfrey,  who  had  just  taken  his 
seat  as  a  representative  from  Massachusetts. 

Mr.  Palfrey  was  not  a  politician  by  training,  but 
a  statesman  in  the  best  sense  of  the  term.  He  was 
also  honorably  known  as  a  Christian  minister,  a 
scholar,  and  a  philanthropist.  He  had  emancipated 
a  large  number  of  slaves  who  had  descended  to  him 
on  the  death  of  his  father,  who  resided  in  the  South. 
His  hostility  to  slavery  was  not  a  sentiment  merely, 
but  a  profound  moral  conviction.  He  was  no  fanatic, 
but  a  trained  thinker,  who  saw  clearly  that  the  war 
fare  against  the  peculiar  institution  must  be  prose 
cuted  by  constitutional  methods;  and  he  firmly  be 
lieved  that  such  warfare,  if  courageously  waged, 
would  drive  the  curse  from  the  Republic.  No  man 
ever  more  completely  possessed  the  courage  of  his 
convictions,  while  he  held  a  high  rank  in  the  lit 
erature  of  New  England,  and  his  ability  and  irre 
proachable  life  were  unchallenged.  Dr.  Andrew  P. 
Peabody,  who  knew  him  thoroughly,  has  recently 
described  him  as  "a  man  who  would  have  defied  all 
the  powers  of  earth  and  hell  in  pursuit  of  what  he 
deemed  right,  and  who  never  failed  to  have  heaven 
on  his  side."  When  he  made  his  first  speech  in  the 
House  in  the  following  month,  which  fully  justified 
the  expectation  of  his  friends,  Mr.  Adams  exclaimed : 
"Thank  God,  the  seal  is  broken!  Massachusetts 
speaks ! " 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  22  I 

Giddings,  as  his  letter  to  Sumner  shows,  welcomed 
his  new  ally,  who  agreed  with  him  respecting  Win- 
throp's  record,  and  deemed  it  his  duty  to  address  an 
inquiry  to  his  colleague  touching  his  intentions  in  the 
formation  of  the  committees  of  the  House.  Under 
the  circumstances  this  certainly  could  not  be  re 
garded  as  unreasonable.  Would  he,  if  elected,  so 
constitute  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  as  to 
secure  a  report  against  granting  further  supplies  for 
the  prosecution  of  the  war?  Would  he  so  constitute 
the  Committee  on  Territories  that  it  would  urge  the 
adoption  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso  ?  Would  he  so  form 
the  Committee  on  the  District  of  Columbia  as  to 
secure  a  vote  of  the  House  on  the  abolition  of  the 
slave-traffic,  if  not  of  slavery  itself,  in  the  District? 
Would  he  so  form  the  Judiciary  Committee  that 
action  would  be  taken  on  the  question  of  granting 
a  trial  by  jury  to  fugitive  slaves,  and  of  protecting  the 
citizens  of  Massachusetts  against  outrages  inflicted 
by  South  Carolina? 

These  were  the  questions  propounded,  not  for  the 
purpose  of  obtaining  a  public  pledge,  or  a  pledge  of 
any  sort,  from  Winthrop,  but  simply  such  indications 
of  his  intentions  as  would  enable  Palfrey  and  his 
friends  to  vote  intelligently.  Winthrop  replied  that 
if  he  should  occupy  the  Speaker's  chair,  he  must  go 
to  it  without  pledges  of  any  sort,  and  that  his  policy 
in  organizing  the  House  must  be  sought  for  in  his 
general  conduct  and  character  as  a  public  man,  stat 
ing  that  his  votes  were  on  record  and  his  speeches  in 
print.  This,  in  substance,  was  an  answer  to  all  the 
questions  in  the  negative;  for  his  conduct  as  a  public 
man  and  his  votes  and  speeches  had  made  these  ques 
tions  necessary.  I  do  not  see  how  Winthrop  could 
honorably  have  answered  otherwise  in  the  light  of  his 


222  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

public  record  and  his  well-known  conservative  opin 
ions.  I  cannot  believe  that  Palfrey  anticipated  a 
different  answer;  but  it  became  an  authentic  fact  for 
his  consideration  in  deciding  the  question  of  duty. 
Of  course  Giddings  and  Palfrey  refused  to  give  him 
their  support.  Winthrop,  however,  was  elected  by  a 
majority  of  one,  and  was  indebted  for  his  success  to 
P.  W.  Tompkins,  a  Democrat  from  Mississippi,  and 
to  Isaac  E.  Holmes,  a  disunion  Democrat  from  South 
Carolina,  who  withheld  their  votes  from  the  nominee 
of  their  own  party  for  the  avowed  reason  that  Win 
throp  was  an  anti-Wilmot  Proviso  Whig;  while  Mr. 
Adams  joined  them  in  his  support.  Such  a  combina 
tion  of  political  extremes  has  rarely  been  witnessed. 
The  contest  was  peculiarly  exciting,  and  in  referring 
to  it  in  a  letter  to  Sumner,  of  December  26,  Giddings 
said,— 

"  I  have  constantly  felt  that  we  should  be  more  vulnerable  on 
account  of  Mr.  Adams'  voting  for  Mr.  Winthrop.  I  conversed 
with  him  about  it  beforehand,  and  knew  how  he  would  vote. 
Mr.  Winthrop's  father,  I  think,  was  an  early  and  steadfast  friend 
of  Mr.  Adams,  and  the  recollection  of  former  scenes  constrained 
him  to  take  that  course.  Perhaps  you  may  not  know  that  when 
we  were  about  to  take  the  third  ballot,  Mr.  Adams  sent  a  request 
to  Mr.  Palfrey  that  he  would  not  vote.  Mr.  Palfrey,  I  thought, 
was  somewhat  embarrassed  by  the  request.  He  told  me  of  it. 
I  assured  him  that  by  the  aid  of  Southern  Democrats  Mr.  Win 
throp  would  be  elected  on  that  trial.  He  replied  that  if  I  were 
confident  of  that  result,  he  would  maintain  his  position  as  before. 
I  was  very  desirous  that  he  should,  and  went  so  far  as  to  express 
my  wish  to  that  effect.  He  again  voted,  and  as  I  then  thought, 
exhibited  as  much  firmness  as  any  man  I  had  ever  seen  under 
such  circumstances." 

Unmeasured  abuse  and  denunciation  were  now 
lavished  upon  Giddings  and  Palfrey  by  the  Whigs. 
In  Massachusetts  the  latter  had  to  face  the  party 
rancor  and  exasperation  of  Winthrop's  friends,  whose 
vituperation  and  venom  had  free  course;  but  Gid- 


THE  LIFE    OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDD1NGS.  22$ 

dings,  who  had  been  long  in  the  public  service,  was 
singled  out  in  every  section  of  the  country  for  spe 
cial  chastisement.  The  Whig  Press  and  politicians 
branded  him  as  an  apostate  and  an  ingrate  whose  past 
services  to  the  party  were  completely  cancelled  by 
this  single  act  of  insubordination,  and  who  was  to 
be  made  an  example  and  a  warning  to  others.  It  is 
impossible  now  to  realize  the  extent  and  bitterness 
of  this  warfare  as  we  find  it  attested  by  the  Whig 
newspapers  of  that  time.  Giddings,  however,  was  not 
a  non-resistant,  and  in  self-defence  he  deemed  it  his 
duty  to  make  some  reply  to  his  assailants.  One  of 
the  most  formidable  of  these  was  the  "  Cleveland 
Daily  Herald,"  to  which  he  addressed  a  public  letter; 
and  on  account  of  the  importance  of  the  controversy 
which  grew  out  of  its  publication,  I  think  it  due  to 
Giddings  to  quote  the  essential  part  of  it. 

"  You  do  not  charge  me  with  having  violated  any  principle  of 
Whig  faith  or  any  moral  obligation,  but  you  insist  that  I  was 
bound  to  vote  for  certain  individuals  to  office.  You  have  not  set 
forth  any  peculiar  merit  in  them  over  the  men  for  whom  I  voted. 
Were  they  better  Whigs  ?  You  do  not  pretend  that  they  were. 
Were  they  more  capable  ?  You  make  no  such  assertion.  The 
only  reason  assigned  by  you  is  that  they  were  selected  as  suitable 
candidates  by  other  men,  in  my  absence  and  against  my  wish. 
In  other  words,  they  were  the  'caucus  candidates.'  Much  has 
heretofore  been  said  by  our  party  of  '  collar  men  '  and  of  the 
'  servile  submission  to  party  dictation  '  which  has  controlled  the 
members  of  the  Loco-Foco  party  ;  but  I  had  not  expected  to  see 
a  Whig,  or  a  Whig  Press,  attempt  to  establish  those  doctrines  on 
the  Western  Reserve. 

"  You  insist  that  I  was  bound  to  vote  for  those  men,  although 
in  my  own  judgment  they  were  disqualified.  This  is  substantially 
your  charge,  though  not  in  words.  I  have  not  so  understood  the 
duty  of  a  representative.  Nor  do  I  think  you  would  have  prac 
tised  on  such  a  principle  had  you  been  in  my  situation.  I  felt 
myself  bound  to  act  for  the  best  good  of  my  constituents  and  my 
country,  and  particularly  to  the  extent  of  my  power  to  preserve 
from  further  desecration  the  Constitution  which  I  had  sworn  to 
support.  For  me  to  have  voted  for  men  who  I  verily  believed 


224  THE  LIFE    OF  JOSHUA   R>    GID DINGS. 

would  not  sustain  the  Constitution,  would  have  brought  upon 
myself  the  guilt  of  moral  perjury.  To  God  and  my  conscience 
my  first  obligations  were  due.  No  man  or  set  of  men  could  relieve 
me  from  the  moral  responsibility  under  which  I  was  placed  by 
deciding  upon  the  candidate  for  whom  I  should  vote. 

"At  a  meeting  of  the  Whig  members  of  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  held  on  the  morning  on  which  our  present  war  with 
Mexico  was  declared,  Mr.  Winthrop  made  a  speech  urging  the 
whole  party  to  vote  for  the  war.  While  the  bill  was  pending  in 
the  House,  he  went  among  his  colleagues  and  personally  urged 
them  to  sustain  the  bill,  containing,  as  it  did,  one  of  the  most  fla 
grant  falsehoods  ever  uttered  by  a  deliberative  body.  He  himself 
voted  for  it.  He  united  with  the  opposite  party,  and  voted  with 
them  to  carry  out  the  base  designs  of  an  arrant  usurper.  His 
vote  and  influence  were  lent  to  strike  the  most  fatal  blow  ever 
aimed  at  American  liberty.  His  name  will  descend  to  posterity 
as  one  who  aided  in  plunging  this  nation  into  a  war  of  conquest, 
rapine,  and  slaughter,  —  a  war  which  has  already  deluged  a 
sister  republic  in  Wood,  and  if  not  soon  arrested,  must  bury  in 
oblivion  the  last  vestiges  of  our  Constitution.  This  was  not  a 
mere  hasty  act  of  Mr.  Winthrop,  of  which  he  repented  upon  ma 
ture  reflection.  On  the  contrary,  he  subsequently,  in  his  public 
speeches,  attempted  an  elaborate  justification  of  these  acts,  and 
continued  his  official  support  of  the  war  up  to  the  day  on  which 
I  was  called  to  vote  for  him  for  the  responsible  office  of  Speaker. 

"  With  these  facts  before  me,  had  I  voted  for  him  should  I  not 
thereby  have  sanctioned  his  course  on  this  subject?  Destructive 
of  the  Constitution  as  I  considered  his  acts,  could  I  with  any 
regard  to  the  oath  I  had  taken,  vote  for  him  ?  Let  a  candid  and 
unbiassed  people  judge.  Should  I  not  by  supporting  him  have 
approved  of  his  course  on  this  subject  of  the  war  ?  Should  I  not 
by  voting  for  him  tacitly  have  said  to  the  world  that  his  policy 
was  right  and  his  course  meritorious  ?  I  may  be  in  error,  but  I 
feel  that  I  should  have  lent  my  sanction  to  a  continuance  of  this 
war  while  I  was  conscious  that  his  official  influence  would  be 
lent  in  favor  of  continuing  the  work  of  bloodshed  in  Mexico. 
That  I  could  not  do.  The  blood  of  those  who  shall  hereafter 
perish  in  this  unholy  crusade  against  the  rights  of  man  shall 
never  stain  my  garments.  No  part  of  the  moral  guilt  of  this  war 
shall  rest  upon  my  constituents  by  any  act  of  their  present  repre 
sentative.  Those  were  my  feelings  at  the  time,  and  I  frankly 
expressed  them  to  my  friends. 

"  But  I  was  told  that  Mr.  Winthrop  had  changed  his  views  in 
relation  to  supporting  this  war.  After  mature  reflection  and  con 
sultation  with  others  who  entertained  views  similar  to  my  own, 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   G ID  DINGS,  22$ 

and  for  the  purpose,  if  possible,  of  gaining  such  information  as 
would  in  good  faith  enable  us  to  vote  for  Mr.  Winthrop,  my  hon 
orable  friend  from  Massachusetts  (Mr.  Palfrey)  addressed  to  him 
most  respectful  inquiries  on  this  subject  as  well  as  some  others. 
He  distinctly  asked  Mr.  Winthrop  whether  it  was  his  intention, 
if  elected  Speaker,  so  to  arrange  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means  and  that  on  the  Judiciary  as  to  insure  reports  in  favor  of 
arresting  the  existing  war.  To  this  Mr.  Winthrop  gave  no  direct 
answer,  but  referred  us  to  his  votes  for  an  indication  of  the  course 
he  should  pursue.  This  reference  was  saying  in  direct  language 
that  he  should  so  arrange  said  committees  as  to  have  reports  in 
favor  of  continuing  the  war ;  for  such  had  been  the  votes  to 
which  he  referred.  Mr.  Palfrey  further  inquired  whether  it  was 
Mr.  Winthrop's  intention  so  to  arrange  the  Committee  on  the 
District  of  Columbia  as  to  have  reports  in  favor  of  repealing  the 
laws  of  Congress  which  involve  the  people  of  the  Free  States  in 
supporting  the  slave-trade  now  carried  on  in  this  district.  On 
this  point  he  gave  no  direct  answer,  but  referred  to  his  former 
votes  and  acts. 

"Having  thus  exhausted  every  means  of  convincing  myself 
that  the  influence  of  Mr.  Winthrop,  if  elected,  would  be  in  favor 
of  arresting  the  effusion  of  human  blood  now  going  on  in  Mexico, 
and  to  restore  to  the  people  of  Ohio  and  of  the  Free  States  their 
constitutional  rights  of  being  exempt  from  the  support  of  that  traf 
fic  in  human  flesh  which  now  disgraces  the  nation,  and  believing 
before  Heaven  that  if  elected  he  would  so  arrange  those  com 
mittees  as  to  continue  the  war  and  the  slave-trade,  I  had  no  alter 
native  left  but  to  surrender  the  dictates  of  my  conscience  and 
judgment,  my  independence  as  a  representative,  and,  indeed,  my 
own  self-respect,  to  the  dictates  of  my  party  friends,  and  vote  for 
Mr.  Winthrop,  or  I  must  oppose  his  election. 

"  The  duty  was  painful.  I  saw  before  me  the  attacks  which 
were  then  threatened,  and  which  have  since  followed.  I  was 
perfectly  aware  that  the  bloodhounds  of  party  would  be  let  loose 
upon  me;  but  had  I  faltered  in  my  course  on  that  account,  I 
should  have  forfeited  your  confidence  and  the  respect  of  all  good 
men.  Nothing  short  of  stern  necessity  could  have  induced  me 
on  that  occasion  to  separate  from  so  many  personal  and  political 
friends.  They,  however,  felt  confident  that  Mr.  Winthrop  would 
so  constitute  the  committees  I  have  mentioned  as  to  insure  re 
ports  in  favor  of  arresting  the  war ;  otherwise  they  would  not 
have  supported  him,  nor  could  he  have  been  elected.  On  this 
point  we  separated.  Upon  those  worthy  friends  I  cast  no  impu 
tation.  They  are  as  sincere  and  as  patriotic  as  I  profess  to  be. 
I  could  not  interfere  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties,  nor  could  I 

15 


226  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

permit  them  to  control  my  action  ;  and  it  is  but  an  act  of  justice 
that  I  should  say  they  manifested  no  desire  to  do  so.  To  our 
own  masters  we  must  each  stand  or  fall.  We  honestly  differed 
on  a  matter  of  evidence.  Time  will  soon  disclose  which  of  us 
was  correct,  and  which  in  error.  I  pray  Heaven  that  the  error 
may  be  found  to  rest  on  me,  and  that  my  friends  may  show  them 
selves  to  have  formed  correct  expectations  of  Mr.  Winthrop's 
course.  I  would  not  be  understood  as  saying  anything  in  dero 
gation  of  his  personal  character.  He  is  a  gentleman  of  the  first 
order  of  talents  and  of  highly  cultivated  mind.  To  me,  and  so 
far  as  I  know  to  all  others,  he  has  ever  shown  himself  kind  and 
courteous.  My  objections  were  only  to  his  political  views  and 
official  acts,  nor  would  I  have  spoken  of  them  had  not  duty  to 
myself  compelled  me  to  it." 

The  tone  of  this  defence  of  himself  is  singularly 
unimpassioned  and  kindly,  considering  the  many 
provocations  to  harshness  of  speech  which  he  had 
received.  He  decidedly  condemns  the  political 
course  of  Winthrop,  but  speaks  of  him  personally 
in  terms  of  respect  and  friendship.  He  does  not 
call  in  question  his  motives,  nor  those  of  his  Whig 
supporters,  but  simply  vindicates  himself  by  a  plain 
statement  of  facts  ;  and  yet  the  publication  of  this 
statement  instantly  kindled  the  ire  of  Winthrop's 
friends,  and  opened  the  way  for  a  controversy  be 
tween  him  and  Giddings  which  lasted  for  years,  and 
was  only  terminated  by  the  final  retirement  of  Win 
throp  from  public  life.  He  did  not  himself  take  the 
lead  in  this  contest,  but  his  special  organ  and  repre 
sentative,  the  "Boston  Atlas,"  espoused  his  quarrel 
with  an  animosity  which  completely  surprised  Gid 
dings  and  his  friends.  The  passage  in  the  letter  of 
Giddings  which  gave  deadly  offence  to  the  "Atlas" 
was  the  following:  — 

"  At  a  meeting  of  the  Whig  members  of  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives,  held  on  the  morning  on  which  our  present  war  with 
Mexico  was  declared,  Mr.  Winthrop  made  a  speech  urging  the 
whole  party  to  vote  for  the  war.  While  the  bill  was  pending  in 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  227 

the  House  he  went  among  his  colleagues  and  personally  urged 
them  to  sustain  the  bill,  containing  as  it  did  one  of  the  most 
flagrant  falsehoods  ever  uttered  by  a  deliberative  body." 

The  "Atlas,"  on  January  27,  denied  these  state 
ments  in  the  following  words:  — 

"  We  state,  and  we  do  it  without  fear  of  contradiction  from 
any  quarter,  that  Mr.  Winthrop  never  attended  such  a  meeting 
as  is  here  spoken  of ;  he  never  made  a  speech  such  as  is  here 
spoken  of,  or  anything  having  any  resemblance  to  it  anywhere. 
And  we  further  state  that  no  such  meeting  was  ever  held." 

The  surprise  of  Giddings  at  these  denials  is  shown 
by  a  letter  to  Sumner  of  January  28. 

"  I  can  scarcely  credit  the  report  that  he  denies  being  at  the 
meeting  of  the  Whigs.  Yet  I  am  assured  here  that  he  says  he 
has  no  recollection  of  it.  I  felt  it  due  to  myself  to  make  some 
inquiry,  and  was  not  a  little  astonished  to  find  that  the  scenes  of 
that  morning,  which  I  regarded  as  the  most  important  of  my 
political  life,  had  made  such  slight  impression  upon  the  recollec 
tion  of  gentlemen  whom  I  knew  to  have  been  present.  Some 
have  forgotten  the  meeting  altogether ;  some  have  a  slight  recol 
lection  of  it,  but  can't  tell  who  spoke  at  it.  Others  have  a 
knowledge  of  facts,  and  know  that  Mr,  Winthrop  was  there  and 
spoke,  and  can  give  other  particttlars.  In  the  mean  time  it  is 
due  to  Mr.  Winthrop  that  I  should  say,  after  conversing  with 
others  who  were  present,  and  finding  them  so  entirely  incapable 
of  stating  the  facts,  that  I  must  suppose  him  to  have  forgotten 
what  transpired  at  that  meeting.  When  I  penned  my  letter  I 
could  not  have  believed  that  an  individual  who  was  there  could 
have  failed  to  recollect  all  that  passed.  If,  however,  he  denies 
the  accuracy  of  my  statement,  1  shall  have  but  one  course  left 
to  pursue." 

Winthrop,  however,  had  made  no  denial,  and  Gid 
dings  of  course  could  not  engage  in  any  newspaper 
controversy  to  which  Winthrop  was  a  party  if  he 
chose  to  stand  aloof  in  dignified  disdain  and  appar 
ent  indifference.  Giddings  therefore  addressed  a  let 
ter  to  him,  dated  February  7,  asking  whether  he  had 
authorized  the  editor  of  the  "Atlas"  to  make  the 
denial  which  purported  to  be  by  his  authority.  Win- 


228  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   K.    GIDDINGS. 

throp  replied  on  the  same  day,  charging  Giddings 
with  having  made  unwarrantable  statements  respect 
ing  his  course  in  Congress,  and  particularly  in  rela 
tion  to  the  Mexican  War,  and  declining  to  be  drawn 
into  any  controversy  on  the  subject.  This  placed 
Giddings  in  a  somewhat  embarrassing  situation,  and 
he  felt  obliged  to  confer  freely  with  his  friends  and  to 
avoid  hasty  action.  Among  the  letters  he  received 
pending  the  consideration  of  the  matter  was  the  fol 
lowing  from  Charles  Francis  Adams:  — 

BOSTON,  Feb.  17,  1848. 

MY  DEAR  SIR,  —  My  judgment  remains  unchanged  that 
you  had  better  keep  back  your  proof  until  you  have  all  in  your 
hands  that  you  can  reasonably  expect  to  procure,  and  then  to 
deal  if  possible  only  with  Winthrop  himself. 

Every  day  makes  it  more  necessary  that  this  gentleman  should 
act.  We  have  driven  up  the  "  Atlas  "  so  hard  that  it  has  ceased 
for  a  day  or  two  to  answer. 

But  a  new  and  more  responsible  champion  has  appeared  in 
the  person  of  Mr.  George  T.  Curtis,  who  writes  an  article  for  the 
"  Daily  Advertiser,"  which  you  will  get  from  Mr.  Palfrey.  This 
Mr.  Curtis  is  the  same  man  who  made  the  only  defence  of  Mr. 
Winthrop  during  the  canvass  that  was  made ;  and  this  justified 
his  vote.  This  calls  out  our  reply  this  morning,  which  will  move 
Winthrop  to  the  point  of  answering  in  some  shape  or  other,  if 
anything  can.  But  even  if  it  do  not,  you  will  gain  something  in 
transferring  your  notice  to  a  more  responsible  and  respectable 
man  and  paper. 

I  deeply  regret  all  this  business,  because  it  will  make  perma 
nent  enmities  here,  to  last  us  all  through  life.  But  there  is  no 
help  for  it.  Winthrop's  ambition  has  pushed  him  into  it,  and 
the  folly  of  his  friends  has  done  the  rest.  They  chose  to  irritate 
and  to  defy  us ;  and  the  accidental  success  resulting  from  the 
voluntary  secession  of  the  Democrats  from  the  polls,  in  order  to 
help  him  at  his  election,  elated  them  to  the  point  of  extrava 
gance,  of  arrogant  denunciation.  Had  they  treated  us  with  or 
dinary  civility,  and  conceded  to  us  the  right  of  exercising  our 
judgment  in  perfect  freedom,  the  painful  part  of  the  inevitable 
difference  would  have  been  saved.  As  it  is,  I  feel  more  encour 
aged  in  the  belief  that  we  shall  ultimately  save  Massachusetts, 
than  I  have  been  at  any  time.  Things  are  rapidly  coming  to  an 
issue,  and  the  feeling  on  our  side  in  the  Legislature  grows  firmer. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA  R.   G  ID  DINGS.  22Q 

There  is  one  thing  to  be  considered,  and  that  is  that  all 
minor  questions  will  be  merged  in  the  great  one  of  the  Presi 
dential  question.  The  more  I  think  of  it,  the  more  am  I  con 
vinced  that  the  Whigs,  when  once  convinced  that  General 
Taylor  never  surrenders,  will  surrender  to  him,  —  first  haggling 
about  conditions,  perhaps,  but  giving  up  at  last,  if  they  shall 
be  refused. 

But  I  have  no  time  to  write  more.  I  see  the  "  Atlas  "  to-day 
replies  to  the  "  True  Democrat "  in  regular  blackguard  style,  de 
termined  to  brazen  out  a  falsehood 

I  think  we  have  this  morning  placed  you  in  the  right  position 
to  come  forward  whenever  you  please.  The  "  Advertiser  "  is  a 
responsible  paper,  and  if  it  do  not  now  withdraw,  may  be  re 
garded  as  speaking  for  Mr.  Winthrop.  Wait  and  see  what  will 
come  of  it.  Very  truly,  C.  F.  A. 

The  "Atlas,"  on  the  3d  of  February,  had  declared 
that  it  spoke  by  Winthrop' s  authority  in  its  denial  of 
the  statements  of  Giddings ;  and  as  this  authority  had 
not  been  disclaimed  by  Winthrop,  Giddings  deemed  it 
his  duty  to  prepare  his  proofs  and  make  his  defence, 
which  appeared  in  the  "Boston  Whig"  on  March  18, 
and  in  the  "Atlas"  on  the  iQth.  These  proofs,  be 
sides  the  clear  and  vivid  recollection  of  Giddings 
himself,  consisted  of  statements  made  by  Luther 
Severance  of  Maine,  A.  R.  Mcllvaine  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  Columbus  Delano  and  Robert  C.  Schenck  of 
Ohio,  and  E.  D.  Culver  of  New  York,  fellow-mem 
bers  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  Applying 
this  proof  to  the  statement  of  Giddings  that  a  meet 
ing  of  Whig  members  was  held  on  May  1 1  to  take 
action  on  the  subject  of  the  Mexican  War,  Mr. 
Severance  said. — 

"  You  know  we  had  caucuses  frequently,  and  I  have  always 
had  the  impression  that  we  had  one  that  morning.  I  recollect 
most  distinctly  that  I  was  notified  to  attend  the  caucus.  That  a 
caucus  was  called  I  have  no  manner  of  doubt." 

Mr.   Mcllvaine   said, — 

"  I  have  to  say  there  was  such  a  meeting  in  the  Capitol  on 
that  morning ;  I  was  at  it." 


230  THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GID DINGS. 

Mr.  Delano  said,  - 

"  I  was  at  the  meeting  of  a  part  of  the  Whig  members  of 
Congress  on  the  morning  of  the  day  that  the  House  passed  the 
bill  that  has  brought  the  country  into  its  present  calamitous 
position." 

Mr.  Schenck  said,  - 

"  I  remember  that  there  was  such  a  meeting  of  the  Whig 
members  of  the  House  of  Representatives  in  one  of  the  com 
mittee-rooms  on  the  morning  of  that  day.  My  colleague,  Gov 
ernor  Vance,  I  think,  was  chairman  of  the  meeting.  I  was 
present." 

Mr.  Culver  said,  — 

"  I  would  state  that  I  was  at  the  Whig  caucus  in  the  northeast 
corner  of  the  Capitol  on  the  morning  of  the  nth  May,  1846." 

The  positive  denial  of  the  "Atlas"  that  such  a 
meeting  was  ever  held,  made  "without  fear  of  con 
tradiction,"  is  thus  completely  overthrown,  and  it 
naturally  awakens  distrust  as  to  the  truth  of  other 
denials  made  with  the  same  positiveness. 

On  the  question  whether  Mr.  Winthrop  attended 
this  caucus  and  made  the  remarks  attributed  to  him, 
Mr.  Mcllvaine  said,  — 

"  My  impression  is  that  Mr.  Winthrop  was  there." 

Mr.    Delano  said,  - 

"  I  cannot  say  that  I  saw  Mr.  Winthrop  at  the  meeting.  I 
have  an  impression  that  he  was  there." 

Mr.  Schenck  said,  - 

"  My  impression  is  that  Mr.  Winthrop  was  there.  I  cannot 
clearly  remember  whether  he  spoke,  or  who  did." 

Mr.  Culver  said,  — 

"  I  think  Mr.  Winthrop,  Mr.  Vinton,  Mr.  Hunt,  and  yourself 
[Mr.  Giddings]  and  others  were  present  and  spoke.  The  precise 
sentiments  advanced  by  Mr.  Winthrop  I  cannot  call  to  mind; 
but  the  purport,  the  general  scope,  of  his  remarks  was  that  we 
(the  Whigs)  must  not  oppose  the  measure;  that  policy  would 
require  us  to  support  it." 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  2$  I 

This  evidence  is  corroborated  by  the  positive  state 
ment  of  Giddings  himself,  made  from  his  distinct 
recollection  that  Winthrop  was  present,  and  made 
a  speech  urging  the  whole  party  to  vote  for  the  war. 
The  weight  of  this  evidence  is  not  materially  affected 
by  the  fact  that  others  who  were  present  did  not  see 
Winthrop,  or  hear  him  speak,  since  positive  state 
ments,  where  the  witnesses  are  equally  trustworthy, 
must  prevail  over  negative  ones. 

Concerning  the  statement  that  Mr.  Winthrop  went 
among  his  colleagues  and  urged  them  to  vote  for  the 
bill,  Mr.  Severance  said,  - 

"  You  are  unquestionably  correct  in  saying  that  Mr.  Winthrop 
advised  his  Whig  friends  to  vote  for  the  bill." 

Mr.  Mcllvaine  said, — 

"  I  sat  beside  Mr.  Abbott,  and  while  the  bill  was  pending,  Mr. 
Winthrop  came  to  him  and  held  conversation  with  him  at  his 
seat.  He  then  went  to  Mr.  Grinnell,  who  sat  near  me,  and  con 
versed  with  him.  Mr.  Abbott  did  not  vote  when  his  name  was 
first  called,  but  afterwards  voted  for  the  bill.  He  was  much 
embarrassed  by  his  position,  and  on  the  same  day  gave  me 
distinctly  to  understand  that  he  had  been  influenced  by  his 
colleague,  Mr.  Winthrop.  He  also  spoke  of  it  on  subsequent 
occasions  during  the  session." 

Mr.  Culver  said, — 

"  After  we  entered  the  hall,  and  while  the  Ayes  and  Noes  were 
being  called,  I  think  some  of  the  Massachusetts  delegation 
remarked  to  me  that  Mr.  Winthrop  was  going  for  the  bill,  and 
was  endeavoring  to  persuade  others  of  the  delegation  to  do 

the  same." 

Mr.    Delano    said, — 

"  Just  before  the  bill  above  alluded  to  was  put  upon  its  pas 
sage,  1  saw  Mr.  Winthrop  go  to  the  seats  of  several  of  the  Mas 
sachusetts  members.  Mr.  Hudson  sat  by  me,  and  Mr.  Marsh,  of 
Vermont,  before  us.  Mr.  Winthrop  stopped  in  the  aisle  opposite 
our  seat,  and  a  conversation  ensued,  in  which  Mr.  Winthrop 
urged  the  necessity  of  voting  for  the  bill.  I  did  not  participate 
in  the  conversation,  because  I  felt  that  my  opinion  could  not, 


232  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GID DINGS. 

and  ought  not,  to  have  influence  with  either  of  the  distinguished 
gentlemen  who  were  holding  the  conversation.  I  very  well  re 
member,  however,  that  Mr.  Winthrop  used  arguments  in  favor 
of  voting  for  the  bill,  and  I  am  quite  certain  he  alluded  to  the 
fate  of  those  who  opposed  the  War  of  1812  as  a  reason  for  his 
then  opinions." 

It  will  be  seen  that  this  third  statement  of  Mr. 
Giddings  is  fully  sustained  by  the  evidence  he  pro 
duced,  and,  in  fact,  it  was  never  denied  by  Mr.  Win 
throp  or  his  friends.  The  two  other  statements,  so 
positively  denied  by  the  "Atlas,"  are  supported  by 
evidence  which  in  any  court  of  justice  would  fairly 
warrant  the  favorable  verdict  of  a  jury. 

The  "  Atlas  "  reviewed  this  evidence,  and  affected 
to  treat  it  with  contempt.  In  the  mean  time,  other 
parties  had  become  involved  in  the  controversy.  The 
"Boston  Whig,"  then  edited  by  Charles  Francis 
Adams,  espoused  the  side  of  Giddings,  while  Sum- 
ner  occasionally  lent  a  hand  in  the  same  service. 
This  exasperated  the  "Atlas,"  and  it  became  as  en 
venomed  against  them  as  it  had  shown  itself  in 
dealing  with  Giddings.  The  feelings  of  Winthrop 
towards  them  were  forcibly  expressed  in  a  speech 
relative  to  this  controversy  delivered  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  two  years  later,  in  which  he  said : 
"There  is  a  little  nest  of  vipers ,  sir,  in  my  own  im 
mediate  district  and  vicinity  [Sumner,  Adams,  and 
Palfrey],  who  have  been  biting  a  file  for  some  three  or 
four  years  past,  and  who,  having  fairly  used  up  their 
own  teeth,  have  evidently  enlisted  in  their  service 
the  fresher  fangs  of  some  honorable  members  of  this 
House  "  (Giddings  and  others). 

The  most  remarkable  fact  about  this  warfare  of 
Winthrop  and  the  "Atlas"  was  that  it  raged  around 
purely  incidental  and  perfectly  immaterial  points. 
The  facts  stated  by  Giddings,  which  provoked  it, 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  233 

were  side  issues,  which  might  be  affirmed  or  denied 
without  touching  the  real  question,  which  was  Win- 
throp* s  support  of  the  war.  As  already  stated,  he  had 
voted  for  the  War  Bill  —  preamble  and  all  —  on  the 
I  ith  of  May,  1846,  providing  for  ten  millions  of  money 
and  fifty  thousand  men  for  the  invasion  of  Mexico. 
On  the  following  day  he  voted  to  raise  "  a  company 
of  sappers,  miners,  and  pontoniers,"  in  addition  to 
the  fifty  thousand  men  already  provided  for.  On  the 
i Qth  of  May  he  voted  for  the  Army  Bill,  making  large 
appropriations  for  military  operations  in  Mexico.  On 
the  1 5th  of  June  he  voted  for  the  bill  making  appro 
priations  for  the  naval  service  for  the  year  ending 
June  30,  1847,  embracing  large  sums  in  aid  of  the 
war.  On  the  bill  passed  by  the  House  on  the  i6th 
of  July  "for  the  support  of  volunteers  and  troops 
authorized  to  be  employed  in  the  prosecution  of  the 
war  with  Mexico,"  he  did  not  vote  either  way;  but 
as  a  member  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means 
he  had  voted  to  commend  it  to  the  House.  On  the 
8th  of  January,  1847,  he  voted  against  the  appoint 
ment  of  a  Lieutenant-General  to  supersede  General 
Scott;  but  this  was  purely  a  political  movement, 
having  no  bearing  whatever  on  the  prosecution  of 
the  war,  and  was  opposed  by  many  Democrats.  He 
voted  against  the  Ten  Regiment  Bill  on  January  n, 
1847;  but  less  than  half  the  fifty  thousand  volunteers 
already  provided  for  had  been  called  into  service,  and 
the  only  question  involved  was  the  policy  of  employ 
ing  regulars  instead  of  volunteers,  and  thus  increas 
ing  the  patronage  of  the  President.  It  did  not  in 
any  way  involve  the  question  of  continuing  the  war, 
but  merely  the  manner  of  doing  it.  The  sole  war 
measure  he  ever  opposed  was  the  Army  Bill,  which 
passed  the  House  on  the  23d  of  February;  but  he 


234  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

had  given  it  his  sanction  as  a  member  of  the  Com 
mittee  of  Ways  and  Means,  which  reported  it,  and  he 
only  voted  against  it  after  it  had  been  amended  in 
the  House.  That  his  action  in  this  case  did  not 
prove  his  opposition  to  the  war  is  shown  by  his  vote 
four  days  later  to  increase  the  pay  of  the  army,  which 
was  strictly  a  war  measure. 

Such  is  the  record;  and  in  thus  supporting  the 
President  in  the  prosecution  of  a  war  of  conquest 
wantonly  begun  by  himself,  it  must  be  said  that  Mr. 
Winthrop  was  consistent.  He  held,  as  we  have  seen 
in  the  last  chapter,  that  the  British  Parliament  may 
rightfully  withhold  supplies  in  the  case  of  an  unjust 
war,  because  it  works  a  change  of  Administration  and 
thus  affords  a  prompt  correction  of  executive  usurpa 
tion;  but  that  in  the  United  States,  where  the  Presi 
dent  holds  his  office  for  a  fixed  term  of  years,  execu 
tive  lawlessness  must  be  endured  until  the  people 
themselves  can  find  a  remedy  by  electing  a  new 
President. 

The  facts  I  have  cited  are  shown  by  the  Congres 
sional  Records,  and  they  constitute  Winthrop's  "offi 
cial  support  of  the  war,"  and  the  declared  reason  why 
Giddings  could  not  favor  him  for  Speaker  without 
some  assurance  that  he  would  change  his  course. 
Winthrop  did  not  deny  these  facts,  nor  authorize  the 
"Atlas  "  to  do  so,  but  rushed  into  an  embittered  con 
troversy  about  the  question  whether  he  had  attended 
a  Whig  caucus  on  the  day  the  War  Bill  passed  the 
House,  and  spoken  in  its  favor,  and  whether  he  had 
urged  his  colleagues  to  join  him.  If  he  was  right  in 
supporting  the  war,  he  was  right  in  making  speeches 
in  its  favor  and  in  urging  his  colleagues  to  vote  for 
it.  If  he  could  not  deny  the  fact  that  he  voted  for 
it,  an  angry  controversy  about  the  question  whether 


THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  235 

he  had  been  an  accessory  to  it  before  the  fact  was 
simply  a  waste  of  temper  and  of  words. 

It  is  difficult  to  account  for  all  this  except  upon 
the  supposition  that  Winthrop  secretly  regretted  his 
course  and  became  morbidly  sensitive  to  criticism. 
The  "Atlas,"  it  is  true,  insisted  that  there  was  "a 
question  of  veracity"  between  Giddings  and  Win 
throp  ;  but  there  was  no  such  question.  It  was  a 
question  of  fact  as  to  occurrences  more  than  a  year 
and  a  half  before,  and  which  rested  upon  the  recol 
lections  of  men  who  were  supposed  to  have  informa 
tion  on  the  subject.  It  was  a  question  of  memory; 
and  when  Winthrop,  in  his  speech  of  February  21, 
1850,  produced  sundry  letters  from  members  showing 
that  certain  persons  were  not  present  at  the  Whig 
caucus  who  were  mentioned  by  Mr.  Culver  as  having 
attended  it,  he  simply  showed  the  difference  of  re 
collection  among  persons  equally  trustworthy,  and 
the  fallibility  of  human  memory.  There  is  no  ques 
tion  of  veracity  involved  between  them,  or  between 
Winthrop  and  Giddings.  No  one  can  read  the  letter 
of  the  latter  to  Sumner,  already  quoted,  and  doubt 
for  a  moment  his  perfect  good  faith  in  the  statements 
he  made  concerning  Winthrop,  who  should  have  been 
as  ready  to  acquit  him  of  any  intentional  misstate- 
ment  as  the  latter  was  to  account  for  Winthrop's 
positive  denial  on  the  score  of  his  having  forgotten 
the  fact  which  Giddings  distinctly  remembered. 

In  dealing  with  this  controversy  it  has  not  been 
my  purpose  to  treat  Mr.  Winthrop  with  the  slightest 
unfairness.  My  sole  object  has  been  to  do  justice  to 
Giddings  as  an  honest  man  and  a  brave  and  faithful 
public  servant.  He  was  not  only  completely  justified 
in  refusing  to  vote  for  Winthrop  on  account  of  his 
support  of  the  Mexican  War,  but  his  action  was  vin- 


236  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS. 

dicated  by  time.  His  predictions  respecting  Win- 
throp's  formation  of  the  committees  were  verified. 
If  there  was  any  anti-war  and  anti-slavery  committee 
in  the  House  in  the  Thirtieth  Congress,  it  was  the 
Committee  on  Territories;  and  that  committee  only 
reported  a  Wilmot-Proviso  Bill  after  it  had  been  in 
structed  to  do  so  by  the  House.  I  think  Giddings 
was  right  in  saying,  in  one  of  his  letters  to  Sumner, 
that  the  Committees  on  the  District  of  Columbia  and 
the  Judiciary  were  so  arranged  that  no  favorable 
reports  on  the  petitions  to  repeal  the  laws  of  Con 
gress  establishing  slavery  and  the  slave-trade  there 
were  allowed  to  be  made,  and  that  they  were  as  mani 
festly  slaveholding  in  their  character  as  they  had  been 
under  slaveholding  Speakers.  This  was  equally  true 
of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means,  which  re 
ported  bills  appropriating  all  the  money  demanded 
by  the  President  to  enable  the  army  and  navy  to  pro 
secute  the  war  against  Mexico;  while  the  Committee 
on  Foreign  Relations  did  nothing  to  indicate  its 
sympathy  with  the  anti-war  and  anti-slavery  feeling 
of  the  country. 

It  is  true  that  a  gentleman  no  less  distinguished 
than  Horace  Mann  did  not  believe  that  Winthrop  had 
shown  himself  faithless  to  freedom  in  the  formation 
of  these  committees;  but  the  character  of  the  com 
mittees,  as  established  by  the  authentic  record  of 
what  they  actually  did  and  failed  to  do,  settles  the 
question  against  him.  Indeed,  he  would  not  have 
been  Winthrop  if  he  had  constituted  them  other 
wise.  His  action  was  prompted  by  his  strong  con 
servative  instincts.  In  placing  Giddings  on  the 
Committee  on  Indian  Affairs,  and  Palfrey  on  the 
Committee  on  Agriculture,  he  was  true  to  himself 
and  faithful  to  duty  as  he  saw  it;  for  he  did  not 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  237 

believe  in  the  leadership  of  men  whom  he  regarded 
as  mischievous  agitators  and  fanatics.  No  other  ex 
planation  of  his  course  is  reconcilable  with  the  facts 
which  define  it. 

To  all  this  it  may  properly  be  added  that  Winthrop 
still  further  vindicated  the  course  of  Giddings  by  the 
acts  of  his  later  life.  His  intense  hostility  to  the 
Free-Soil  movement  has  already  been  shown.  He 
was  among  the  early  and  zealous  champions  of  Gen 
eral  Taylor  for  the  Presidency.  Under  the  pressure 
of  his  Administration  he  declined  to  vote  for  the 
Wilmot  Proviso  on  the  4th  day  of  February,  1850, 
and  a  few  weeks  later  openly  espoused  the  Presi 
dent's  policy  of  Congressional  " non-action"  with 
slavery  in  the  Territories,  which  the  Whig  party 
had  combated  as  a  Democratic  heresy  in  1848,  under 
the  name  of  "non-intervention."  In  his  speech  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  of  May  8,  1850,  he 
argued  that  the  extension  of  slavery  over  our  Terri 
tories  would  not  increase  the  number  of  slaves  nor 
strengthen  the  institution.  When  the  Republican 
party  was  organized,  in  1856,  he  opposed  it  in  public 
speeches,  and  voted  for  Fillmore  against  Fremont. 
He  opposed  the  election  of  Lincoln  in  1860,  giving  his 
vote  for  John  Bell,  and  in  1864  he  spoke  and  voted 
for  General  McClellan.  I  do  not  refer  to  these  facts 
as  matters  of  reproach,  but  merely  to  indicate  how 
well  Giddings  divined  his  character  and  political  ten 
dencies  when  he  refused  to  support  him  for  Speaker 
in  December,  1847. 

It  will  not  suffice  to  argue,  as  Winthrop  did  in 
his  speech  of  Feb.  21,  1850,  that  extreme  men  in 
both  sections  of  the  Union  condemned  him  on 
directly  opposite  grounds,  and  thus  defended  his 
action.  If  this  fact  proved  anything,  it  proved  his 


238  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

neutrality;  and  neutrality  is  not  statesmanship.  Nor 
will  it  do  to  say  that  he  was  chosen  by  the  entire 
Whig  party,  consisting  of  Southern  as  well  as  North 
ern  members,  and  that  he  could  not  be  expected  to 
discriminate,  but  to  hold  the  balance  fairly  between 
these  conflicting  forces.  "  No  man  can  serve  two 
masters ;"  and  it  is  equally  true  that  in  struggling 
for  a  great  principle  "  he  that  is  not  for  us  is  against 
us."  When  Winthrop  was  a  candidate  for  Speaker, 
a  fearful  crisis  was  at  hand,  which  the  Mexican  War 
and  the  greed  for  more  slave  territory  had  precipi 
tated.  The  hour  had  struck  for  the  people  of  the 
Free  States  to  take  their  stand.  In  refusing  to 
stand  with  them  and  represent  their  earnest  wishes, 
he  necessarily  espoused  the  cause  of  slavery.  No 
middle  ground  was  morally  possible.  Neutrality  at 
such  a  time  was  treachery  to  liberty;  and  although 
his  patriotism  is  not  questioned,  the  refusal  of  Gid- 
dings  and  Palfrey,  in  the  face  of  caucus  dictation,  to 
support  him,  was  as  righteous  as  it  was  manly. 

During  this  session  Giddings  continued  to  oppose 
every  movement  tending  to  make  slavery  a  national 
concern.  On  Jan.  17,  1848,  he  offered  a  resolution 
for  the  appointment  of  a  select  committee  to  inquire 
into  the  facts  of  a  recent  outrage  in  Washington  by 
slave-traders,  and  the  propriety  of  repealing  all  laws 
for  the  support  of  the  slave-trade  in  the  District. 
After  debate  the  resolution  was  laid  on  the  table  by 
a  vote  of  94  yeas  to  88  nays.  On  January  31  he 
offered  a  similar  resolution,  which  gave  rise  to  de 
bate,  and  was  laid  over  under  the  rule.  On  Feb 
ruary  7  he  voted,  alone,  against  thanking  Generals 
Scott  and  Taylor  for  their  victories  in  Mexico.  John 
P.  Hale  stood  alone  in  giving  the  same  vote  on  this 
question  in  the  Senate. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA  R.    G  ID  DINGS.  239 

This  action  called  for  the  highest  courage.  It  was 
sure  to  be  misunderstood  and  misrepresented;  but  no 
other  honest  and  consistent  course  was  possible  for 
those  who  had  condemned  the  war  in  all  its  stages. 
And  they  could  plead  the  high  authority  of  Chatham, 
Burke,  and  Fox,  who  refused  to  vote  thanks  to  the 
commanders  of  the  British  army  for  their  services  in 
America  in  our  revolutionary  struggle,  because  the 
war  against  the  colonies  was  unprovoked  and  unjust. 
These  great  men  and  exalted  patriots  made  an  ob 
vious  distinction  between  thanks  and  praise.  They 
were  ready  to  admire  and  applaud  valor  and  military 
genius,  but  they  saw  clearly  that  gratitude  for  the 
display  of  these  qualities  in  an  unholy  war  is  both 
unnatural  and  undeserved.  The  world  honors  their 
heroism,  as  it  will  honor  that  of  the  brave  men  who 
dared  to  follow  in  their  footsteps  on  a  question  in 
volving  precisely  the  same  principle. 

On  February  21,  the  country  was  startled  by  the 
news  that  Mr.  Adams  had  been  stricken  down  by  an  at 
tack  of  apoplexy.  On  the  morning  of  that  day  he  was 
in  his  seat  at  the  usual  hour,  and  when  Giddings  made 
his  customary  inquiry  about  his  health,  Mr.  Adams 
shook  hands  with  his  usual  cordiality,  while  a  faint 
smile  lighted  up  his  face.  When  the  House  pro 
ceeded  to  business  he  took  up  his  pen,  and  had  com 
menced  an  apostrophe  to  the  genius  of  history,  which 
was  represented  by  the  recording  angel  sitting  on 
the  clock  of  time,  at  the  front  entrance  of  the  hall, 
when  he  suddenly  fell  from  his  seat,  and  was  carried 
to  the  rotunda  in  an  apparently  unconscious  state, 
and  laid  upon  a  sofa.  He  was  soon  afterwards  re 
moved  to  the  Speaker's  room,  where  he  remained  till 
death  came  to  his  relief  on  the  evening  of  the  23d. 
Both  Houses  of  Congress,  speaking  through  their 


240  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA  R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

representative  men  from  every  section  of  the  Union, 
honored  his  memory  by  glowing  eulogies,  while  the 
entire  Press  of  the  country,  of  all  parties  and  shades 
of  opinion,  joined  in  unmeasured  praise  of  the  great 
patriot.  A  committee  of  one  member  from  each 
State  was  appointed  to  accompany  his  body  to  its 
final  resting-place. 

Giddings  was  at  that  time  the  oldest  member  in 
the  Ohio  delegation,  both  in  years  and  service.  He 
had  long  been  associated  with  Mr.  Adams  in  the 
great  work  of  redeeming  the  government  from  slave- 
holding  domination,  while  they  were  bound  to  each 
other  by  the  strong  ties  of  friendship  and  affection. 
Giddings  naturally  desired  to  accompany  the  remains 
to  the  tomb,  and  his  selection  as  a  member  of  the 
committee  was  anticipated;  but  the  Speaker  ap 
pointed  another  member  from  Ohio,  who,  however, 
declined  to  serve.  The  chairman  of  the  committee 
then  called  on  Giddings  to  inquire  if  he  would  serve 
on  the  committee  if  appointed.  Giddings  told  him 
that  under  the  circumstances  he  could  not  refuse, 
as  such  refusal  might  subject  him  to  the  charge  of 
subordinating  his  respect  for  Mr.  Adams  to  the  ex 
pression  of  his  feelings  towards  Winthrop  for  not 
appointing  him  in  the  first  instance.  Giddings, 
however,  was  not  appointed,  and  did  not  then  expect 
to  be ;  but  he  was  inexpressibly  pained.  A  reference 
to  the  matter  is  found  among  his  private  papers,  in 
which  he  says  he  longed  to  accompany  the  remains 
of  his  venerated  friend  to  the  tomb,  and  "drop  a 
friendly  tear  at  parting  from  them  forever,"  and 
speaks  of  the  action  of  Speaker  Winthrop  as  "one 
thing  I  would  forget  if  I  could."  He,  however, 
attended  the  funeral  at  Quincy. 

On  February  28,  Giddings  addressed  the  House  in 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS.  241 

a  speech  in  which  he  reviewed  the  state  of  political 
parties,  and  reiterated  his  views  on  the  questions  of 
slavery  and  the  Mexican  War.  He  predicted  the 
disbandment  of  the  Whig  party,  and  said :  "  I  now 
hazard  the  declaration  that  on  this  principle  of  op 
posing  all  attempts  of  the  Federal  Government  to 
extend  and  uphold  slavery  beyond  that  which  is  pro 
vided  for  in  the  Constitution  is  now  based  a  party, 
or  the  germ  of  a  party,  that  will  at  no  distant  day  be 
come  dominant  in  this  nation."  He  justified  his  op 
position  to  the  war  and  his  vote  against  thanking  its 
generals  for  their  achievements,  while  he  referred  to 
the  formation  of  the  committees  of  the  House  in  vin 
dication  of  his  vote  against  Winthrop  for  Speaker. 
He  ridiculed  the  claims  of  General  Taylor  as  a  Whig, 
while  refusing  to  make  known  his  opinions  on  any 
of  the  doctrines  of  the  party,  and  declared  that  "  both 
Whigs  and  Democrats  are  in  favor  of  General  Taylor, 
not  because  they  know  his  political  sentiments  to  be 
right,  but  because  they  don't  know  whether  they  are 
right  or  wrong.  They  support  him,  not  because  they 
know  his  views,  but  because  they  don  t  know  them." 
His  speech  clearly  foreshadowed  the  disintegration 
of  parties  which  followed. 

On  April  13,  some  eighty  slaves  attempted  to 
escape  from  the  District  of  Columbia  on  the  schooner 
"Pearl,"  lying  at  the  wharf  south  of  Washington, 
under  the  command  of  Captain  Drayton  and  his 
mate,  Sayres.  They  were  pursued  and  captured, 
and  brought  back  to  the  city,  where  they  were  con 
fined  in  the  District  jail.  A  mob  gathered  about 
the  wharf  when  they  landed,  and  followed  them  to 
the  prison,  threatening  vengeance  against  Drayton 
and  Sayres,  who  were  afraid  of  being  lynched,  while 
Giddings  received  several  notes  warning  him  of  per- 

16 


242  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

sonal  danger.  When  the  House  met,  on  the  follow 
ing  day,  he  asked  leave  to  present  a  preamble  and 
resolution,  setting  forth  the  imprisonment  of  the  per 
sons  who  had  been  captured  on  board  the  schooner, 
and  thrown  into  the  United  States  jail  for  the  Dis 
trict,  without  being  charged  with  any  crime  other 
than  an  attempt  to  secure  their  liberty,  and  asking 
that  a  select  committee  of  five  members  be  appointed 
to  inquire  and  report  by  what  authority  said  prison 
was  used  for  the  confinement  of  such  persons.  Mr. 
Holmes  of  South  Carolina  proposed  an  inquiry 
whether  "  the  scoundrels  who  induced  the  slaves  to 
escape  ought  not  to  be  hanged."  Leave  to  intro 
duce  the  resolution  was  not  granted,  and  such  was 
the  timidity  of  members  that  Giddings  could  not 
obtain  the  yeas  and  nays  on  the  question. 

In  the  evening  the  mob  gathered  around  the  office 
of  the  "National  Era,"  and  entered  upon  acts  of 
violence;  but  the  editor  behaved  with  great  firm 
ness,  and  by  his  coolness  prevented  bloodshed. 
Mr.  Giddings  determined  to  visit  the  jail  and  re 
lieve  the  distress  of  Drayton  and  Sayres  by  assur 
ing  them  that  the  mob  would  not  be  allowed  to  harm 
them,  and  that  they  should  have  a  fair  trial.  Hon. 
Lawrence  Brainerd,  one  of  the  Senators  from  Ver 
mont,  and  Hon.  E.  S.  Hamlin,  of  Ohio,  formerly  a 
member  of  the  House,  accompanied  him.  They 
found  their  way  through  the  mob  into  the  hall  into 
which  the  cells  of  Drayton  and  Sayres  opened,  and 
spoke  to  them  through  the  grated  doors.  At  this 
time  the  mob  obtained  the  key  to  the  lower  gate, 
ascended  the  stairway,  and  called  on  Giddings  to 
retire  immediately,  at  the  peril  of  his  life.  He  told 
them  he  would  soon  be  through  with  his  business,  and 
would  then  accompany  them  downstairs.  The  jailer 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA  R.   GIDDINGS.  243 

induced  the  mob  to  return  to  the  vestibule  below,  but 
hesitated  in  permitting  Mr.  Giddings  and  his  friends 
to  pass  through  the  gate  into  the  presence  and  power 
of  the  mob.  He  was  requested,  however,  to  do  so,  and 
they  passed  safely  out  through  the  enraged  masses, 
who  saluted  them  with  threats  and  imprecations. 

On  his  return  to  the  House,  he  related  the  inci 
dents  of  his  visit  to  the  prison,  and  Mr.  Palfrey 
offered  a  preamble  and  resolution,  referring  to  the 
mob  which  had  assembled  on  the  two  preceding 
nights,  and  set  at  defiance  the  authorities  of  the 
United  States,  and  asking  the  appointment  of  a  se 
lect  committee  of  five  members  to  inquire  into  the 
facts  referred  to  and  report  their  opinion  whether 
further  legislation  was  necessary  in  the  premises. 
The  resolution  involved  a  question  of  privilege,  and 
an  exciting  debate  followed.  Southern  members  ap 
peared  to  be  sincere  in  the  opinion  that  the  fugitive 
slaves  had  committed  a  grievous  wrong  in  leaving 
their  masters,  and  that  those  who  had  aided  them  in 
their  attempt  to  escape  were  guilty  of  a  high  crime. 
They  thought  that  Giddings  in  visiting  the  prison 
was  guilty  of  a  violation  of  law,  and  Mr.  Haskell  of 
Tennessee  inquired  whether  he  believed  it  morally 
right  for  a  slave  to  leave  the  service  of  his  master. 

Giddings  replied  that  he  believed,  with  Jefferson, 
that  all  men  hold  from  the  Creator  equal  rights  to 
life  and  liberty;  that  whenever  an  individual  steps 
between  God  and  his  fellow-men  to  deprive  them  of 
those  rights,  he  does  it  at  his  peril ;  that  it  was  not 
only  the  right  of  the  oppressed  to  obtain  their  liberty 
if  they  could  do  so,  even  by  slaying  their  oppressors, 
but  it  was  their  unquestioned  duty,  even  to  the  tak 
ing  of  the  life  of  every  man  who  opposed  them. 
Haskell  replied  that  Giddings  "ought  to  be  hanged 


244  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

as  high  as  Haman,  but  that  his  effrontery  was  so 
much  beyond  his  own  conception  that  he  would  in 
terrogate  him  no  further."  Giddings  closed  the  de 
bate.  The  presence  of  a  pro-slavery  mob  in  the  city, 
and  the  personal  assaults  of  members,  had  armed  him 
with  perfect  courage  and  qualified  him  for  his  task. 
His  speech  was  at  once  timely  and  incisive.  It  was 
inspired  by  righteous  indignation,  and  breathed  the 
spirit  of  absolute  defiance.  He  did  not  deal  in  in 
nuendoes,  or  mince  the  honest  truth.  Never  before 
had  the  slave-masters  been  treated  to  such  an  entertain 
ment.  It  was  a  brave  and  manly  speech,  and  gave 
the  country  a  new  definition  of  the  freedom  of  debate. 

In  the  Senate  Mr.  Hale  asked  leave  to  introduce 
a  bill  to  prevent  riots  and  unlawful  assemblages  in 
the  city  of  Washington,  which  gave  rise  to  a  debate 
there  not  less  exciting  than  that  in  the  House.  Mr. 
Davis  of  Mississippi  spoke  of  Hale's  bill  as  "a  bill 
to  protect  incendiaries  and  kidnappers;''  and  Mr. 
Foote  uttered  his  famous  saying  that  if  Hale  would 
visit  Mississippi,  "he  should  be  hanged  by  a  mob  to 
the  first  convenient  tree." 

While  this  debate  was  progressing,  one  Hope  H. 
Slatter,  a  Baltimore  slave-dealer,  having  purchased 
some  fifty  of  the  slaves  who  had  attempted  to  escape, 
marched  them  from  the  jail  to  Pennsylvania  Avenue, 
and  thence  to  the  railroad  depot.  The  scene  was 
described  by  those  who  saw  it  as  heart-rending. 
Giddings  relates  that  the  Rev.  Henry  Slicer,  then 
chaplain  of  the  House,  entered  the  car  which  con 
tained  the  slaves,  and  walking  between  the  agonized 
victims,  greeted  Slatter  cordially,  and  then  turned 
aside  to  reprove  one  of  the  men  sitting  near  him, 
and  a  member  of  his  church,  for  having  attempted  to 
regain  his  liberty.  On  the  following  day,  when  the 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  245 

House  was  called  to  order,  and  the  chaplain  ascended 
the  desk  and  spread  his  hands  in  the  attitude  of 
prayer,  one  of  the  members,1  putting  on  his  hat 
preparatory  to  retiring  from  the  hall,  began  to  swear 
as  Slicer  began  to  pray;  and  while  the  latter  invoked 
the  blessing  of  God  upon  members,  the  former  called 
on  the  same  Almighty  Being  to  damn  such  preachers; 
and  a  goodly  number  of  those  present  appeared  to 
feel  that  the  prayer  of  the  one  and  the  curses  of  the 
other  were  about  equally  efficacious. 

In  the  latter  part  of  June,  the  particular  friends  of 
Giddings  in  Massachusetts  urged  him  to  address  a 
series  of  public  meetings  in  that  State.  This  seemed 
to  him  a  questionable  venture.  He  had  not  been 
accustomed  to  speak  to  the  cultivated  audiences  of 
New  England,  who  were  privileged  to  hear  such  ora 
tors  as  Charles  Sumner  and  Wendell  Phillips,  and 
he  feared  his  efforts  would  fail  to  satisfy  the  people. 
Mr.  Sumner,  however,  insisted  on  his  coming.  On 
the  23d  of  June  he  wrote,  - 

"  There  is  an  intense  desire  to  see  and  welcome  you  in  Massa 
chusetts.  Let  me  exhort  you  to  renounce  all  those  compunctions 
to  which  you  refer,  and  to  speak  to  us  from  your  heart.  Give  us 
your  views  on  slavery  and  the  duty  of  the  North.  Say  what 
you  would  say  in  Ohio." 

Giddings  finally  consented,  and  the  following  letter 
to  his  wife  will  show  how  gratified  and  delighted  he 
was  by  his  welcome  among  the  anti-slavery  people 
who  had  so  long  watched  his  course  in  Congress  as 
the  champion  of  their  cause  in  the  West,  and  the 
faithful  ally  of  John  Quincy  Adams  :  — 

SPRINGFIELD,  July  2,  1848. 

MY  DEAR  WIFE,  —  Here  I  am,  in  the  old  Bay  State !  I 
have  been  to  hear  the  venerable  Dr.  Osgood  to-day,  as  he 
came  to  hear  me  yesterday.  Last  night  I  thought  they  had 

1  Hon.  J.  M.  Root  of  Ohio. 


246  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

pretty  much  used  me  up,  but  after  a  night's  rest  I  begin  to  feel 
like  myself  again.  Well,  I  have  seen  these  Yankees  as  they  are. 
I  have  met  their  hearty  greetings,  their  loud  shouts  of  ;  praise. 
I  have  stood  before  the  assembled  thousands  while  their  deafen 
ing  plaudits  seemed  to  rend  the  very  heavens  as  they  shouted  in 
praise  of  Giddings ;  I  have  listened  to  their  songs  composed  in 
honor  of  my  name  ;  I  have  seen  the  big  tears  roll  down  their 
manly  cheeks  as  they  have  grasped  me  by  the  hand,  tendering 
their  thanks  for  my  labors  in  behalf  of  humanity.  Their  hospi 
tality  has  been  showered  upon  me  in  unstinted  profusion  ;  their 
State  and  County  conventions  have  passed  resolutions  of  thanks 
for  my  efforts  in  behalf  of  our  country ;  I  have  seen  the  founda 
tions  of  the  great  deep  of  public  sentiment  broken  up,  and  party 
names  discarded,  and  thousands  of  good  and  virtuous  citizens, 
throwing  aside  party  prejudices,  declare  for  freedom  and  hu 
manity.  When  I  have  witnessed  these  things  for  the  last  four 
days,  I  have  shed  many  a  tear  of  gratitude  and  joy.  I  could 
not  restrain  my  emotions.  I  have  at  times  surrendered  to  the 
impulse  of  feeling,  and  suffered  myself  to  be  carried  along  in 
sympathy  with  the  vast  crowds  around  me.  ...  I  have  lived  very 
fast  during  the  past  week.  I  have  been  amply  compensated 
for  all  the  toil  and  anxiety  which  I  have  suffered  during  my 
public  life. 

I  spoke  at  Worcester  on  Wednesday,  at  Lowell  on  Thurs 
day,  at  Lynn  in  the  afternoon  of  Friday,  at  the  Tremont  Temple 
in  Boston  in  the  evening  of  that  day,  and  at  this  place  last  eve 
ning.  At  Worcester  and  Lowell  I  spoke  in  the  open  air ;  no 
building  would  contain  the  audience.  At  Lynn  and  Boston  and 
this  place  it  rained,  and  we  were  obliged  to  meet  under  cover. 
Tremont  Temple  was  the  finest  place  I  ever  spoke  in,  and  the 
audience  there  the  finest  I  ever  addressed ;  three  thousand  per 
sons  were  said  to  have  been  assembled  there.  Every  aisle  was 
crowded,  and  every  step  and  seat  in  the  spacious  galleries  was 
filled.  I  don't  know  what  the  audience  thought  of  me.  I 
was  pleased  with  them,  however,  and  my  friends  assured  me 
that  I  sustained  myself.  I  believe  a  spirit  of  liberty  is  aroused 
in  the  old  Bay  State  which  will  not  be  allayed  until  we  shall  be 
relieved  from  the  dominion  of  the  slave-power. 

It  has  been  a  hard  labor;  on  each  night  when  I  retired  my 
clothing  has  been  about  as  wet  as  it  would  have  been  had  I  been 
swimming  with  it  on. 

I  leave  this  place  in  the  morning,  but  may  stop  at  Hartford. 
I  want  to  set  the  bail  rolling  there  as  it  is  now  going  forward 
here.  I  shall  then  go  to  Washington.  Give  my  love  to  all  the 
family.  Affectionately,  J.  R.  GIDDINGS. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  247 

Of  these  meetings  Mr.  Sumner  wrote  to  a  friend  in 
the  West,  - 

"  I  cannot  forbear  letting  you  know  the  good  work  that  has 
been  done  by  Mr.  Giddings  in  Massachusetts.  He  attended  the 
Free  Soil  Convention  held  at  Worcester  on  the  28th  June.  The 
greatest  interest  was  felt  in  seeing  and  hearing  this  champion  of 
Freedom.  When  he  rose  to  address  the  Convention,  which  was 
assembled  in  a  beautiful  grove,  the  air  rang  with  shouts ;  cheer 
followed  upon  cheer.  The  vast  audience  —  numbering,  it  is  sup 
posed,  seven  thousand  —  were  profoundly  moved  with  gratitude 
to  one  who  had  rendered  such  signal  service  to  our  great  cause  ; 
and  as  he  proceeded  in  his  clear  and  careful  development  of  his 
views,  they  hung  with  constant  interest  upon  his  lips.  The 
papers  will  inform  you  of  the  labors  of  the  Convention.  They 
have  responded  to  the  call  of  the  Columbus  Convention,  and 
have  put  forth  an  address  and  resolutions  pledging  themselves 
against  any  candidate  who  is  not  known  by  his  acts  or  declared 
opinions  to  be  opposed  to  the  extension  of  slavery. 

"Mr.  Giddings  has  spoken  to  large  audiences  in  Lowell,  the 
city  of  factories  ;  in  Lynn,  famous  for  its  Quakers  and  shoe 
makers;  and  in  Boston.  In  all  these  places  he  produced  a 
marked  impression.  I  was  present  when  he  spoke  in  Boston. 
The  Tremont  Temple,  which  is  our  largest  hall,  was  crowded  to 
suffocation ;  and  yet  this  immense  audience  was  held  in  breath 
less  attention.  The  Taylorism  of  Boston  received  a  strong  blow 
on  that  evening. 

"  This  new  movement  touches  the  hearts  of  the  people.  It  is 
popular  in  its  character.  It  takes  hold  of  all  who  have  souls 
and  sympathies.  I  cannot  doubt  now  that  it  will  extend  through 
out  all  the  Free  States.  It  must  be  triumphant. 

"  We  are  all  awaiting  the  action  of  the  Buffalo  Convention, 
which  is  to  assemble  August  9.  Its  nominee  we  shall  support. 
I  think  Massachusetts  may  be  counted  as  certain  for  him." 

Giddings  was  evidently  gaining  in  popular  favor, 
and  he  had  now  become  a  recognized  authority  on  all 
matters  pertaining  to  slavery.  This  is  illustrated  in 
the  following  letters:  — 

BEDFORD,  WEST  CHESTER  Co.,  N.  Y., 

March  25,   1848. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  am  preparing  for  the  press  a  review  of  the 
causes  and  consequences  of  the  Mexican  War.  There  are  three 
points  on  which  I  want  information ;  and  knowing  both  your  habits 


2^8  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID  DINGS. 

of  investigation,  and  the  facilities  afforded  by  your  present  posi 
tion,  I  venture  to  solicit  your  friendly  assistance.  I  wish  to 
ascertain,  —  (i)  The  whole  number  of  troops  of  every  kind  that 
have  entered  Mexico  since  the  commencement  of  the  war.  I 
had  estimated  them  at  eighty  thousand,  but  have  been  assured 
the  estimate  was  too  small.  (2)  The  whole  amount  of  appro 
priations  made  by  Congress  for  prosecuting  the  war.  (3)  The 
quantity  of  land  given  by  law  to  soldiers  serving  in  Mexico. 

Could  you,  without  too  much  trouble  to  yourself,  enlighten 
me  on  these  points,  you  will  enhance  the  obligations  I  already 
feel  to  you  for  your  Christian,  patriotic,  and  CONSISTENT  op 
position  to  this  accursed  war,  waged  for  plunder  and  human 
bondage. 

I  am,  my  dear  sir,  with  most  sincere  respect, 

Yours  faithfully,  WILLIAM  JAY. 

J.  R.  GIDDINGS,  Esq. 

BOSTON,  April  12,  1848. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  hope  you  will  excuse  one  who  is  a  stranger  to 
your  person  for  troubling  you  with  this  note.  I  say  to  your 
'person :  to  yourself  I  do  not  feel  a  stranger.  I  wish  to  ask  some 
questions  about  your  late  friend,  Mr.  J.  Q.  Adams,  which  your 
long  acquaintance  with  him  will  enable  you  readily  to  answer. 

1.  Had   he    many  personal  friends, — men  who   loved    him, 
not  for  his  learning,  or  \&s>fame,  or  because  he  could  help  them, 
but  for  himself,  and  because  they  could  not  help  loving  him  ?     It 
has  seemed  to  me  that  he  had  none  such,  or  an  exceedingly  small 
number. 

2.  Was   he    animated   by    any   hostility   towards    the    South 
other  than  that  which  came    incidentally,   on   account  of  their 
attachment  to  slavery  ?     That  has  been  often  alleged,  but  I  have 
found  no  proof  'of  it,  and  not  many  signs  thereof. 

3.  When  he  was  Secretary  of    State,   I    have   seen  it  stated 
that  he  wrote  the  Mexican  Government  on  occasion  of  the  abo 
lition  of  slavery  by  the  Mexicans,  and  considered  that  abolition 
an   act   unfriendly   to   the    United  States.     Is  that  a  fact?     If 
so,  where  are  the  papers   published  ?     Again,  it  is  said  that  he 
tried  to  induce  the  Mexican  and  Spanish  Governments  to  con 
sent  to  restore  o\a  fugitive  slaves.     But  I  have  found  no  proof  of 
this,  though  I  have  not  seen  all  the  papers  which  passed  between 
the  several  Governments  on  the  occasions  referred  to. 

When  he  was  President,  I  know  the  course  he  pursued  in 
the  matter  of  Hayti,  Cuba,  and  the  congress  of  Panama.  In 
negotiating  the  Treaty  of  Ghent,  he  contended  that  the  British 
should  pay  for  the  fugitive  slaves  that  took  refuge  on  their  fleet. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  249 

I  suppose  he  had  orders  from  home  to  do  so.     Am  I  right  ?  for  I 
cannot  suppose  that  he  took  that  step  on  his  own  authority. 

I  venture  to  write  this  note,  and  ask  the  favor  of  an  answer, 
because  I  intend  to  write  a  little  paper  on  Mr.  Adams,  and  I  wish 
to  &Q  justice  all  round.  If  you  will  favor  me  with  a  reply,  you 
will  do  me  a  substantial  service,  and  oblige, 

Very  respectfully  and  truly  yours,  THEO.  PARKER. 

Hon.  MR.  GIDDINGS. 

P.  S.  —  One  thing  I  have  forgotten  above ;  namely,  what 
were  Mr.  Adams's  motives  in  claiming  the  whole  of  Oregon? 
Did  he  think  we  had  a  right  to  it,  or  only  wish  to  force  men  into 
certain  measures  ? 

WEST  ROXBURY,  near  BOSTON,  June  17,  1848. 
HONORED  AND  DEAR  SIR,  — A  writer  in  the  "  Boston  Post" 
of  June  14  (I  send  the  paper)  denies  a  statement  I  have  made 
on  page  40  of  my  "  Letter  to  the  People  of  the  United  States 
touching  the  Matter  of  Slavery,"  namely,  "  that  General  Jackson 
was  a  dealer  in  slaves,  and  so  late  as  1811  bought  a  come  and 
drove  them  to  Louisiana  for  sale."  I  want  to  know,  —  i.  If 
General  Jackson  ever  sold  a  slave  or  slaves  ?  2.  If  he  was 
ever  engaged  in  the  internal  slave-trade?  3.  If  he  conducted 
a  " coffle"  to  Louisiana  in  1811,  for  sale.  I  am  not  at  all 
anxious  to  prove  myself  in  the  right,  but  only  to  ascertain  the 
truth.  If  you  can  aid  me.  you  will  do  me  a  real  service,  and 
I  shall  be  grateful  to  you  for  a  special  reason,  as  I  have  long 
been  for  your  general  services  to  the  nation  and  the  cause  of 
mankind. 

Very  respectfully  and  truly  yours,  THEO.  PARKER. 

Hon.  J.  R.  GIDDINGS. 

The  replies  to  these  letters  are  not  in  my  possession, 
but  the  information  asked  for  was  doubtless  made  avail 
able,  and  found  its  way  into  the  anti-slavery  literature 
of  the  time,  to  which  William  Jay  and  Theodore 
Parker  made  large  and  valuable  contributions. 

Near  the  close  of  this  session  another  question 
engaged  the  attention  of  Mr.  Giddings.  In  the 
protracted  controversy  between  the  United  States 
and  England  concerning  deported  slaves  under  the 
treaty  of  Ghent,  a  list  of  slaves  claimed  to  have  been 
lost  was  made  out  and  presented  to  the  British  Min- 


250  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

istry.  Although  this  list  was  afterwards  found  to 
be  fraudulent,  containing  the  names  of  imaginary 
slaves,  it  was  made  the  basis  of  negotiations,  and 
our  Government  was  thus  used  as  the  instrument  of 
slavery.  A  Mr.  Hodges,  of  Maryland,  now  peti 
tioned  Congress  for  indemnity  for  a  slave  who  left 
the  country  on  board  a  British  ship  in  1814.  The 
petitioner  had  not  filed  his  claim  under  the  treaty, 
but  he  called  on  Congress  to  pay  him  the  value  of  his 
lost  chattel.  The  petition  was  referred  to  the  Com 
mittee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  which  had  been  appointed 
by  a  Whig  Speaker,  and  consisted  of  six  members 
from  the  Free  States  and  three  from  the  Slave  States, 
with  Truman  Smith,  of  Connecticut,  as  its  chair 
man.  This  committee,  apparently  without  a  dis 
senting  voice,  reported  a  bill  to  pay  for  this  slave. 

Giddings  made  an  exhaustive  speech  upon  the  ques 
tion,  referring  to  the  several  stipulations  of  the  treaty, 
which  he  quoted,  and  overhauling  from  the  beginning 
the  congressional  precedents  on  the  question  of  pay 
ing  for  slaves  by  the  Federal  Government.  He 
showed  that  the  petitioner  in  this  case  had  not 
brought  himself  within  the  provisions  of  the  treaty, 
and  had  no  claim  whatever  upon  the  Government; 
that  the  treaty-making  power  could  impose  no  obli 
gation  upon  Congress  to  interfere  with  slavery  either 
to  support  or  abolish  it ;  that  slaves  are  not  recog 
nized  as  property  by  the  Constitution,  and  that  Con 
gress  had  no  power  to  pay  for  them  or  to  assess  their 
value  as  such ;  and  that  all  such  legislation  was  dis 
honorable  and  disgraceful  to  the  United  States.  In 
the  course  of  this  speech  he  said,— 

"  I  wish  to  address  some  inquiries  to  the  honorable  chairman 
of  the  committee  who  reported  this  bill  [Mr.  Smith].  He  ap 
pears  to  have  united  in  this  extraordinary  report,  which  estimates 
the  value  of  this  man  at  precisely  two  hundred  and  eighty  dollars. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  2$l 

That  gentleman  is  from  Connecticut,  —  from  the  very  county  in 
which  my  parents  long  resided.  I  should  like  to  inquire  of  him  the 
price  current  of  humanity  in  that  land  of  steady  habits.  By  what 
rule  does  he  arrive  at  the  value  of  men?  Is  he  governed  by  the 
brilliancy  of  their  virtue,  by  their  intellectual  endowments  ? 
Does  he  estimate  men  by  their  religious  devotion,  or  by  their 
learning?  Is  he  guided  by  their  complexion?  If  so,  which  is 
the  more  valuable,  black  or  white?  Or  is  a  mixture  of  blood  to 
be  preferred  ?  What  price  in  gold  and  silver  does  he  place  upon 
his  constituents?  How  would  he  sell  them?  Sir,  I  feel  humbled 
when  I  see  Northern  representatives  consent  to  enter  upon  this 
slave-dealing  legislation,  and  become  the  instruments  of  the  slave- 
power  to  strike  down  the  honor,  the  dignity  and  independence 
of  the  Northern  States." 

The  bill,  however,  was  sanctioned  by  the  com 
mittee  of  the  whole,  and  when  it  was  reported  to  the 
House  its  opponents  could  not  muster  votes  enough 
to  secure  the  ayes  and  nays,  and  it  passed  without  leav 
ing  any  record  showing  who  voted  for  or  against  it. 

While  both  Houses  of  Congress,  during  this  ses 
sion,  \vere  absorbed  in  the  slavery  question  as  they 
never  had  been  before,  the  state  of  political  parties 
throughout  the  country  was  equally  novel  and  un 
precedented.  The  sacrifice  of  Van  Buren  in  1844 
because  of  his  manly  letter  on  the  annexation  of 
Texas,  led  to  a  division  of  the  Democratic  party  in 
New  York,  and  threatened  revolt  in  other  States. 
The  favorite  candidate  of  the  party  was  General 
Cass,  who  was  nominated  by  the  Baltimore  National 
Convention  on  May  22,  1848.  His  "Nicholson  let 
ters,"  in  favor  of  the  policy  of  non-intervention  with 
slavery  in  the  Territories,  did  not  satisfy  the  South ; 
but  with  General  Cass  as  its  expounder,  it  was  cheer 
fully  accepted;  for  among  all  the  leading  Democrats 
of  the  Northern  States  he  was  perhaps  the  most  ob 
sequious  and  crouching  to  the  slave-power.  New 
York  had  two  sets  of  delegates  in  this  convention, 
both  of  which  were  admitted  as  a  compromise; 


252  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

but  the  Van  Buren,  or  Free-Soil,  wing  refused  to 
take  their  seats,  holding  themselves  in  reserve  for 
such  independent  action  as  might  afterwards  seem 
advisable. 

The  Whig  National  Convention  met  in  Philadel 
phia  on  June  7.  The  party  was  in  search  of  "an 
available  candidate,"  and  inspired  by  the  miserable 
policy  of  expediency  which  had  been  so  barren  of 
results  in  1840.  General  Taylor  had  been  growing 
into  favor  with  the  party  for  more  than  a  year,  and 
was  now  a  formidable  candidate.  But  he  had  never 
identified  himself  in  any  way  with  the  Whig  party. 
He  had  spent  his  life  on  the  frontier  as  a  soldier,  and 
had  never  voted.  He  said  frankly  that  he  had  not 
made  up  his  mind  on  the  questions  which  divided  the 
parties.  He  was  a  very  large  slave-owner,  and  his 
active  supporters  were  chiefly  from  the  slaveholding 
States  and  those  Free  States  which  had  generally 
given  Democratic  majorities;  but  he  could  not  be 
induced  to  define  his  position  on  the  Wilmot  Proviso, 
while  the  Whigs  from  the  Free  States  vouched  for 
his  soundness  on  the  slavery  issue.  The  spectacle 
was  a  melancholy  one,  since  it  demonstrated  the 
readiness  of  this  once  respectable  old  party  to  make 
complete  shipwreck  of  everything  wearing  the  sem 
blance  of  principle,  for  the  sake  of  success.  His 
nomination,  moreover,  was  accomplished  by  the 
treachery  of  the  Whig  managers  to  Mr.  Clay,  which 
exceeded  that  which  had  sacrificed  him  at  the  Har- 
risburg  Convention  of  1839.  No  platform  of  prin 
ciples  was  adopted,  and  Horace  Greeley  branded  the 
convention  as  "the  slaughter-house  of  Whig  princi 
ples."  Charles  Allen,  Henry  Wilson,  and  other 
prominent  Whigs  of  Massachusetts  left  the  conven 
tion  in  disgust. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  253 

A  new  party  was  now  inevitable.  The  followers 
of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  in  New  York  and  other  States, 
longed  for  the  opportunity  to  make  themselves  felt 
in  avenging  the  wrong  done  to  their  chief,  and  were 
quite  ready  to  strike  hands  with  the  members  of  the 
Liberty  party.  The  latter  were  generally  ready  to 
withdraw  their  candidate  for  President  and  unite  with 
the  anti-slavery  Whigs  and  Democrats  of  the  North 
ern  States,  if  an  honorable  basis  of  action  could  be 
agreed  upon.  The  Conscience  Whigs  of  Massachu 
setts,  and  thousands  of  Whigs  in  other  States,  who 
regarded  the  freedom  of  our  Territories  as  a  vital 
issue,  were  equally  ready  to  fuse  with  the  other 
elements  of  political  discontent  and  make  their 
voices  heard  in  a  new  and  independent  organiza 
tion.  In  response  to  these  indications  a  call  was 
issued  for  a  national  Free-Soil  Convention  at  Buffalo 
on  August  9. 

The  convention  was  one  of  the  largest  political 
gatherings  ever  assembled  in  the  country,  and  ani 
mated  by  unbounded  earnestness  and  enthusiasm. 
Its  leading  spirits  were  among  the  foremost  men  in 
New  York,  Ohio,  and  other  States,  representing  the 
Barnburners,  the  Conscience  Whigs,  the  Liberty 
party,  the  Land  Reformers,  and  many  of  the  ad 
mirers  of  Henry  Clay,  who  now  declared  themselves 
for  "  liberty  and  revenge."  The  platform  was  a  most 
admirable  and  timely  declaration  of  principles,  affirm 
ing,  among  other  things,  that  "Congress  has  no  more 
power  to  make  a  slave  than  to  make  a  king/'  and 
that  "  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Federal  Government  to 
relieve  itself  from  all  responsibility  for  the  existence 
or  continuance  of  slavery  wherever  that  Government 
possesses  authority  to  legislate  and  is  thus  responsi 
ble  for  its  existence."  The  Whigs  in  this  convention, 


254  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID  DINGS. 

and  many  members  of  the  Liberty  party,  in  the  be 
ginning  could  not  endure  the  thought  of  nominating 
Van  Buren ;  but  on  mingling  freely  with  men  of  dif 
ferent  opinions,  and  catching  the  spirit  of  the  move 
ment,  they  yielded  up  their  prejudices  and  cordially 
acquiesced.  Mr.  Van  Buren  had  certainly  gone  con 
siderable  lengths  as  the  servant  of  the  slave-power; 
but  there  was  one  great  and  vital  issue  to  freedom  on 
which  he  had  taken  the  right  side,  and  maintained  it 
without  flinching,  in  the  presence  of  a  great  tempta 
tion;  and  for  this  he  had  been  anathematized  by  the 
South,  and  driven  into  retirement.  It  has  been  aptly 
said  of  him  that  he  was  the  only  one  of  the  living 
statesmen  of  that  period  who  was  man  enough  to  turn 
from  the  error  of  his  way  and  assume  the  thankless 
and  thorny  championship  of  the  right.  Moreover, 
the  whole  country  had  been  so  demoralized  by  slavery 
that  it  was  not  easy  to  find  any  public  man  of  emi 
nence  whose  record  had  been  spotless.  Van  Buren's 
nomination  undoubtedly  meant  the  freedom  of  our 
Territories  and  the  denationalization  of  slavery. 
There  was  no  element  of  compromise  in  the  move 
ment  which  he  represented,  and  it  was  wholly  un 
hampered  by  a  Southern  wing. 

The  most  remarkable  feature  of  this  campaign  was 
the  bitterness  of  the  Whigs  towards  the  Free-Soilers, 
and  especially  those  who  had  deserted  from  the  Whig 
ranks.  Mr.  Webster  claimed  Free  Soil  as  a  distinc 
tive  Whig  doctrine,  and  lost  his  temper  because  the 
new  movement,  as  he  declared,  had  stolen  his  "thun 
der."  The  Whigs  were  not  content  with  claiming 
the  complete  monopoly  of  anti-slavery  virtue  and  pa 
rading  it  before  the  country.  Their  spiteful  gabble 
about  "renegades"  and  "apostates"  was  as  abound 
ing  as  it  was  ceaseless.  The  hostility  of  the  Whig 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  255 

leaders  was  relentless.  They  seemed  to  believe  that 
all  opposition  to  their  party  was  sacrilege.  The 
worst  passions  of  humanity  were  set  on  fire  among 
them  by  this  provoking  insurrection  against  their 
party  as  the  mere  tool  of  slavery,  while  animosities 
were  engendered  that  still  survive,  and  which  many 
men  have  carried  to  their  graves. 

Giddings  entered  into  this  canvass  with  his  whole 
heart.  It  was  in  large  measure  the  outcome  of  his  long 
and  patient  labors,  and  directly  connected  with  the 
strife  about  the  Speakership  at  the  beginning  of  the 
session.  Indeed,  his  refusal  to  support  Winthrop  was 
the  first  act  in  a  succession  of  events  which  destroyed 
the  Whig  party  and  organized  the  forces  of  freedom 
for  their  final  victory.  I  first  met  him  in  the  Buffalo 
Convention,  where  he  addressed  an  immense  audience 
in  the  great  tent  in  which  the  people  assembled ;  and 
I  well  remember  the  indescribable  earnestness  which 
was  depicted  in  his  face  while  he  spoke  of  "  carrying 
the  war  into  Africa,"  if  the  slaveholders  should  per 
sist  in  scoffing  at  the  reasonable  demands  of  the  Free 
States.  From  that  time  till  the  election  he  was  on 
the  stump,  smiting  his  assailants  right  and  left,  who 
seemed  bent  upon  crushing  him  utterly  for  deserting 
the  Whig  party.  In  Ohio  he  encountered  his  old 
friends,  Corwin  and  Evving,  who  were  denouncing  Van 
Buren  for  his  servility  to  slavery;  and  he  replied  to 
them  effectively  by  exposing  their  own  more  vulner 
able  political  records.  So  rampant  \vas  party  feeling 
that  his  old  preceptor,  Elisha  Whittlesey,  entered  the 
lists  against  him  in  a  printed  circular  charging  him 
with  taking  illegal  mileage.  This  circular  was  scat 
tered  in  every  school  district  in  the  four  counties 
represented  by  Giddings ;  and  it  was  put  on  duty  for 
years  afterwards,  and  only  finally  silenced  by  his 


256  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

speech  in  Congress  in  1853,  completely  vindicating 
his  action.  Even  his  old  partner,  Benjamin  F.  Wade, 
still  clinging  to  the  Whig  party,  joined  in  this  war 
fare.  Near  the  close  of  the  canvass  Truman  Smith,  of 
Connecticut,  joined  these  Whig  assailants  in  a  pub 
lic  letter  in  the  "National  Intelligencer,"  abounding 
in  gross  personal  abuse  of  Giddings,  and  malicious 
accusations.  Smith  was  understood  to  be  seeking  a 
cabinet  position  in  General  Taylor's  Administra 
tion,  and  had  openly  repudiated  the  policy  of  the 
Wilmot  Proviso ;  and  he  was  now  smarting  under  the 
uncomplimentary  allusion  to  him  by  Giddings  in  dis 
cussing  the  claim,  already  referred  to,  of  Hodges  for 
compensation  for  a  slave.  He  also  complained  in 
this  letter  that  Giddings  had  "reviled"  him  in  a 
public  speech.  On  November  16,  Giddings  replied 
to  Smith  in  a  public  letter,  from  which  I  quote:  — 

"  You  say  that  I  reviled  you  for  the  opinions  which  you  enter 
tained  of  General  Taylor.  It  is  very  extraordinary  that  you 
should  allege  that  I  reviled  you,  without  letting  your  readers 
know  what  I  said.  You  must  have  been  wrongly  informed.  I 
stated  very  distinctly,  and  with  feelings  of  sincere  regret,  that 
your  views  in  regard  to  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  people  of 
the  Free  States  were  radically  different  from  mine.  I  held  that 
Congress  had  no  constitutional  power  to  involve  the  people  of 
Ohio  in  the  expense,  the  disgrace,  or  the  turpitude  of  sustaining 
the  slave-trade  or  slavery ;  while  you  held  that  we  were  bound  to 
contribute  to  their  support,  to  share  in  their  disgrace,  and  to  par 
ticipate  in  their  guilt.  As  evidence  of  these  facts  I  stated  to  the 
audience  that  in  the  last  Congress  you  were  a  member  of  the 
Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  which  reported  a  bill  to  pay  from 
the  Treasury  seventy  thousand  dollars  to  Spanish  slave-merchants 
who  pretended  to  own  the  people  on  board  the  '  Amistad  ; '  that 
the  records  thus  show  you  to  be  in  favor  of  supporting  the 
Spanish  slave-trade  at  the  expense  of  the  people  of  Connecticut 
and  Ohio.  I  thus  referred  to  the  official  documents  of  the  nation 
showing  your  public  acts ;  and  this  you  seem  to  regard  as  a 
reproach  upon  your  character. 

"  I  also  stated  to  the  audience  that  in  the  present  Congress 
you  were  chairman  of  the  same  committee,  which,  during  the  late 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

session,  reported  bills  to  pay  over  certain  moneys  to  slaveholders 
in  Maryland,  as  a  compensation  for  slaves  who,  during  the  late 
war  with  England,  escaped  from  their  masters  in  that  State  on 
board  the  British  fleet ;  that  you  held  it  to  be  your  constitu 
tional  duty,  as  a  representative  in  Congress,  to  legislate  upon  the 
price  of  human  flesh  and  blood  and  bones  and  sinews ;  while  I 
regarded  such  legislation  as  subversive  of  the  rights  of  the  people 
of  the  Free  States,  and  disgraceful  to  the  representatives  of  free 
men.  You  voted  for  those  bills.  There  stand  your  official  acts 
upon  the  records  of  the  country.  If  they  constitute  a  reproach, 
the  fault  is  yours,  not  mine.  I  spoke  and  voted  against  those 
bills.  There  you  and  myself  were  placed  in  direct  opposition  to 
each  other.  It  was  therefore  quite  natural  that  you  should  sup 
port  a  candidate  for  President  who  would  be  willing  thus  to  in 
volve  the  people  of  Ohio  in  the  disgrace  and  turpitude  of  slavery, 
while  I,  with  my  views  of  the  Constitution  and  of  our  rights  under 
it,  could  sustain  no  man  who  held  such  doctrine." 

The  effect  of  the  Free-Soil  movement,  though  it 
did  not  carry  the  electoral  vote  of  a  single  State,  was 
most  remarkable.  It  placed  Chase  in  the  United 
States  Senate  from  Ohio,  and  sent  to  the  lower 
branch  of  Congress  a  sufficient  number  of  anti-sla 
very  men  to  hold  the  balance  of  power  in  that  body. 
Its  influence  was  savingly  felt  in  Congress  in  July 
of  this  year  on  the  vote  by  which  Oregon,  with  a 
territory  nearly  equal  to  that  of  the  thirteen  original 
States,  was  saved  from  the  curse  of  slavery  ;  it 
launched  the  policy  of  cheap  postage  for  the  people, 
and  the  freedom  of  the  public  lands  for  actual  set 
tlers,  and  speeded  the  final  triumph  of  these  meas 
ures  ;  its  power  was  felt  in  creating  the  public 
opinion  which  compelled  the  admission  of  California 
as  a  Free  State ;  and  it  was  the  prophecy  and  parent 
of  the  larger  movement  which  rallied  under  Fremont 
in  1856,  elected  Lincoln  in  1860,  and  played  its 
grand  part  in  saving  the  nation  from  destruction  by 
the  armed  insurgents  whom  it  had  vanquished  at  the 
ballot-box. 

17 


CHAPTER  IX. 

DECEMBER,    1848,  TO  MARCH,    1851. 

Second  Session  of  the  Thirtieth  Congress.  —  Slavery  and  the  Slave- 
trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  —  The  Pacheco  Case. — The 
Ohio  Senatorship. — Address  of  Southern  Members.  —  The  Effort 
to  establish  Slavery  in  California.  —  Meeting  of  the  Thirty-first 
Congress. — The  Speakership.  —  Defence  of  the  Free  Soilers. — 
Speeches.  —  Work  of  this  Congress. 

THE  courage  and  uniform  hopefulness  of  Gid- 
dings  were  put  to  the  test  on  the  meeting  of 
the  second  session  of  the  Thirtieth  Congress.  Mr. 
Adams  was  no  longer  with  him,  and  he  was  cut  off 
from  the  friendly  companionship  of  the  Whigs,  who 
were  exulting  in  the  triumph  of  General  Taylor. 
After  long  and  faithful  service  in  the  party,  he  was 
now  dealt  with  as  a  renegade,  and  obliged  to  face 
a  new  experience  in  social  outlawry  at  the  hands  of 
his  old  friends.  Of  all  the  members  of  the  House  he 
alone  was  not  invited  to  Speaker  Winthrop's  parties. 
But  recruits  were  soon  to  be  added  to  the  ranks  of 
freedom.  A  little  later  Mr.  Sumner  wrote,  — 

"  I  cannot  forbear  writing  to  express  my  joy  in  the  triumph 
of  Judge  Allen,  so  peculiar  and  marked,  against  a  most  powerful 
personal  opposition.  It  will  have  important  influences.  He  will 
join  your  holy  alliance  at  Washington.  His  courage,  nerve,  tact, 
and  determination  will  give  him  great  influence  over  some  of  our 
weak  brethren.  Then  there  is  Preston  King.  Verily,  next  year 
you  will  be  strong.  If  you  can  prevent  mischief  during  the 
present  session,  I  do  not  fear  the  next.  I  observe  that  the  signal 
has  been  given  to  attack  you  and  other  friends  at  Washington. 
The  Whigs  are  now  in  full  cry  upon  you.  No  matter;  they 
cannot  harm  you.1' 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  259 

On  the  1 3th  of  December  Mr.  Palfrey  asked  leave 
to  introduce  a  bill  to  repeal  all  Acts  of  Congress  and 
parts  of  Acts  authorizing  the  existence  or  support  of 
slavery  or  the  slave-trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 
Leave  was  refused  by  a  vote  of  yeas  69  against  nays 
82.  On  the  1 8th,  Giddings  asked  leave  to  introduce 
a  bill  authorizing  the  people  of  the  District  to  ex 
press  by  ballot  their  desire  as  to  the  abolition  of 
slavery  therein.  Leave  was  granted,  and  the  bill 
passed  its  first  and  second  reading;  but  on  the  ques 
tion  of  engrossment  Mr.  Thompson  of  Mississippi 
moved  to  lay  it  on  the  table,  and  the  motion  pre 
vailed  by  a  vote  of  106  yeas  to  79  nays.  The  object 
of  these  movements  was  to  place  before  the  country 
the  fact  that  both  the  Whig  and  Democratic  parties 
were  committed  to  the  support  of  slavery  and  the 
slave-trade  in  the  District.  To  this  end  Mr.  Gott 
of  New  York,  on  December  21,  introduced  the  fol 
lowing  preamble  and  resolution  :  — 

"  Whereas,  The  traffic  now  prosecuted  in  the  metropolis  of 
this  Republic,  in  human  beings  as  chattels,  is  contrary  to  justice 
and  the  fundamental  principles  of  our  political  system,  and  a 
serious  hindrance  to  the  progress  of  republican  liberty  among 
the  nations  of  the  earth ;  therefore, 

"  Resolved,  That  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary  be  instructed 
to  report  a  bill  as  soon  as  practicable,  prohibiting  the  slave-trade 
in  said  District." 

Gott  demanded  the  previous  question.  Haralson 
of  Georgia  moved  to  lay  the  resolution  on  the  table; 
but  Venable  of  North  Carolina  declared  that  he 
wished  to  see  Northern  Whigs  and  Northern  Demo 
crats  constrained  to  show  their  hands,  to  let  the 
country  see  how  they  voted.  The  motion  to  lay  the 
resolution  on  the  table  was  negatived,  and  the  demand 
for  the  previous  question  sustained.  This  brought 
the  House  to  a  direct  vote,  and  produced  consterna- 


260  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

tion  among  Northern  conservatives,  while  it  was 
exceedingly  gratifying  to  Giddings  and  his  associ 
ates.  Ninety-four  votes  for  the  abolition  of  the 
slave-traffic  were  cast  by  the  Free  States,  and  but 
fifteen  in  favor  of  continuing  it.  The  vote  stood 
94  in  the  affirmative,  and  88  in  the  negative,  while 
nearly  fifty  members  declined  to  vote,  including  Tru 
man  Smith  of  Connecticut  and  Caleb  B.  Smith  of 
Indiana,  who  were  in  their  seats.  The  result  alarmed 
the  politicians,  and  Stuart  of  Michigan  moved  a 
reconsideration,  and  this  motion  finally  prevailed  by 
119  yeas  to  81  nays.  This  was  accomplished  by 
slaveholding  influence,  which  led  many  members 
who  had  failed  to  vote  on  adopting  the  resolution, 
and  sundry  others  who  had  voted  for  it,  to  unite  in 
voting  to  reconsider.  The  resolution  was  never 
heard  from  afterwards. 

On  the  following  day,  Giddings  wrote  to  Sumner: 

"  Permit  me  to  call  your  attention  to  the  conduct  of  Messrs. 
Abbott,  Ashmun,  Hale,  and  Grinnell  yesterday.  When  Mr. 
Gott's  resolution  was  presented,  the  first  question  was  on  a  motion 
to  lay  it  on  the  table.  If  this  had  been  carried,  it  would  have 
saved  all  responsibility  of  the  party  and  of  individuals.  To  vote 
for  it  would  have  been  regarded  as  a  direct  support  of  the  slave- 
trade.  This,  few  Northern  men  were  willing  to  do.  They 
therefore  dodged  the  vote,  as  you  see  they  were  present  at  the 
next  call  of  the  yeas  and  nays.  The  vote  was  in  effect  a  censure 
upon  the  Speaker.  There  is  the  committee  which  he  appointed. 
Thousands  of  petitions  are  before  them,  yet  they  refuse  to  speak 
on  the  subject.  This  was  the  first  time  we  have  ever  been  able 
to  get  a  vote  directly  on  this  subject  of  the  slave-trade  in  this 
District  Indeed,  eleven  years  since,  when  in  debate  I  referred 
to  that  traffic,  it  caused  such  commotion  and  excitement  in  the 
House  that  many  Northern  men  actually  turned  pale.  Now  the 
sense  of  the  House  is  clearly  in  favor  of  the  entire  abolition  of 
this  disgrace  of  our  nation.  Our  Taylor  friends  are  thrown  into 
the  most  perfect  consternation.  C.  B.  Smith,  so  strong  in  his 
abolition  last  year,  did  not  vote,  although  he  was  in  the  House 
during  the  whole  day.  He  is  a  candidate  for  Postmaster-General, 
it  is  said.  My  particular  friend  Truman  Smith  voted  against  the 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  26 1 

previous  question,  —  which  was  equivalent  to  a  vote  to  give  the 
subject  the  go-by.  Such,  too,  was  the  case  with  Vinton  of  Ohio ; 
but  when  the  trial  came,  he  was  constrained  to  vote  for  the  reso 
lution.  It  was  a  curious  spectacle  to  look  at  the  members  and 
witness  their  various  emotions.  Some  were  cursing,  some  looked 
daggers,  some  left  the  hall  in  disgust,  and  some  were  laughing. 
Holmes  of  South  Carolina  moved  that  all  Southern  men  leave 
the  hall,  and  then  he  gravely  walked  out." 

The  action  of  the  House  on  this  resolution  was  a 
surprise  to  all  parties.  The  Free-Soil  members  were 
greatly  encouraged,  because  they  saw  that  their  la 
bors  were  bearing  fruit  ;  the  Northern  champions 
of  General  Taylor  were  sorely  tried,  being  anxious 
to  make  fair  weather  with  the  incoming  Administra 
tion  without  offending  their  anti-slavery  constituents; 
and  Southern  members  were  exasperated  at  the  evi 
dent  growth  of  anti-slavery  opinion  in  the  Free 
States.  Among  the  other  surprises  revealed  by  this 
vote,  as  it  will  appear  to  this  generation,  is  the  fact 
that  Abraham  Lincoln,  then  a  member  of  the  House, 
voted  to  lay  the  resolution  on  the  table,  voted  against 
its  adoption,  and  then  voted  for  the  successful  motion 
to  reconsider  the  vote  on  its  passage,  which  finally 
disposed  of  the  question.  Unlike  several  of  his 
Northern  brethren,  he  showed  no  disposition  to  dodge 
the  question,  but  placed  himself  squarely  on  the  side 
of  the  South.  He  was  a  moderate  Wilmot  Proviso 
man,  but  his  anti-slavery  education  had  scarcely  be 
gun  ;  and  this  was  true  of  the  great  body  of  the 
Whigs  of  the  Free  States  at  that  time. 

The  refusal  of  some  Northern  members  to  vote  for 
this  resolution  because  its  preamble  was  offensive  to 
the  South  was  a  despicable  subterfuge.  The  pream 
ble  told  the  simple  truth,  and  the  slaveholders,  who 
had  united  with  the  North  in  branding  the  foreign 
traffic  as  piracy,  had  no  right  to  be  offended  when 


262  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

our  home  piracy,  which  was  still  more  un-Christian 
and  inhuman,  was  fitly  characterized. 

A  few  days  later,  another  and  more  vital  question 
came  before  the  House.  It  grew  out  of  the  action  of 
the  Government  in  the  conduct  of  the  Florida  War. 
In  1835  one  Antonio  Pacheco,  then  residing  in 
Florida,  claimed  a  negro  man  named  Louis  as  his 
slave.  Louis  was  very  intelligent,  speaking  four  lan 
guages  with  facility,  and  the  master  hired  him  to  an 
officer  of  the  United  States  as  a  guide  to  the  troops 
under  the  command  of  Major  Dade,  for  which  he  was 
to  receive  twenty-five  dollars  per  month.  After  the 
surprise  and  massacre  of  Dade  and  his  troops  by  the 
Seminole  Indians  on  the  28th  of  December,  1835, 
Louis  deserted  to  them  or  was  captured  by  them,  re 
maining  with  them  in  their  depredations  against  the 
whites  until  1837,  when  General  Jessup  says  he  was 
captured  by  a  detachment  of  troops  under  his  com 
mand  ;  that  he  [Jessup]  regarded  him  as  a  dangerous 
man ;  that  he  was  supposed  to  have  kept  up  a  corre 
spondence  with  the  enemy  from  the  time  he  joined 
Major  Dade  until  his  defeat ;  and  that  to  insure  the 
public  safety,  Jessup  ordered  him  sent  West  with  the 
Indians,  which  was  done.  Pacheco  presented  his  pe 
tition  to  Congress,  asking  for  one  thousand  dollars  as 
the  value  of  his  slave. 

The  case  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Mili 
tary  Affairs,  and  Mr.  Burt  of  South  Carolina,  the 
chairman  of  the  committee,  reported  a  bill  for  the 
payment  of  the  claim.  He  frankly  stated  that 
the  only  question  involved  was  whether  slaves  are  to 
be  regarded  as  property  under  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  It  was  not  a  new  question.  Similar 
claims  had  been  presented  at  different  times  and 
uniformly  rejected;  but  Southern  members  persisted 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  263 

in  urging  them.  Giddings  was  determined  to  meet 
them.  He  saw  that  if  slaves  are  property  under  the 
Constitution,  the  slaveocracy  could  not  be  resisted. 
The  Wilmot  Proviso  would  be  unconstitutional,  and 
the  demand  for  a  slave  code  for  the  Territories  would 
be  justified.  Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia 
and  the  coastwise  slave-trade  could  not  be  right 
fully  assailed.  Toombs  of  Georgia  would  be  right 
in  declaring  that  the  Constitution  protects  slavery 
"wherever  our  flag  floats."  It  was  the  dispute  about 
this  pregnant  question  which  led  the  slaveholding 
States  to  secede  from  the  Union;  and  it  was  because 
Giddings  fully  grasped  its  significance  that  his  tire 
less  vigilance  never  permitted  it  to  escape  him.  So 
deeply  was  he  interested  in  this  case  that  he  pre 
vailed  on  the  minority  of  the  Military  Committee  to 
make  an  elaborate  adverse  report,  which  by  request 
was  prepared  and  drawn  by  himself,  and  submitted 
by  Mr.  Dickey  of  Pennsylvania. 

After  debate  in  committee  of  the  whole,  the  bill 
was  favorably  reported  to  the  House  by  a  vote  of  70 
against  40,  and  a  motion  to  lay  it  on  the  table  failed 
then  by  a  vote  of  85  against  66.  This  was  a  sur 
prise  to  Giddings;  and  having  made  himself  thor 
oughly  familiar  with  the  subject,  he  now  voted  in 
the  affirmative  on  the  question  of  engrossment,  so 
that  he  might  be  heard  on  a  motion  to  reconsider. 
At  this  stage  of  the  case  I  prefer  to  let  him  speak 
for  himself.  In  his  long-neglected  diary,  which  he 
resumed  during  this  session  of  Congress,  he  makes 
the  following  record  on  the  3d  day  of  January,  1849: 

"  The  ordinary  business  of  legislation  was  resumed  to-day. 
Several  members  called  on  me  to  assure  me  that  the  bill  for  the 
relief  of  Pacheco  will  pass,  and  that  I  am  wrong  in  entertaining 
the  doctrine  that  there  is  no  property  in  man.  Among  those  who 
appeared  thus  determined  to  adhere  to  cherished  errors  was 
Horace  Greeley,  of  the  '  New  York  Tribune.' 


264  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID  DINGS. 

"  Jamiary  4.  —  My  motion  to  reconsider  the  report  upon  the 
engrossment  of  the  bill  to  pay  Antonio  Pacheco  for  a  slave, 
came  up  to-day  in  order,  but  I  postponed  it  to  give  oppor 
tunity  to  pass  the  bill  to  establish  a  board  of  private  claims. 
From  different  parts  of  the  country  the  papers  teem  with 
abuse  of  myself,  and  it  is  quite  evident  that  the  doughfaces  here 
are  trying  to  prepare  themselves  and  others  to  sustain  the  bill 
of  Pacheco  against  my  opposition.  The  subject  rests  with  so 
much  weight  on  my  mind  that  I  cannot  sleep  at  night,  and  it 
is  visibly  affecting  my  health.  I  have  prepared  the  argument 
with  much  labor,  and  never  entered  upon  a  case  with  better 
preparation.  My  friend  Horace  Mann  of  Massachusetts  ad 
vises  me  to  pass  over  the  Constitutional  arguments,  and  make 
a  strictly  legal  effort.  Mr.  Palfrey  advises  me  to  go  into  a 
Constitutional  investigation.  I  feel  that  I  am  to  speak  to  the 
country,  and  I  shall  therefore  address  the  reader  of  my  speech 
rather  than  the  hearer,  —  posterity  rather  than  the  House  of 
Representatives. 

"January  6.  —  The  first  business  in  order  this  day  was  my 
motion  to  reconsider  the  vote  on  the  Pacheco  bill.  I  went  to 
the  House  trembling  with  fear  of  failure.  My  health  was  poor. 
Mr.  Rockwell  of  Connecticut  appealed  to  me  to  postpone  the 
matter.  I  could  not  do  so  without  endangering  my  health,  and 
hence  I  proceeded  with  my  speech.  I  soon  saw  that  I  had  the 
ear  of  the  House.  Certain  slaveholders  and  some  doughfaces 
attempted  to  keep  up  conversation  and  laughter  for  a  while,  but 
I  soon  saw  the  deep-seated  feeling  that  worked  in  their  breasts. 
I  had  no  lack  of  words  or  of  thoughts,  and  the  appearance  of 
the  House  indicated  that  my  argument  told.  When  I  sat  down, 
I  felt  that  I  had  never  made  a  more  effective  speech.  .  .  .  Some 
friends  came  to  me  and  said  that  I  had  surpassed  all  expectation, 
and  had  undoubtedly  killed  the  bill.  Some  members  who  had 
not  spoken  to  me  for  weeks,  came  to  my  seat  and  congratulated 
me  on  my  effort.  The  slaveholders  looked  solemn  and  per 
plexed.  In  order  to  save  time  and  test  the  full  effect  of  my 
remarks,  I  withdrew  my  motion  to  reconsider,  and  took  the  vote 
on  the  passage  of  the  bill.  The  scene  that  followed  I  will  not 
attempt  to  describe,  but  leave  it  to  the  newspapers ;  but  when  I 
saw  the  Speaker  constrained  to  give  a  vote  on  the  bill,  —  the 
House  being  divided,  eighty-nine  to  ninety,  —  I  rejoiced  greatly, 
and  really  now  think  those  among  the  happiest  moments  of  my 
life.  .  .  .  At  evening  I  met  our  Free-Soil  friends  at  Dr.  Palfrey's. 
They  all  congratulated  me  upon  the  manner  in  which  I  had 
acquitted  myself,  and  were  united  in  the  opinion  that  it  had  been 
a  great  day  for  freedom." 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  26$ 

These  confidences  of  Giddings,  which  were  in 
tended  for  his  own  family,  are  quoted  because  they 
best  reveal  his  real  personality.  With  unreserved 
frankness  and  the  simplicity  of  a  child,  he  tells  the 
story  of  his  struggle  against  this  latest  attempt  to  na 
tionalize  slavery;  and  while  it  is  charmingly  flavored 
with  his  native  diffidence  and  his  growing  self-appre 
ciation,  every  sentence  bears  witness  to  his  supreme 
devotion  to  the  great  cause  which  he  believed  him 
self  commissioned  to  serve.  He  was  proud  of  his 
speech,  and  he  had  good  reason  to  be;  for  it  was  one 
of  the  best  and  most  effective  of  all  his  public  efforts. 
He  proved  by  citations  from  Madison,  Sherman,  and 
Gerry  that  the  idea  of  property  in  man  was  studi 
ously  and  by  common  consent  excluded  from  the  Con 
stitution  by  its  framers.  He  cited  the  authority  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  to  the  same 
effect.  He  reviewed  all  the  cases  that  had  been 
brought  before  Congress  from  the  beginning  of  the 
government  in  which  the  claim  of  property  in  man 
was  asserted,  and  showed  that  they  had  been  uni 
formly  rejected.  Assuming  for  the  sake  of  the  argu 
ment  that  the  slave  Louis  in  this  case  was  property 
under  the  Federal  Constitution,  he  showed  that  the 
Government  could  not  be  required  to  pay  for  him, 
because  his  master  hired  him  out  at  the  rate  of 
twenty-five  dollars  per  month,  and  the  bailment 
ended  with  his  capture  by  the  enemy.  He  showed 
that  when  General  Jessup  afterwards  took  him  as  a 
prisoner  of  war  and  sent  him  west  for  the  public 
safety,  the  liability  of  the  Government,  if  any  existed, 
ceased,  and  that  it  made  no  difference  whether  the 
act  of  General  Jessup  was  authorized  or  not.  He 
pointed  out  the  mockery  of  justice  as  well  as  law 
involved  in  the  claim  of  Pacheco  for  the  value  of  a 


266  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

slave  who  for  years  had  been  a  public  enemy,  and 
was  sent  out  of  the  country  for  the  protection  of  the 
claimant  himself,  in  common  with  other  citizens, 
against  his  outrages.  Finally,  he  showed  that  there 
was  nothing  to  hinder  Pacheco  from  pursuing  and 
retaking  Louis,  if  so  disposed,  and  that  that  was  his 
only  remedy. 

At  the  close  of  the  speech  of  Giddings  the  vote 
was  taken  on  the  passage  of  the  bill,  and  it  was  de 
feated  by  yeas  89,  nays  91.  The  slaveholding  mem 
bers  and  their  allies  were  disappointed  and  mortified 
by  this  result,  and  the  friends  of  freedom  greatly 
rejoiced.  A  motion  was  made,  however,  to  recon 
sider  the  vote,  and  after  searching  the  city,  one 
hundred  and  five  members  were  found  who  were 
persuaded  to  vote  for  the  bill,  while  only  ninety- 
five  opposed  it.  But  the  opposition  to  the  measure 
was  now  found  so  formidable  that  its  friends  never 
brought  it  before  the  Senate  for  action,  and  the 
claim  was  abandoned. 

During  this  winter  a  Senator  from  Ohio  was  to 
be  chosen,  and  Giddings  and  Chase  were  brought 
forward  by  their  particular  friends  as  candidates. 
Two  Free-Soil  members  of  the  Legislature  held  the 
balance  of  power  between  the  old  parties.  These  were 
Townsend,  a  representative  from  Lorain  County,  who 
had  been  a  Democrat,  and  Morse,  from  Lake  County, 
who  had  been  a  Whig.  It  was  thus  possible  to  elect 
either  of  the  candidates  by  a  coalition  with  one  or  the 
other  of  the  old  parties.  The  contest  was  a  pro 
tracted  and  exciting  one,  and  the  result  depended 
upon  skilful  leadership,  in  which  Chase  had  the  ad 
vantage,  being  on  the  ground.  The  relations  of  the 
candidates,  however,  continued  most  friendly,  as  their 
correspondence  during  the  struggle  shows ;  but  Chase 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   G  ID  DINGS.  267 

had  a  further  advantage.  He  had  not  been  identified 
with  the  strifes  of  the  old  parties,  while  Giddings 
had  to  face  the  furious  hostility  of  the  Whigs,  which 
he  had  incurred  by  deserting  them.  It  required  the 
vote  of  the  Free-Soil  members  and  all  the  Whigs  to 
elect  him,  as  the  Democrats  were  united  on  Chase. 
In  his  journal  of  January  24,  Giddings  writes,— 

"  By  the  mail  of  this  evening  I  received  several  letters  from 
Columbus  which  speak  cheerfully  of  my  prospects  for  the  Senate. 
One  from  Dr.  Townsend  gives  me  some  little  hope  of  election, 
for  which,  however,  I  do  not  feel  anxious,  as  I  think  I  can  do 
more  good  in  the  House,  where  I  have  established  an  influence, 
than  I  can  in  the  Senate,  where  I  should  meet  with  intellects  of 
a  higher  order, — men  of  nerve,  experience,  and  of  far  greater 
intelligence.  But  the  moral  effect  of  my  election  would  be  great, 
and  on  that  account  I  feel  a  desire  to  succeed  to  that  office." 

The  Whig  members  of  the  Legislature  from  Cuya- 
hoga  County  could  not  be  induced  to  vote  for  Gid 
dings  under  any  circumstances,  and  Chase  was  finally 
elected  by  a  coalition  with  the  Democrats.  On  the 
3d  of  February,  Giddings  wrote  in  his  journal,— 

"  In  the  '  Intelligencer '  of  this  morning  I  found  the  news  of 
Mr.  Chase's  election  to  the  Senate.  I  was  so  far  from  being 
mortified  at  this  result  that  I  may  truly  say  it  gave  me  pleasure. 
I  felt  that  it  would  probably  promote  the  cause  more  than  my 
own  elevation  to  that  office.  Mr.  Palfrey  seemed  to  feel  some 
degree  of  mortification,  and  expressed  regrets  at  my  failure. 
This  gave  me  more  pain  than  I  felt  at  the  defeat  of  my  election." 

The  triumph  of  Chase  was  very  distasteful  to  the 
Whigs  and  to  a  portion  of  the  Free  Soilers,  on  ac 
count  of  his  known  Democratic  sympathies,  and  ef 
forts  were  made  to  persuade  Giddings  that  Townsend 
and  Morse,  whose  votes  elected  Chase,  were  governed 
by  corrupt  influences.  Giddings  would  not  listen  to 
this.  He  wrote  to  Mr.  Sumner, — 

"  From  the  bitter  attacks  made  on  Messrs.  Morse  and  Town- 
send  for  their  support  of  Mr.  Chase,  you  may  suppose  I  am  dis- 


268  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

satisfied  with  them.  Such  is  not  the  case.  They  both  acted  by 
my  advice  in  that  election.  The  reasons  which  you  mention  had 
from  the  first  been  strongly  on  my  mind  in  favor  of  Mr.  Chase. 
I  felt  neither  mortification  nor  disappointment  at  his  success 
over  me.  On  the  contrary,  I  regarded  his  election  as  a  great 
victory.  Not  that  I  was  by  any  means  insensible  to  the  honor  of 
holding  a  seat  in  the  Senate;  nor  did  I  lightly  esteem  the  gratifi 
cation  which  I  might  have  derived  from  a  vindication  of  my 
course  ;  but  I  felt  forcibly  the  reasons  which  you  suggest,  and  I 
could  not  disguise  the  fact  that  his  election  would  carry  convic 
tion  to  the  doubting  portion  of  the  community  that  our  cause  was 
rapidly  advancing,  and  that  in  the  end  he  might  do  more  in  that 
body  than  I  could." 

During  this  session  twenty  Southern  members  of 
Congress  united  in  an  address  to  the  people  of  the 
South,  which  appeared  on  the  28th  of  January.  It 
was  prepared  by  Mr.  Calhoun,  and  it  complained  that 
the  people  of  the  Free  States  refused  to  assist  in  the 
re-capture  of  fugitive  slaves,  that  they  regarded  the 
institution  of  slavery  and  the  slave-trade  as  sinful, 
and  that  they  were  endeavoring  to  abolish  both  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  and  to  prohibit  the  latter 
as  carried  on  upon  our  Southern  coast.  Giddings 
thought  that  this  address  should  be  answered  by  a 
counter  address  from  an  equal  number  of  Northern 
members;  but  this  idea  was  not  favored,  nor  could  he 
persuade  any  Northern  member  that  any  reply  was 
called  for.  He  therefore  sought  the  floor  himself, 
and  on  the  i/th  of  February  proceeded  to  discuss  the 
several  complaints  mentioned,  and  to  re-state  in  differ 
ent  forms  his  well-known  views  on  the  relations  of  the 
Federal  Government  to  slavery.  He  believed  in  "  line 
upon  line,"  and  "precept  upon  precept."  He  had 
no  fear  of  superfluity  of  speech  on  the  great  question 
which  formed  the  burden  of  his  public  life;  and  while 
he  proposed  only  constitutional  methods  in  dealing 
with  the  unconstitutional  pretensions  of  slavery,  he 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  269 

felt  it  to  be  his  duty  to  meet  those  pretensions  just 
as  often  as  they  were  asserted  by  representative  men 
of  the  South. 

One  more  subject  demanded  the  attention  of  Gid- 
dings  near  the  close  of  this  session,  and  that  was  the 
question  of  admitting  California  and  New  Mexico  as 
Slave  States.  Charles  Francis  Adams,  in  a  letter  to 
Mr.  Palfrey,  had  warned  the  Free-Soil  members  that 
an  effort  would  probably  be  made,  at  the  close  of  the 
session,  to  secure  the  territorial  extension  of  slavery. 
When  this  attempt  was  made,  on  the  2d  of  March,  in 
the  form  of  a  clause  of  the  Civil  and  Diplomatic  Bill, 
Giddings  and  his  little  band  of  heroic  associates 
were  prepared  for  it,  and  resolved,  at  all  hazards,  to 
defeat  it. 

In  his  journal  of  this  date  he  wrote, — 

"  This  has  been  a  day  of  intense  anxiety.  At  the  assembling 
of  the  House  this  morning  I  was  told  that  the  President-elect 
had  been  electioneering  with  the  members  to  sustain  the  amend 
ment  of  the  Civil  and  Diplomatic  Bill,  which  in  effect  extends 
slavery  into  California.  Soon  after  the  House  was  called  to 
order,  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  reported  an  amend 
ment  to  the  Senate  amendment.  This  I  much  regretted,  as  it 
admitted  the  correctness  of  placing  this  important  measure  in  an 
appropriation  bill.  When  the  vote  was  taken  in  committee  of 
the  whole,  on  a  question  of  order,  I  obtained  a  decision  which 
strikes  out  the  Senate  amendment  entirely.  This  brought  down 
upon  me  the  censure  of  the  whole  Whig  party,  who  raised  the 
cry  that  I  had  defeated  the  whole  object  of  the  committee ;  but 
the  vote  of  the  House  showed  my  correctness.  We  rejected  the 
amendment  by  114  to  100.  It  was  a  trying  time,  and  but  one 
man  appeared  unmoved  amid  the  general  excitement,  and  that 
was  my  colleague,  Mr.  Root.  .  .  .  The  House  adjourned  at  twelve 
o'clock,  having  appointed  a  committee  of  conference  on  the  sub 
ject  of  a  government  for  California." 

On  the  3d  of  March  Giddings  continues, — 

"  When  we  met  this  morning,  we  learned  that  the  committee 
of  conference  had  failed  to  agree.  The  doubt  which  hung  over 
the  subject  became  painful.  Men  became  excited,  and  forgot 


270  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

other  business.  The  House  proceeded  in  the  ordinary  course  of 
legislation.  The  committee  of  conference  reported  their  dis 
agreement  at  about  three  o'clock  p.  M.  At  this  point  great 
excitement  was  manifested  in  all  parts  of  the  House.  The  gal 
leries  were  filled  to  suffocation,  and  every  part  of  the  hall  was 
crowded,  while  a  contest  ensued  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  a 
parliamentary  advantage.  The  House  receded  from  its  former 
amendment,  and  then  proceeded  to  amend  the  Senate's  amend 
ment,  by  providing  for  the  continuance  in  force  of  the  Mexican 
laws.  At  this  point  the  excitement  became  intense.  Several 
gentlemen  had  abandoned  their  former  position  and  voted  with 
the  South.  Southern  men  were  boisterous;  many  Northern  men 
were  so  excited  that  they  appeared  to  know  little  what  was  going 

on.  My  friend  Mr. of  Illinois  came  over  to  the  Whig 

side  of  the  House,  where  I  was  sitting,  and  told  me  that  if  vio 
lence  occurred  on  their  side  of  the  House,  I  must  not  forget  them, 
nor  leave  my  friends  there  to  suffer.  .  .  . 

"  The  vote  was  finally  taken,  and  an  amendment  to  the  Senate 
amendment  was  adopted.  By  it  the  laws  of  Mexico  were  to 
continue  in  force  until  July  4,  1850.  Under  this  state  of  things 
the  bill  was  returned  to  the  Senate.  The  Southern  men  ap 
peared  in  exceedingly  ill  humor,  and  about  two  o'clock  an  affray 
between  Mr.  Johnson  of  Arkansas  and  Mr.  Ficklin  of  Illinois 
occurred,  in  which  many  blows  were  exchanged  and  some  blood 
was  shed. 

"  I  then  visited  the  Senate  Chamber.  Several  members  of 
that  body  were  greatly  intoxicated,  —  too  much  to  appear  in 
public.  A  long  discussion  on  the  amendment  took  place,  which 
lasted  until  five  o'clock  on  Sunday,  March  4,  when  they  receded 
from  their  amendment,  and  the  bill  was  sent  to  the  President  for 
his  signature." 

The  plot  to  make  California  a  Slave  State  was  thus 
defeated,  while  the  exasperation  of  Southern  mem 
bers  showed  how  perfectly  they  realized  the  conse 
quences  of  their  failure. 

The  prohibition  of  slavery  in  our  national  Terri 
tories  was  the  overshadowing  question  which  con 
fronted  the  Thirty-first  Congress  when  it  assembled 
on  the  3d  day  of  December.  That  question  had  al 
ready  disorganized  and  defeated  the  Democratic 
party.  The  Whig  party,  although  it  had  elected 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  2/1 

General  Taylor,  was  also  seriously  divided  and  de 
moralized.  The  last  hopes  of  Mr.  Clay  and  his  wor 
shippers  had  perished  forever  in  the  nomination  of 
the  hero  of  the  Mexican  War  and  the  owner  of  two 
hundred  slaves ;  while  the  devotees  of  Mr.  Van  Buren 
had  found  their  coveted  revenge  in  the  defeat  of 
General  Cass.  Party  insubordination  quite  natu 
rally  led  to  formidable  party  coalitions,  which  still 
further  complicated  the  situation.  One  of  these,  as 
already  stated,  made  Salmon  P.  Chase  a  Senator  of 
the  United  States  from  Ohio,  as  John  P.  Hale  had 
been  chosen  from  New  Hampshire  some  time  be 
fore,  and  Charles  Sumner  came  in  a  little  later 
from  Massachusetts;  while  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  now  contained  nine  distinctively  anti- 
slavery  men,  chosen  from  different  States  by  kindred 
combinations,  who  had  renounced  their  allegiance 
to  the  old  parties,  and  held  the  balance  of  power  in 
that  body.  These  were  David  Wilmot  and  John  W. 
Howe  of  Pennsylvania,  Preston  King  of  New  York, 
Joseph  M.  Root  and  Joshua  R.  Giddings  of  Ohio, 
Charles  Allen  of  Massachusetts,  Charles  Durkee  of 
Wisconsin,  George  W.  Julian  of  Indiana,  and  Amos 
Tuck  of  New  Hampshire. 

The  little  party  of  three  in  the  preceding  Con 
gress  had  thus  grown  to  nine;  and  as  neither  of  the 
old  parties  was  strong  enough  to  organize  the  House 
without  their  votes,  the  slavery  question  had  to  be 
met  at  once,  and  in  a  new  and  peculiarly  aggravating 
form.  It  was  involved  in  the  election  of  a  Speaker; 
and  no  question  could  more  completely  have  pre 
sented  the  entire  controversy  between  the  Free  and 
Slave  States,  which  had  so  stirred  the  country  during 
the  previous  eighteen  months.  In  view  of  the  well- 
nigh  autocratic  power  of  the  Speaker  over  legislative 


2/2  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

measures,  these  Free  Sellers  could  not  vote  for  a 
candidate  who  was  not  known  to  be  trustworthy  on 
the  great  issue.  The  Democratic  candidate  was 
Howell  Cobb  of  Georgia,  and  of  course  they  could 
not  vote  for  him.  The  nominee  of  the  Whigs  was 
Robert  C.  Winthrop,  and  they  could  not  vote  for 
him,  because  Giddings,  Palfrey,  and  others  had 
shown  that  he  was  wholly  unreliable  in  facing  the 
rugged  issue  of  slavery.  They  therefore  united 
in  the  determination  to  vote  for  neither  of  these 
candidates. 

The  struggle  was  prolonged  till  the  22d  of  Decem 
ber,  when  Cobb  was  chosen  on  the  sixty-third  ballot. 
The  result  was  effected  by  adopting,  at  the  instiga 
tion  of  the  Whigs,  what  was  called  the  "plurality 
rule,"  the  operation  of  which  enabled  a  minority  to 
choose  the  Speaker.  The  Whigs,  when  they  entered 
upon  this  proceeding,  well  knew  that  the  Free  Soil- 
ers  were  willing  and  anxious  to  vote  for  Thaddeus 
Stevens  or  any  other  reliable  member  of  the  party, 
and  that  they  would  not  vote  for  Winthrop  under 
any  circumstances,  for  excellent  reasons,  which  they 
announced.  They  also  well  knew  that  without  Free- 
Soil  votes  Cobb  would  certainly  be  chosen  under 
their  plurality  rule;  and  yet  the  cry  was  raised 
by  the  Whigs  in  Congress  and  throughout  the 
Northern  States  that  the  Free  Soilers  had  elected 
a  slaveholder  Speaker  of  the  House.  For  a  time 
the  ridiculous  charge  made  some  impression  upon 
the  country;  but  the  masterly  refutation  of  it  by 
Giddings,  and  the  subsequent  career  of  Winthrop 
himself,  finally  and  entirely  vindicated  the  action 
of  the  men  whose  resolute  opposition  had  stood  in 
his  way. 

But  the  abuse  of  these  Free  Soilers  by  the  Whigs 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G ID  DINGS.  273 

was  not  confined  to  their  opposition  to  Winthrop. 
The  thirty-eighth  ballot  showed  that  William  J. 
Brown,  a  Democrat  from  Indiana,  had  received  109 
votes  out  of  226,  being  a  larger  vote  than  any  candi 
date  had  received.  Winthrop  thereupon  withdrew 
from  the  contest ;  and  during  the  evening  the  Free- 
Soil  members  learned  that  Mr.  Brown  was  ready  to 
pledge  himself  so  to  arrange  the  committees  as  to 
secure  reports  upon  petitions  concerning  slavery. 
They  had  constantly  assured  the  other  parties  that 
whenever  either  of  them  would  select  a  candidate 
pledged  to  arrange  the  committees  of  the  House  so 
as  to  secure  the  right  of  petition  they  would  vote  for 
him.  I  was  not  then  in  the  House,  being  detained 
at  home  by  sickness ;  but  if  I  had  been  present  I 
would  not  have  supported  him,  because  I  knew  him 
to  be  as  inflexibly  true  to  slavery  as  any  man  in  Con 
gress,  and  that  no  pledge  with  such  a  man  behind 
it  could  have  the  least  value.  The  other  Free-Soil 
members,  however,  with  the  exception  of  Mr.  Root, 
were  in  favor  of  giving  him  their  votes  if  he  would 
make  the  required  pledge,  and  Messrs.  Wilmot  and 
King  were  appointed  a  committee  to  wait  on  him 
and  obtain  such  pledge  in  writing.  Mr.  Brown 
replied  as  follows  :  — 

WASHINGTON  CITY,  Dec.  15,  1849. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  In  answer  to  yours  of  this  date  I  will  state  that 
should  I  be  elected  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives  I 
will  constitute  the  committees  on  the  District  of  Columbia,  on 
the  Territories,  and  on  the  Judiciary  in  such  manner  as  shall  be 
satisfactory  to  yourself  and  your  friends.  I  am  a  representative 
of  a  Free  State,  and  have  always  been  opposed  to  the  extension 
of  slavery,  and  believe  that  the  Federal  Government  should  be 
relieved  from  the  responsibility  for  slavery  where  they  have  the 
constitutional  power  to  abolish  it. 

W.  J.  BROWN. 
Hon.  DAVID  WILMOT. 

18 


2/4  THE  LIFE    OF  JOSHUA    R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

When  the  House  met  the  next  morning  there  was 
an  evident  uneasiness  among  the  Whigs,  and  as  the 
balloting  for  Speaker  was  resumed  and  the  name  of 
Charles  Allen  was  called,  who  answered  "William  J. 
Brown,"  a  sensation  was  caused,  which  was  renewed 
when  Charles  Durkee  made  the  same  response;  but 
when  the  letter  "  G  "  was  reached,  and  Joshua  R.  Gid- 
dings  responded  in  the  same  way,  the  interest  in  the 
contest  was  intensified,  and  the  Whigs  seemed  to  be 
greatly  astonished.  Southern  Democrats  were  not 
less  astonished,  and  several  of  them  changed  their 
votes  when  they  found  the  Free  Soilers  supporting 
Brown,  in  consequence  of  which  he  lacked  two  votes 
of  an  election.  The  novelty  of  the  situation  gave 
birth  to  the  suspicion  that  some  secret  arrangement 
had  been  made  between  Brown  and  the  Free-Soil 
members;  and  after  the  balloting,  while  Mr.  Bayly 
of  Virginia  was  on  the  floor,  Mr.  Ashmun  of  Mas 
sachusetts  asked  him  whether  a  secret  correspon 
dence  had  not  taken  place  between  some  member  of 
the  Free-Soil  party  and  Mr.  Brown,  by  which  the 
latter  had  agreed  to  constitute  the  committees  on 
the  Judiciary,  on  Territories,  and  on  the  District  of 
Columbia  in  a  manner  satisfactory  to  that  party. 
Mr.  Bayly  scouted  the  idea,  and  asked  Mr.  Ashmun 
what  authority  he  had  for  the  statement.  Ashmun 
replied,  "Common  rumor;"  to  which  Mr.  Bayly  re 
joined,  "  Does  not  the  gentleman  know  that  common 
rumor  is  a  common  liar?"  Turning  to  Brown,  he 
said,  "  Has  any  such  correspondence  taken  place  ? " 
Brown  shook  his  head,  and  Mr.  Bayly  became  more 
emphatic  than  ever  in  his  denial. 

But  the  fever  was  now  up,  and  Southern  members 
scented  treason.  Brown  found  himself  in  a  very  try 
ing  dilemma  with  his  Southern  friends,  while  the 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  2?$ 

Free  Soilers  who  had  supported  him  were  also  placed 
in  a  peculiar  predicament.  In  the  course  of  a  long 
and  exciting  debate  the  fact  of  the  correspondence 
between  Wilmot  and  Brown  was  finally  revealed, 
when  the  disappointment  and  rage  of  Southern  mem 
bers  compelled  Brown  to  withdraw  from  the  con 
test;  and  the  catastrophe  of  his  secret  manoeuvre 
was  so  unspeakably  humiliating  that  even  his  enemies 
pitied  him.  I  regretted  this  affair  most  sincerely; 
but  the  action  of  the  Free  Soilers  was  generally 
approved  by  anti-slavery  men.  On  the  22d  of  Decem 
ber,  the  Rev.  Joshua  Leavitt,  of  New  York,  wrote  to 
Giddings,  — 

"  I  must  snatch  a  minute  to  tell  you  that,  for  an  old  dog,  you 
hold  on  well.  Congress  screams  at  the  top  of  its  voice  in  the 
ears  of  the  nation  in  a  monotone  such  as  I  have  heard  when  the 
whole  population  of  our  streets  joins  in  the  cry  of  '  Fire  ! '  But 
the  cry  is  '  Slavery  !  Slavery  !  Slavery  ! '  No  chance  now  to  cry 
1  Loco-foco  ! '  or  '  Tariff ! '  or  '  Bank  !  '  or  '  Harbors  ! '  That  one 
word  fills  the  ear  of  the  nation,  and  there  is  no  power  to  change 
the  key,  or  stop  the  cry,  or  alter  the  word,  or  deceive  the 
people. 

"  I  rejoice  that  you  voted  for  Brown.  Not  that  he  is  a  fa 
vorite  of  mine,  as  you  know.  But  he  had  put  himself  plainly 
and  handsomely  in  the  position  which  we  demanded,  and  you 
were  right  in  meeting  him.  He  answered  your  questions  in  a 
handsome  manner;  and  you  voted  for  him,  as  the  papers  say, 
with  a  full  and  distinct  voice,  so  as  to  leave  no  mistake ;  and  I 
dare  say  you  did  just  so.  Now,  I  want  you  to  help  the  poor  fel 
low  a  little  ;  heap  some  coals  on  his  head,  to  make  him  think  of 
his  past  sins.  He  made  a  bad  blunder,  but  it  was  owing  to  his 
bringing  up.  His  mistake  consisted  in  supposing  that  it  was  just 
as  innocent  and  lawful  and  honorable  to  play  a  game  of  double- 
dealing  with  the  interests  of  slavery  as  has  always  been  played 
by  himself  and  others  with  those  of  freedom.  He  has  found  the 
difference  to  his  cost.  Slavery  is  too  sacred  to  be  thus  trifled 
with.  Will  the  grindstone  ever  cut  away  to  the  quick,  so  that 
our  Northern  Taylor  and  Cass  men  will  see  how  degradingly 
they  are  treated  by  their  slaveholding  confederates  ?  Turn 
away  at  the  crank ;  I  see  by  the  speeches  that  there  is  some 
sensibility." 


2/6  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

The  defeat  of  Mr.  Winthrop  was  a  great  disap 
pointment  to  the  Whigs,  and  they  charged  it  entirely 
to  the  Free-Soil  members,  and  dealt  with  it  as  an  un 
pardonable  sin.  They  had  evidently  hoped  to  drive 
them  back  to  their  party  allegiance  by  forcing  upon 
them  the  alternative  of  choosing  between  a  slave 
holder  and  the  Whig  candidate;  and  when  this  hope 
failed,  the  abuse  of  these  "disorganizes "  by  the 
Whig  Press  of  the  Northern  States  was  rancorous  and 
unmeasured.  Giddings  felt  it  to  be  his  duty  to 
defend  himself  and  his  associates,  and  to  this  end 
he  obtained  the  floor  on  the  27th  of  December.  He 
reminded  the  Whigs  that  they  were  in  a  minority  in 
the  House,  and  that  without  the  aid  of  Free-Soil 
votes  they  could  not  have  elected  Winthrop ;  that  if 
the  Free  Soilers  had  disbanded  and  voted  according 
to  their  former  party  affiliations,  Cobb  would  still 
have  been  chosen;  that  as  the  parties  were  divided, 
however,  he  could  not  have  been  elected  without 
Whig  votes ;  that  the  plurality  rule,  fathered  by  the 
Whigs,  providing  that  after  three  ineffectual  ballot- 
ings  the  candidate  having  the  highest  vote  on  the  fol 
lowing  ballot  would  be  declared  Speaker,  opened  the 
way  for  the  election  of  Cobb,  which  was  accomplished 
by  the  passage  of  a  resolution  to  that  effect,  in  which 
the  great  body  of  Whigs  and  Democrats  united ;  and 
that  to  prevent  the  choice  of  a  Speaker  who  would 
fairly  represent  the  sentiment  of  the  Free  States, 
both  the  old  parties  thus  joined  hands  as  the  ser 
vants  of  the  slave-interest.  In  the  course  of  his 
speech  he  was  interrupted  by  Schenck  and  Vinton  of 
Ohio,  by  Rockwell,  Winthrop,  and  Ashmun  of  Mas 
sachusetts,  and  others,  and  a  running  debate  followed 
which  compelled  him  to  re-open  his  old  controversy 
with  Winthrop,  and  justify  his  action  respecting  the 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA  R.    G ID  DINGS.  277 

Speakership  in  the  preceding  Congress.  In  speak 
ing  of  the  influence  of  General  Taylor's  Administra 
tion  over  the  Whigs  of  the  Free  States  as  shown  in 
the  formation,  of  the  committees  of  the  House  in  the 
last  Congress,  and  the  action  of  members  on  Mr. 
Gott's  resolution  against  the  slave-trade  in  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia,  Giddings  said,  - 

"  I  will  not  say  that  the  gentlemen  voted  to  uphold  that  traffic 
under  the  promise  or  expectation  of  reward  ;  I  have  not  the 
record  evidence  on  which  to  base  the  assertion.  Yet  one  of 
those  gentlemen  who  voted  thus  to  protect  the  slave-trade  [Mr. 
Smith  of  Connecticut],  received  the  offer  of  a  seat  in  the  Cabi 
net,  but  for  some  reason  did  not  accept  it;  another  [Mr.  Preston 
of  Virginia]  is  now  a  cabinet  officer ;  another  [Mr.  Collamer  of 
Vermont],  who  did  not  vote  at  that  time  either  for  or  against  the 
slave-trade,  also  holds  a  seat  in  the  Executive  Cabinet ;  another 
[Mr.  Barringer  of  North  Carolina]  represents  this  nation  at  the 
court  of  Madrid;  another  [Mr.  Marsh  of  Vermont]  is  our  Min 
ister  to  the  Grand  Sultan  of  Turkey;  another  [Mr.  Caleb  Smith 
of  Indiana]  is  Commissioner  of  Mexican  Claims  ;  another  [Mr. 
Alexander  Irvin]  is  Marshal  of  the  Western  District  of  Pennsyl 
vania;  another  [Mr.  Edwards  of  Ohio]  is  a  General  Superintendent 
or  Examiner  of  Hospitals  in  the  United  States  ;  and  the  son-in-law 
of  another  [Mr.  Vinton  of  Ohio]  is  Chief  Clerk  in  the  Depart 
ment  of  the  Interior.  I  repeat  that  I  cannot  say  these  offices 
were  conferred  as  rewards  for  the  votes  given  on  the  occasion 
referred  to ;  but  it  is  a  remarkable  coincidence  that  not  one  of 
those  gentlemen  who  opposed  the  slave-trade  on  that  important 
vote  has,  so  far  as  my  information  extends,  received  any  favor 
whatever  from  the  Executive." 

This  speech  was  very  timely  and  telling.  There 
was  a  sting  in  it,  but  it  was  called  for  by  the  relent 
less  and  savage  attacks  of  his  Whig  assailants  through 
out  the  Northern  States,  who  were  made  to  feel  the 
weight  of  his  sturdy  and  well-directed  blows.  Re 
specting  this  effort,  Mr.  Sumner  wrote  him, — 

"  I  ought  sooner  to  have  thanked  you  for  the  satisfaction  I 
have  derived  from  your  speech.  Like  everything  from  you,  it  is 
solid  in  matter,  and  in  style  also.  It  is  a  contribution  of  real 
value  to  our  cause.  Your  vote  against  Winthrop  is  completely 


2/8  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   K,    G  ID  DINGS. 

vindicated.  Your  explanation  with  regard  to  the  Territorial 
Committee  shows  the  lukewarmness  of  that  committee.  The  con 
duct  on  Gott's  resolution  is  admirably  exposed,  and  Winthrop's 
management  of  the  District  of  Columbia  Committee  also.  .  .  . 

"  I  cannot  close  this  letter  without  expressing  my  indignation 
at  the  manner  in  which  you  have  been  pursued  by  the  Whig 
Press.  I  cannot  disguise  the  expression  of  the  deep  regard  and 
reverence  with  which  your  unselfish  devotion  to  high  principles 
has  filled  me." 

Charles  F.  Adams,  in  a  letter  dated  Jan.  27,  1850, 
wrote, — 

"  I  have  to  acknowledge  the  reception  of  a  copy  of  your 
speech,  which  I  had  already  read  in  the  '  Republican  '  with  great 
satisfaction.  If  your  vote  for  Speaker  needed  any  justification 
from  the  history  of  the  past,  I  think  you  have  supplied  it.  What 
they  may  have  wanted  from  the  futurity  of  the  Whig  party  has 
already  come,  in  part,  from  the  message  of  General  Taylor.  To 
my  mind  it  is  clear  as  demonstration  that  nobody  is  entitled  to 
the  name  of  leader  of  that  party  so  fully  as  General  Cass,  inas 
much  as  he  supplies  all  of  the  position  on  the  most  difficult 
public  questions  which  it  pretends  to  take.  If  non-intervention 
be  indeed  the  right  doctrine,  surely  he  can  prove  the  fact  of  prior 
discovery. 

"  Of  course  we  look  to  you  as  one  of  the  veterans  who  teach 
the  youthful  soldiers  how  to  stand  fire.  Much  may  be  done  by 
you  in  the  course  of  the  present  session  to  mark  the  backward 
course  of  those  from  whom  we  ought  to  expect  better  things. 
Nowhere  is  a  worse  influence  at  work  than  here.  We  shall  do 
what  we  can  to  counteract  it,  but  we  shall  need  all  the  aid  that 
an  exposure  of  facts  at  the  seat  of  government  can  give  us. 
Pray  let  us  have  it  whenever  you  can." 

The  indignation  of  Mr.  Sumner  at  the  course  of 
the  Whig  Press  did  him  honor.  Its  tide  of  personal 
abuse  and  political  defamation  had  now  reached  its 
flood.  Two  years  before,  when  Giddings  refused  to 
support  Winthrop  for  Speaker,  the  party  lash  was 
applied  unsparingly  as  a  means  of  discipline;  he, 
however,  was  now  no  longer  a  Whig,  but  branded  as  a 
deserter,  and  the  party  Press  pursued  him  with  the 
ferocity  of  a  sleuth-hound.  No  one  can  ever  know 


THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  279 

what  it  cost  him  to  withstand  his  foes  in  this  crisis. 
He  was  a  good  fighter.  There  was  not  a  drop  of  the 
coward's  blood  in  his  veins.  When  the  interests  of 
freedom  were  involved,  he  would  allow  nothing  to 
stand  in  his  way.  But  it  would  be  a  great  mistake 
to  suppose  that  he  enjoyed  the  fierce  turmoil  of  his 
public  life.  His  disposition  was  not  combative.  His 
nature  was  sensitive,  and  he  felt  keenly  the  cruel  as 
saults  of  his  old  friends.  He  loved  the  approbation 
of  his  fellow-men,  and  deeply  deplored  the  course  of 
events  which  made  his  life  a  continuing  battle.  This 
will  be  seen  in  the  following  private  letter  to  his 
friend  Henry  Fassett,  dated  Jan.  5,  1850:- 

"  I  do  not  think  there  has  ever  been  such  an  extensive  plan 
concerted  and  put  in  action  to  crush  a  poor  individual  in  this 
government  as  that  brought  to  operate  upon  your  humble  servant. 
You  may  think  this  rather  blowing  myself  into  importance,  but 
I  speak  it  to  a  friend,  — to  one  who  I  am  sure  sympathizes  with 
me.  I  would  not  say  it  to  the  public,  nor  am  I  permitted  in  any 
way  to  complain  or  ask  for  sympathy.  No,  I  have  but  one 
course ;  and  that  is,  to  stand  up,  to  face  my  enemies,  to  meet 
them  in  open  combat,  to  trust  to  truth  and  the  power  of  our 
cause  to  bear  me  through  the  calumnies,  the  vituperation  and 
detraction  with  which  I  am  assailed.  No  human  being  here 
seems  to  suspect  that  I  feel  these  attacks.  They  coolly  compli 
ment  me  on  my  tact,  my  boldness,  my  independence,  etc.,  and 
laugh  about  the  assaults  making  upon  me  through  the  entire 
Whig  Press,  from  the  'National  Intelligencer'  and  'Republic' 
down  to  the  '  Telegraph  '  and  '  Reporter.' 

"  But,  sir,  I  sigh  and  long  for  peaceful  retirement,  for  the  quiet 
of  domestic  life,  —  to  step  aside  and  leave  the  stage  for  younger 
and  more  able  managers.  Twelve  years  of  turmoil,  strife,  and 
bitter  persecution  have  prepared  my  mind  for  rest  and  repose  ; 
but  the  difficulty  is,  and  long  has  been,  for  me  to  retreat  under 
the  hot  fire  of  my  enemies." 

It  was  during  this  session  that  the  charge  was 
made  against  him  —  undoubtedly  inspired  by  party 
animosity  —  that  he  had  purloined  papers  from  the 
General  Post-Office.  It  was  published  simultane- 


2  SO  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

ously  in  the  leading  Whig  papers  of  Cleveland, 
Philadelphia,  New  York,  and  Boston,  and  was  first 
brought  to  the  notice  of  Giddings  in  this  way.  He 
promptly  demanded  an  investigation;  but  such  was 
the  feeling  of  the  House  that  a  committee  to  inquire 
into  the  case  was  refused.  One  of  the  Assistant 
Postmasters-General,  being  a  Whig,  sent  to  the 
House  a  reiteration  of  the  charge,  to  which  Gid 
dings  promptly  responded  that  that  officer  was  guilty 
of  falsehood  and  a  violation  of  official  duty,  and  that 
he  pledged  himself  to  show  those  facts  if  the  House 
would  grant  a  committee.  The  Speaker,  a  slave 
holder,  thereupon  appointed  a  committee,  composed 
of  members  neither  personally  nor  politically  friendly 
to  Giddings.  The  first  witness  examined  was  the  As 
sistant  Postmaster-General,  who  had  reiterated  the 
charges;  but  after  a  cross-examination  he  asked  the 
committee  to  place  on  their  journal  the  fact  that  he 
then  withdrew  all  imputation  against  the  accused. 
To  this  Giddings  responded  that  the  charge  had  been 
made,  and  could  not  be  recalled,  and  that  he  there 
fore  desired  to  disprove  every  circumstance  alleged. 
The  committee  consented  to  this,  sent  to  Ohio  and 
Boston  for  witnesses,  and  having  taken  the  testi 
mony,  reported  the  charges  to  have  been  made  with 
out  any  foundation  in  truth;  and  this  attempt  to 
destroy  his  reputation  recoiled  with  effect  upon  the 
party  it  was  intended  to  serve. 

Probably  no  member  of  either  branch  of  this  Con 
gress  displayed  more  activity  and  zeal  in  the  public 
service  than  did  Giddings.  Respecting  the  great 
question  which  had  so  long  and  so  completely  en 
grossed  his  public  life  he  was  never  idle,  and  his 
vigilance  was  never  intermitted.  On  the  2ist  of 
February,  Winthrop  addressed  the  House  at  length 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOSHUA   R.   GID DINGS.  281 

in  an  elaborate  defence  of  himself  against  the  attacks 
of  Giddings,  Palfrey,  Root,  and  their  political  asso 
ciates.  It  was  an  eloquent  outpouring  of  the  hoarded 
animosity  of  years,  but  not  a  vindication  of  his 
course;  for  vituperation  is  not  argument,  however 
embellished  by  the  graces  of  rhetoric.  He  devoted 
a  liberal  portion  of  this  speech  to  the  subject  of  his 
controversy  with  Giddings,  and  was  exceedingly  per 
sonal.  On  the  1 8th  of  March  the  latter  replied;  and 
although  his  speech  was  brief,  it  was  a  sufficient  re 
sponse  to  the  attack.  He  reiterated  his  former 
charges,  and  reproduced  his  proofs;  and  he  again 
fortified  them  by  referring  to  the  actual  character 
and  performances  of  the  committees  appointed  by 
Winthrop,  and  his  open  abandonment  of  the  policy 
of  the  Wilmot  Proviso. 

On  the  same  day  Giddings  addressed  the  House 
on  the  President's  message  transmitting  the  Con 
stitution  of  California.  His  speech  was  in  reply  to 
Mr.  Toombs  of  Georgia,  who  on  the  2/th  of  Febru 
ary  had  argued  that  under  the  compromises  of  the 
Constitution  "we  are  bound  to  maintain  the  domin 
ion  of  the  slaveholder  over  his  slave  with  our 
blood,  and  to  carry  slavery  wherever  our  flag  floats." 
The  speech  of  Giddings  was  a  careful  review  of 
the  positions  of  Toombs,  and  clearly  exposed  their 
fallacy. 

On  the  1 2th  of  August  Mr.  Giddings  spoke  on  the 
Texas  Boundary  Bill,  and  the  change  of  policy  which 
followed  the  death  of  General  Taylor  and  the  ap 
pointment  of  Mr.  Webster  as  Secretary  of  State.  He 
showed  that  the  passage  of  this  bill  was  accomplished 
by  trampling  under  foot  the  well-settled  principles 
of  parliamentary  law;  that  the  payment  by  the  Gov 
ernment  of  ten  million  dollars  to  Texas  for  territory 


282  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G1D DINGS. 

which  she  never  owned  was  a  naked  and  monstrous 
robbery  of  the  national  treasury  ;  and  that  the 
measure  was  carried  by  the  bluster  of  Texas  slave 
holders  and  the  bribery  of  Northern  members  of 
Congress.  It  was  in  this  speech  that  he  took  occa 
sion  to  define  his  position  respecting  the  right  of 
secession.  "I  would  not,"  said  he,  "compel  them 
[the  Slave  States]  to  remain  with  us  by  force  of 
arms.  I  do  not  believe  in  a  government  of  bayo 
nets  and  of  gunpowder,  in  this  age  of  the  world. 
The  people  of  each  State  must  govern  themselves; 
or  if  they  see  fit  to  leave  the  Union,  I  would  say, 
*  Go  in  peace,  and  may  the  blessing  of  God  rest 
upon  you. '  '  He  was  not  alone  in  this  opinion,  and 
ten  years  later,  when  the  slaveholding  States  se 
ceded  from  the  Union,  and  asserted  their  right  to 
do  so  by  arms,  men  no  less  famous  than  Winfield 
Scott  and  Horace  Greeley  were  in  favor  of  letting  the 
"wayward  sisters"  go  in  peace.  It  is  perhaps  need 
less  to  add  that  Giddings  then  changed  his  opinion, 
and  assisted  one  of  his  own  sons  in  organizing  a 
regiment  which  rendered  distinguished  service  in 
the  war  for  the  Union. 

During  the  summer  of  this  year,  Giddings  was  urged 
by  leading  philanthropists  and  reformers  on  both 
sides  of  the  Atlantic  to  attend  the  Peace  Congress 
which  was  to  assemble  at  Frankfort-on-the-Main  in 
the  following  autumn.  They  offered  to  pay  the  ex 
pense  of  his  journey,  in  order  to  secure  the  presence 
of  so  distinguished  a  representative  of  his  country  in 
this  World's  Parliament  of  Peace.  Mr.  Sumner  was 
particularly  desirous  that  he  should  go,  while  Elihu 
Burritt,  in  a  letter  from  Germany,  begged  him  to 
come,  and  to  accept  the  office  of  Vice-President  of 
the  Congress.  Although  Giddings  was  a  well-known 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  283 

advocate  of  peace  and  of  the  policy  of  international 
arbitration,  and  was  most  anxious  to  attend  this  gath 
ering,  yet  in  view  of  the  great  questions  then  pend 
ing  in  Congress  which  demanded  his  presence,  he 
reluctantly  abandoned  the  project. 

Giddings  again  addressed  the  House,  on  the  Qth  of 
December,  on  the  President's  annual  message,  ex 
posing  the  apostasy  of  Mr.  Fillmore  from  his  anti- 
slavery  faith,  and  denouncing  and  defying  the  new 
Fugitive  Slave  Law. 

On  the  26th  of  February,  1851,  Giddings  spoke  at 
length  on  "  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question. "  He 
exposed  the  systematic  efforts  of  Whigs  and  Demo 
crats  to  make  the  compromise  measures  a  "finality," 
by  suppressing  all  discussion  of  this  question.  He 
replied  sharply  to  the  speech  of  Mr.  Clay  in  the 
Senate,  in  which  he  denounced  the  mob  of  colored 
men  in  Boston  who  had  defeated  the  execution  of 
the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  in  the  case  of  the  slave 
Shadrach.  He  defended  the  action  of  Charles  Allen 
of  Massachusetts  in  charging  Mr.  Webster  with  hav 
ing  accepted  office  under  the  promise  of  pecuniary 
assistance  from  financial  men  in  New  York  and 
Boston,  while  he  defended  his  Free-Soil  friends 
against  the  assaults  of  Mr.  Ashmun  of  Massachu 
setts  and  Mr.  Levin  of  Pennsylvania;  and  he  op 
posed  the  increase  of  our  army  for  what  he  declared 
to  be  the  manifest  purpose  of  enforcing  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Law,  which  he  again  denounced  as  unconstitu 
tional  and  disgraceful  to  the  nation. 

The  Thirty-first  Congress  was  remarkable  for  the 
eminent  men  who  shared  in  its  labors.  In  the  Senate 
the  great  triumvirate  of  Calhoun,  Clay,  and  Webster 
appeared  for  the  last  time.  Associated  with  them 
were  Benton,  Cass,  Douglas,  Seward,  Chase,  Bell, 


284  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

Hale,  Ewing,  Corwin,  and  Jefferson  Davis.  In  the 
House  were  Thaddeus  Stevens,  Winthrop,  McDowell, 
Alexander  H.  Stephens,  Ashmun,  Giddings,  Schenck, 
and  others  equally  well  known. 

But  this  Congress  was  still  more  remarkable  for 
its  work.  It  abandoned  the  early  policy  of  the  gov 
ernment,  which  protected  our  Territories  from  sla 
very  by  positive  prohibition,  and  provided  that  new 
States  might  be  admitted  from  our  Mexican  acquisi 
tions  either  with  or  without  slavery,  as  their  people 
might  determine.  This  implied  condemnation  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise  line  as  a  violation  of  the 
principle  of  "  popular  sovereignty  "  was  sure  to  breed 
the  mischief  which  followed  four  years  later.  The 
Texas  Boundary  Bill,  in  recognizing  the  right  of 
Texas  to  a  vast  territory  which  did  not  belong  to 
her,  and  paying  her  millions  of  dollars  therefor,  was 
a  fit  companion-piece  to  the  surrender  of  the  Wilmot 
Proviso.  But  the  new  Fugitive  Slave  Law  was  still 
more  atrocious;  for  it  made  the  ex-partey  interested 
oath  of  the  slave-hunter  final  and  conclusive  evidence 
of  the  fact  of  escape  and  of  the  identity  of  the  party 
pursued,  while  the  simplest  duties  of  humanity  were 
punishable  as  felonies. 

These  several  enactments  were  called  a  "compro 
mise  "  and  "final  settlement  "  of  the  slavery  question, 
and  they  constitute  one  of  the  great  land-marks  in 
the  history  of  slaveholding  aggression.  The  par 
ties  which  joined  hands  in  this  shameless  surrender 
to  slavery  were  not  content  with  their  triumph. 
They  did  their  best  to  silence  the  further  agitation 
of  the  question;  and  in  this  mad  attempt  to  gag  the 
people  they  were  aided  by  the  Press  and  by  powerful 
ecclesiastical  backing.  Giddings  and  his  associates 
were  anathematized  as  pestilent  fanatics  and  distur- 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA  R.    G  ID  DINGS,  285 

bers  of  the  peace.  They  were  placed  under  the  ban 
of  social  excommunication,  and  dealt  with  as  "out 
side  of  any  healthy  political  organization."  Their 
position  was  offensive,  because  it  rebuked  the  recre 
ancy  of  famous  men  in  Church  and  State,  and  men 
aced  their  ascendancy.  But  they  had  the  courage  of 
their  opinions,  and  the  satisfaction  which  accom 
panies  manliness  of  character.  Nor  were  they  en 
tirely  exiled  from  society;  for  they  were  solaced  by 
delightful  gatherings,  which  met  weekly  at  the  resi 
dence  of  Dr.  Bailey,  where  they  met  reformers,  phi 
lanthropists,  and  literary  notables.  Of  the-Free  Soil 
leaders  of  1848  one  only  remains.  Their  names,  so 
familiar  to  the  public  in  their  day,  are  now  seldom 
mentioned;  but  what  they  wrought  endures.  The 
question  which  so  stirred  their  blood  and  kindled 
the  wrath  of  their  opponents  is  now  lifted  out  of 
the  tangle  and  jargon  of  debate  into  the  clear  light 
of  accomplished  facts.  History  will  take  care  of 
their  memory;  while  the  political  graves  of  recreant 
statesmen  are  eloquent  with  warnings  against  their 
mistakes. 


CHAPTER  X. 

MARCH,  1851,  TO  MARCH,  1855. 

Effect  of  the  Compromise  Measures.  —  Meeting  of  the  Thirty-second 
Congress.  —  Agitation  to  prevent  Agitation.  —  Encounter  with  Stan 
ley.  —  The  Welcome  of  Louis  Kossuth.  —  Death  of  Mr.  Clay. 

Slave  Claim  of  Watson.  —  Speech  on  the  Compromise  Measures. 
—  Presidential  Nominations  of  1852.  —  The  Second  Session  of  the 
Thirty-second  Congress.  —  Claim  of  William  Hazzard  Wigg.  — 
Meeting  of  the  Thirty-third  Congress.  —  The  "  Amistad  "  Case. — 
Repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  —  The  Case  of  the  "Black 
Warrior."  —  Second  Session  of  the  Thirty-third  Congress. 

THE  passage  of  the  compromise  measures  of  1850 
was  followed  by  vigorous  efforts  of  both  Whigs 
and  Democrats  to  suppress  the  further  discussion  of 
the  slavery  question.  Great  meetings  were  held  in 
Philadelphia,  New  York,  Boston,  and  other  cities, 
which  pledged  themselves  to  discountenance  anti- 
slavery  agitation;  and  these  efforts  were  seconded  by 
leading  clergymen  and  doctors  of  divinity,  whose 
sermons  were  plentifully  scattered  over  the  land. 
The  power  of  the  Press  was  put  forth  in  the  same 
service,  while  the  Executive  and  Judicial  depart 
ments  of  the  government  insisted  that  resistance  to 
the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  was  a  "  levying  of  war  against 
the  United  States."  It  was  a  wonderful  reaction 
against  the  anti-slavery  tide  of  1848,  and  seemed  to 
promise  the  complete  re-establishment  of  the  time- 
honored  rule  of  the  slaveocracy. 

But    these    appearances    were    misleading.       The 
growth  of  anti-slavery  opinion  was  promoted  by  the 


THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  287 

extraordinary  schemes  employed  to  suppress  it,  and 
anti-slavery  men  were  therefore  encouraged.  The 
election  of  Sumner  as  a  Senator  from  Massachusetts 
inspired  the  friends  of  freedom  everywhere  with  fresh 
courage.  This  was  accompanied  by  important  Free- 
Soil  accessions  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 
Another  sign  of  promise  was  the  election  of  Ben 
jamin  F.  Wade  to  the  United  States  Senate  from 
Ohio.  He  was  a  new  and  formidable  accession  from 
the  Whig  party,  and  a  fellow-townsman  of  Giddings, 
who  on  the  i/th  of  March,  1852,  wrote  Sumner,  — 

"  Our  Free  Soilers  took  up  Mr.  Wade  as  their  candidate  for 
Senator,  believing  him  to  be  perfectly  reliable.  I  think  I  know 
the  man.  He  read  law  with  me,  was  a  partner  in  business  eight 
years,  residing  in  my  family  most  of  that  time,  and  has  since 
lived  in  our  little  village.  He  is  a  man  of  talents,  a  very  power 
ful  declaimer,  and  a  hater  of  slavery.  He  was  among  the  earliest 
Abolitionists  of  our  State,  and  took  bold  ground  in  our  Senate  in 
1838.  He  was  defeated  in  1839  on  account  of  his  abolitionism, 
but  succeeded  in  1850. 

"  He  was  ambitious.  I  stood  in  his  way,  and  in  1848  he  went 
for  Taylor  and  opposed  the  Free  Soilers.  When,  in  March  of 
last  year,  Mr.  Webster  made  his  servile  speech,  Mr.  Wade  de 
nounced  both  him  and  the  speech  ;  and  when  he  was  appointed 
Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Wade  denounced  the  Administration  in 
the  most  scathing  language,  and  has  continued  to  do  so  up  to 
this  time.  It  was  this  bold  position  which  he  has  thus  main 
tained  for  the  last  six  months  that  induced  our  Free  Soilers  to 
go  for  him.  I  take  this  early  opportunity  of  giving  you  his 
character." 

The  opening  of  the  Thirty-second  Congress,  in 
December,  1851,  was  signalized  by  the  rivalry  of 
Whigs  and  Democrats  in  their  zeal  for  the  compro 
mise  measures.  A  regular  system  of  agitation  to 
prevent  agitation  was  inaugurated,  and  the  awkward 
ness  of  this  performance  by  the  men  who  trium 
phantly  claimed  to  have  made  a  "final  settlement" 
of  the  slavery  question  was  effectively  exposed  and 


288  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

ridiculed  by  Mr.  Hale  in  the  Senate.  Senator  Jones 
of  Iowa  presented  resolutions  of  the  Legislature  of 
that  State  laudatory  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law, 
and  referred  to  it  as  wise,  just,  and  in  all  respects 
proper.  Mr.  Jackson  of  Georgia  offered  resolutions 
declaring  the  compromise  measures  of  the  Thirty- 
first  Congress,  including  the  Fugitive  Slave  Act,  to 
be  just,  constitutional,  and  obligatory  upon  all  the 
States  and  upon  the  citizens  of  each  State.  Sena 
tor  Miller  of  New  Jersey  presented  resolutions  of 
the  Legislature  of  his  State,  similar  to  those  pre 
sented  from  the  State  of  Iowa;  and  Senator  Foote 
of  Mississippi  presented  resolutions  of  the  same 
character  from  his  State.  In  the  mean  time  the 
business  of  the  House  had  been  so  ordered  that  the 
customary  discussion  of  public  questions  in  com 
mittee  of  the  whole  on  the  President's  message  was 
suppressed.  This  was  done  to  prevent  anti-slavery 
speeches,  while  the  champions  of  the  compromise 
measures  were  heard  in  the  way  of  these  laudatory 
resolutions  of  State  Legislatures.  Giddings  com 
plained  of  this.  If  the  agitation  of  the  slavery 
question  was  to  be  continued,  he  desired  to  share  in 
it.  Accordingly,  when  the  resolutions  from  New 
Jersey  were  reported,  on  the  nth  of  February,  1852, 
having  obtained  the  floor  on  the  motion  to  print,  he 
expressed  his  opinions  with  his  customary  frankness 
and  force.  After  referring  to  the  slave-trade  and 
slave-prisons  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  which  were 
sustained  by  the  laws  of  Congress,  and  the  coast 
wise  slave-trade  carried  on  under  the  flag  of  the 
United  States,  he  addressed  himself  to  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Law.  He  said,  — 

"  The  State  of  New  Jersey,  by  her  Legislature,  may  proclaim 
that  it  is  our  duty  to  take  upon  ourselves  the  appointment  of 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   G  ID  DINGS.  289 

officers  to  run  after  and  seize  your  slaves  for  you,  but  I  deny 
that  position  altogether.  We  have  no  constitutional  authority 
thus  to  degrade  Northern  men.  Let  me  say  to  Southern  men : 
It  is  your  privilege  to  catch  your  own  slaves,  if  any  one  catches 
them.  It  is  not  our  duty  to  play  the  bloodhound  for  you;  it  is 
your  duty  to  meet  the  expense  of  it,  and  not  ours.  We  tax  our 
constituents,  our  laboring-men,  to  defray  the  expense  of  chasing 
down  and  securing  your  fugitives.  Catch  them  yourselves,  —  you 
have  a  constitutional  right  to  do  it ;  but  we  will  not  turn  out  and 
play  the  bloodhound  for  you.  When  you  ask  us  to  pay  the  ex 
pense  of  arresting  your  slaves,  or  to  give  the  President  authority 
to  appoint  officers  to  do  that  dirty  work,  give  them  power  to  com 
pel  our  people  to  give  chase  to  the  panting  bondman,  you  over 
step  the  bounds  of  the  Constitution  ;  and  there  we  meet  you,  and 
there  we  stand,  and  there  we  shall  remain.  We  shall  protest 
against  such  indignity ;  we  shall  proclaim  our  abhorrence  of  such 
a  law.  Nor  can  you  seal  or  silence  our  voices." 

This  open  defiance  of  the  attempt  of  the  slaveoc- 
racy  and  its  Northern  allies  to  suppress  anti-slavery 
agitation  provoked  a  reply  which  had  no  precedent 
in  the  debates  of  Congress.  The  slaveholders  were 
quite  willing  to  talk  about  their  "final  settlement" 
of  the  slavery  question,  and  the  duty  of  good  citi 
zens  to  abide  by  it ;  but  this  display  of  the  freedom 
of  speech  was  intolerable.  The  reply  to  Giddings 
came  from  Mr.  Stanly  of  North  Carolina,  and  it 
was  a  surprise  both  to  Congress  and  the  country. 
As  a  Southern  Whig  he  had  won  quite  a  reputation 
for  ability,  fair-mindedness,  and  moderation  of  opin 
ion.  He  was  regarded  as  liberal,  manly,  and  chiv- 
alric,  and  had  never  been  understood  as  belonging  to 
the  type  of  men  who  had  been  put  forward  on  pre 
vious  occasions  to  assail  anti-slavery  members;  but 
he  now  appeared  in  a  new  role.  He  tried  his  hand 
in  the  arts  of  ribaldry  and  billingsgate,  and  was  emi 
nently  successful.  What  he  said  is  unfit  to  be  quoted 
or  printed ;  but  whoever  will  read  it  in  the  "  Con 
gressional  Globe"  must  be  convinced  that  he  was 


2 QO  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

chosen  for  this  particular  service  by  the  leaders  of 
the  slaveocracy.  He  was  their  mouthpiece ;  for  Gid- 
dings  had  not  assailed  him,  nor  even  alluded  to  him 
in  any  way.  He  poured  forth  his  tirade  without  any 
personal  provocation.  The  sole  offence  of  Giddings 
was  the  expression  of  his  opposition  to  the  compro 
mise  measures ;  but  it  so  stung  the  champions  of  these 
measures  that  they  determined  upon  this  method  of 
chastisement. 

The  pro-slavery  Press  and  politicians  of  the  North 
ern  States  were  delighted  with  Stanly's  exhibition  of 
himself.  The  "  New  York  Tribune, "  strangely  enough, 
condemned  both  Stanly  and  Giddings  as  equally 
culpable,  although  the  latter  gave  no  provocation, 
and  simply  attempted  to  defend  himself  against  the 
brutal  assaults  of  the  former.  The  "  New  York 
Express"  said,— 

"The  severe  scorching  and  lashing  Mr.  Stanly  of  North 
Carolina  gave  that  arch-demagogue,  Mr.  Giddings  of  Ohio,  de 
lighted  the  Hoiise  and  men  of  all  parties.  It  was  terribly  severe, 
and  its  terrible  truth  made  it  seem  unmerciful,  as  Stanly  laid 
on  the  blows ;  and  as  Giddings  winced,  pity  was  mingled  with 
the  sense  of  justice  that  Giddings  deserved  it  all." 

To  this  Henry  J.  Raymond,  of  the  "New  York 
Times,"  replied,  — 

"  Of  course  such  billingsgate  as  that  by  which  Mr.  Stanly 
disgraced  himself  '  delighted  the  House.'  The  taste  of  that  dig 
nified  body  has  been  for  a  long  time  established,  and  when  Mr. 
Stanly  went  on  to  call  Mr.  Giddings  a  dead  dog,  and  to  talk 
about  his  having  eaten  oysters  with  negroes,  and  to  boast  of  hav 
ing  cut  him  up  in  a  dissecting-room,  etc.,  he  knew  perfectly  well 
how  to  hit  the  sense  of  the  House  and  '  delight  men  of  all  parties.' 
If  he  had  used  such  language  in  a  respectable  bar-room,  he  would 
have  been  set  down  as  a  voluble  blackguard.  If  he  had  used 
it  in  a  gentleman's  parlor,  he  would  have  been  kicked  out.  But 
as  he  was  only  talking  in  Congress,  as  a  matter  of  course  he 
'delighted  the  House.'" 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS.  29 1 

This  rebuke  of  Stanly's  speech  and  of  the  House 
which  tolerated  it  was  accepted  as  just  by  all  decent 
men  throughout  the  Northern  States.  Even  the 
champions  of  slavery  must  have  felt  that  the  sup 
pression  of  anti-slavery  agitation  by  such  methods 
would  be  accomplished  at  too  great  a  cost,  while 
Stanly  never  regained  the  honorable  position  he  had 
lost  by  this  prostitution  of  his  manhood  and  self- 
respect. 

Early  in  this  session,  Senator  Foote  of  Missis 
sippi  introduced  a  joint  resolution  in  honor  of  Louis 
Kossuth,  who  had  fled  from  Austrian  despotism  and 
been  invited  by  the  President  to  visit  the  United 
States.  Other  Senators  from  the  South  seemed 
equally  willing  to  join  in  honoring  this  great  de 
fender  of  liberty;  but  they  faltered  a  little  when 
Charles  Sumner  eloquently  espoused  his  cause. 
They  scented  danger,  and  so  did  their  Northern  al 
lies.  When  the  resolution  came  before  the  House, 
Mr.  Brooks  of  NewT  York  took  occasion  to  say  what 
he  meant  by  voting  for  it,  taking  particular  pains  to 
declare  that  he  had  no  sympathy  with  the  views  of 
Giddings  and  his  associates.  The  speech  is  inter 
esting  as  a  revelation  of  the  vigilance  of  slaveholders 
and  their  readiness  to  find  in  the  most  innocent  facts 
the  proof  of  some  deadly  plot  of  abolitionism  in 
disguise. 

Mr.  Brooks  said,  - 

"  I  stand,  as  a  Northern  man,  upon  one  ground,  upon  one 
political  principle, — that  is,  non-interference  with  other  people's 
affairs ;  and  upon  that  breakwater  alone  can  I  defend  myself 
from  the  surges  which  rise  up  around  me,  and  which  seek  to 
deluge  portions  of  this  country,  as  well  as  other  Governments  over 
the  sea.  If  once  this  Washington  principle  of  non-intervention 
or  non-interference  with  other  Governments  can  be  broken  down, 
I  see  no  land  ahead,  —  nay,  nothing  but  a  dark  and  stormy  sea  be- 


292  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R    G  ID  DINGS. 

fore  me.  If  interference  with  other  states  or  other  people  is  ever 
to  become  the  rule,  or  a  leading  principle,  in  this  government,  has 
it  never  occurred  to  gentlemen  that  it  will  not  stop  in  Europe, 
but  begin  on  this  continent,  and  perhaps  first  in  this  country,  in 
intermeddling  with  and  revolutionizing  the  peculiar  organization 
and  institutions  of  a  portion  of  our  complex  society  ?  I  am  quite 
sure  the  thought  has  occurred  at  least  to  one  gentleman  I  see 
before  me,  — the  shrewd,  keen-eyed  gentleman  from  Ohio,  whose 
zeal  and  whose  energy  to-day,  though  a  member  of  the  Peace  So 
ciety,  in  the  general  cause  of  war,  can  only  be  accounted  for  by 
his  determination  to  break  down  the  barrier  of  non-intervention 
and  non-interference  that  stands  between  him  and  the  society 
and  governments  of  large  portions  of  this  country.  While  preach 
ing  peace,  bringing  peace  propositions  within  this  hall,  denoun 
cing  all  of  us  who  will  not  vote  against  armies,  and  clamoring 
against  all  of  us  who  are  ever  for  war,  —  even  for  just  war,  —  I 
see  him  anxious  to-day,  with  others  of  his  class,  to  sally  forth 
upon  the  general  principle  of  intervention  and  war  —  bella,  hor- 
rida  bella,  —  with  universal  creation. 

"  I  protect  myself  from  the  surges  of  social  and  domestic  in 
tervention  which  that  gentleman  and  those  who  act  with  him 
would  raise  about  me  when  they  are  clamoring  for  the  principle 
of  universal  liberty,  —  liberty  for  all  races,  all  colors,  and  all 
breeds,  —  by  saying  that  it  is  my  duty,  as  a  peaceful  citizen,  liv 
ing  within  my  own  government,  to  attend  to  my  own  business 
and  concerns,  and  let  other  people  attend  to  theirs.  I  am  no 
Peter  the  Hermit.  I  have  no  chivalrous  mission  to  go  forth  and 
enlighten  the  whole  earth.  I  will  not  take  my  little  candle  and 
walk  among  the  powder-magazines  of  all  mankind  and  set  those 
magazines  on  fire,  and  then  rejoice  at  the  general  and  glorious 
explosion.  I  defend  myself  from  that  gentleman  and  his  associates 
when  they  assail  our  own  State  governments,  and  clamor  for  uni 
versal  liberty,  by  the  general  declaration  that  it  is  none  of  my 
business  what  is  done  in  other  State  governments  than  my  own, 
that  I  am  opposed  to  intervention  of  all  sorts.  Attend  to  your 
own  concerns,  mind  your  own  business,  take  care  of  your  own 
household  affairs,  is  the  primary  duty  of  a  nation  as  well  as  a 
family  or  individual. 

"  This,  I  am  sure,  is  the  duty  of  a  good  citizen  and  a  good 
legislator.  If  we  once  lay  down  and  establish  the  principle  that 
this  Government  has  a  right  to  interfere  and  intervene  and  take 
up  arms  against  slavery  in  Hungary,  or  any  other  portion  of  the 
continent  of  Europe,  there  stand  in  my  own  State  more  than  a 
million  who  cry,  '  There  is  no  slavery  on  God's  earth  so  horrible 
as  the  chattel  slavery  of  the  Southern  States,  and  that  our  first 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G ID  DINGS.  293 

duty,  before  we  arm  ourselves  against  European  despots,  is  to 
seize  the  cannon,  the  musket,  the  torch,  and  the  firebrand,  go 
across  the  Potomac,  and  set  fire  to  the  whole  Southern  country 
at  once.'  I  do  not  stop  to  discuss  this  question  with  such  people 
theologically  or  economically ;  but,  constitutionally,  I  say  South 
ern  slavery  is  none  of  your  business,  you  have  no  authority  over 
or  right  to  interfere  with  it.  If  ever,  then,  this  principle  of  non 
intervention  in  the  affairs  of  other  people  is  broken  down,  it  is  in 
vain  for  me  and  those  who  act  with  me  to  attempt  to  resist  the 
universal  crusade  which  will  sweep  us,  not  towards  Europe,  but 
across  the  Potomac,  into  the  whole  Southern  country." 

Giddings  replied,  - 

"  I  am  astonished  at  the  excitability  of  gentlemen  on  this 
floor.  It  would  appear  that  no  subject  whatever  can  be  intro 
duced  here  but  some  minds  will  seize  upon  it  and  give  it  a  con 
nection  with  matters  which  are  not  legitimately  connected  with  it. 
Most  heartily  do  I  concur  with  the  gentleman  from  New  York 
[Mr.  Brooks]  in  paying  the  tribute  of  my  respect  to  this  distin 
guished  foreigner.  I  shall  do  it  most  cheerfully.  The  act  is  one 
simple  in  its  character  and  obvious  in  its  tendency.  But,  sir,  what 
right  has  the  gentleman  upon  the  present  occasion  to  drag  my 
name  in  and  attempt  to  arraign  me  before  this  House  and  before 
the  nation  ?  Why  attempt  to  charge  me  with  a  design  of  involv 
ing  the  nation  in  war  ?  I  have  not  uttered  a  word  upon  that  ques 
tion.  I  sat  here  in  silence,  without  the  remotest  idea  of  mingling 
in  this  debate  ;  and  had  I  taken  upon  myself  to  address  the  com 
mittee,  it  would  never  have  entered  into  my  mind  to  connect  this 
resolution  with  the  question  of  slavery,  as  the  gentleman  has 
done,  or  connect  it  with  war,  as  the  gentleman  has  wantonly  ac 
cused  me  of  doing.  Far,  far  from  my  thoughts  would  have  been 
such  an  idea,  and  I  deny  the  right  of  that  gentleman,  or  any  other, 
before  I  have  spoken,  to  anticipate  the  positions  which  I  should 
take,  and  arraign  me  before  the  House  and  before  the  country 
for  those  positions.  Have  I  ever  at  any  time  hesitated  to  ex 
press  my  views  openly,  with  perfect  frankness,  on  any  and  on 
every  question  that  has  been  presented  to  this  body  since  I  have 
had  the  honor  of  a  seat  in  this  hall  ?  I  appeal  with  confidence 
to  those  who  have  served  with  me,  to  the  country  who  have  read 
my  remarks  and  votes  on  every  subject  brought  before  us,  against 
this  unfounded,  this  ungenerous,  charge  of  the  gentleman.  My 
whole  political  life  bears  testimony  in  contradiction  of  it.  When 
ever  a  proper  occasion  shall  present  itself,  I  shall  not  hesitate  to 
express  my  opinion  on  the  subject  of  peace  with  other  nations, 
and  among  all  nations,  in  favor  of  universal  peace. 


294  TUE   LI1'R   OF  JOSHUA   A'.    G HIDINGS. 

"  But  I  cannot  be  dragged  into  discussion  of  those  principles 
on  a  subject  so  unsuitable  as  that  now  before  us.  What  author 
ity  had  the  gentleman  from  New  York  to  charge  rne  with  incon 
sistency  in  relation  to  my  avowed  principles  of  peace  ?  Certainly 
from  nothing  which  1  have  said,  nor  from  any  vote  which  I  have 
ever  given.  There  is  something  most  wanton  in  his  charges.  I 
surely  had  not  provoked  it  at  his  hands.  To  him  1  would  say  : 
Your  charge  is  unfounded  and  false ;  you  have  travelled  out  of 
your  way  to  assail  me ;  on  those  charges  I  will  meet  you  most 
cheerfully  at  the  proper  time,  or  whenever  the  proper  occasion 
shall  arrive.  The  gentleman  has  spoken  of  popular  sentiment,  of 
which  he  appears  to  stand  in  great  dread.  I  have  no  such  fears. 
The  popular  mind  is  lighted  by  the  intelligence  of  the  people,  and 
it  will  mete  out  justice,  and  no  more  than  justice,  to  the  gentle 
man  and  to  myself.  However  much  he  may  shrink  from  it,  he 
must  meet  it.  The  gentleman  appears  now  to  tremble  in  view  of 
the  penalty  of  that  higher  law  '  written  upon  the  hearts  of  men 
by  the  finger  of  God.'  This  law  he  has  contemned  and  ridi 
culed.  For  the  subversion  of  this  law  he  has  sent  so  many  thou 
sands  of  '•lower  law  sermons'1  broadcast  throughout  the  Free 
States.  He  must,  however,  meet  the  penalties  of  the  popular 
will ;  he  may  fear  and  tremble  and  turn  pale  at  its  approach. 
It  must  come;  he  cannot  avoid  this  supreme,  law,  before  which 
we  must  all  bow.  It  is  already  inflicting  its  penalties  upon  him, 
and  ere  long  will  consign  him  to  the  charnel-house  of  political 
apostates." 

A  few  days  after  this,  Mr.  Stanly  of  North  Caro 
lina  followed  Mr.  Brooks  in  the  same  vein,  referring 
to  the  presence  of  Giddings  at  a  recent  meeting  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Anti-slavery  Society  which  adopted 
a  resolution  expressive  of  sympathy  with  Kossuth, 
and  of  hope  that  his  labors  would  conduce.'  to  the 
overthrow  of  oppression,  not  in  Hungary  alone,  but 
in  the  United  States.  Giddings  made  a  brief  and 
dignified  reply  to  these  references  to  himself,  but 
declined  to  be  drawn  into  the  discussion  of  his  anti- 
slavery  opinions  in  debating  the  foreign  policy  of 
the  Government.  He  thus  refers  to  this  debate  and 
to  his  speeches  in  Pennsylvania  in  a  letter  to  his 
son :  — 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSIfl'A   A\   G/DP/.\\;s.  295 

"  You  ask  why  I  don't  write  about  my  journey  to  IVnnsyl- 
vania  amoni;'  the  Ouakers.  \Yhy.  1  \vish  you  could  sec  the 
piles  of  letters  before  me.  My  absence  brought  me  behind,  ami 
1  have  not  yet  i;ot  up  with  my  business.  1  hail  to  attend  to  at 
tacks  in  the  House,  as  you  see.  luit  1  had  a  tine  time  at  I'hila 
delphia.  It  \vas  a  fine  gathering,  and  1  think  1  made  one  of  my 
happiest  hits.  The  broad-brims  and  straight-coats  stamped  and 
clapped  their  hands  and  shouted  in  i;rcat  style,  l.ucretia  Molt 
said  it  was  the  noisiest  meeting  she  ever  saw  amon^  that  class 
of  people. 

"At  \Yest  I'hester.  the  next  week.  1  met  a  tremendous  gather- 
inii'.  Francis  James,  formerly  a  member  of  Congress,  lives  their. 
but  the  Ouakcrs  said  he  was  too  timid  to  attend  ;  but  I  knew  he 
would  be  theie,  although  1  had  not  seen  him  lor  eit;ht  years. 

••  1  le  was  the  lirst  man  on  hand,  and  1  greeted  him  warmly, 
and  in  the  course  of  ten  minutes  he  asked  the  privilege  to  intro 
duce  me  to  the  meeting,  lie  did  so.  and  while  1  was  at  break- 
last  next  morning  he  called  to  see  me.  and  did  not  leave  me  until 
1  left  the  city,  lie  entered  warmly  into  the  subject,  and  1  under 
stand  there  is  now  quite  an  awakcnin:;  there. 

"  As  to  my  course  here,  you  of  course  see  the  attacks  of 
Hrooks  and  Stanly  and  Taylor.  The  latter  1  have  not  yet 
answered,  as  1  could  not  <;et  the  lloor  ;  shall  do  so  soon.  brooks 
has  left  us.  and  has  not  been  here  since  the  day  following  his 
attack.  I  hail  the  feelings  of  the  whole  Mouse  with  me." 

Oil  the  jSlh  of  January  he  addressed  the  Mouse  at 
length  on  Kossuth's  doctrine  of  foreign  intci  vent  ion. 
anil  he  showed  that  that  doctrine  is  by  no  means  new 
to  the  Government  of  the  I'nitevl  States;  that  that 
(iovernment  intervened  in  behalf  of  the  South  Ameri 
can  Republics  when  they  proclaimed  their  iiulcpon 
donee  and  assumed  their  position  in  the  brotherhood 
of  nations;  that  in  the  year  iS..\>  President  Monroe 
declared  in  his  annual  message  that  "  \vc  eonhl  not 
view  any  interposition  lor  the  purpose4  ol  oppressing 
them,  or  eont  rolling  in  any  ot  her  manner  their  ilest  iny 
by  an  Kuropcan  jnnver,  in  any  otluM'  lirjit  than  as  a 
manifest  at  ion  of  an  unfriendly  disposit  ion  towards  t  lie 
United  States;"  that  the  same  policy  was  assorted 
by  Mr.  Clay  when  Secretary  of  State  in  his  instrnc- 


2Q6  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA    R.    GIDDINGS. 

tions  to  our  commissioners  to  the  Congress  of  Pan 
ama;  and  that  the  same  principle  was  asserted  by 
him  in  1826  in  a  letter  to  our  minister  at  St.  Peters 
burg,  directing  him  to  solicit  the  intervention  of 
Russia  to  put  an  end  to  the  war  between  Spain  and 
her  colonies  on  this  continent.  Coming  down  to 
later  precedents,  Giddings  referred  to  the  case  of  some 
Texans  who  in  1842  had  gone  to  Santa  Fe  for  the  pur 
pose  of  conquest,  and  were  captured  by  the  troops  of 
Mexico  and  cruelly  treated  by  the  Mexican  authori 
ties.  Mr.  Webster,  then  Secretary  of  State,  said  : 

"  It  is  therefore  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
protests  against  the  hardships  and  cruelties  to  which  the  Santa 
Fe  prisoners  have  been  subjected.  It  protests  against  this  treat 
ment  in  the  name  of  humanity  and  the  laws  of  nations,  in  the 
name  of  all  Christian  States,  in  the  name  of  civilization  and  the 
spirit  of  the  age,  in  the  name  of  all  republics,  in  the  name  of 
Liberty  herself,  enfeebled  and  dishonored  by  all  cruelty  and  all 
excess." 

Giddings  insisted  that  the  same  protest  should  be 
made  "  in  the  name  of  humanity  and  the  laws  of  na 
tions  "  against  Russian  outrages  in  Hungary,  and  he 
complained  that  the  Government,  speaking  through 
Mr.  Webster,  declined  to  follow  its  own  precedents. 
Referring  to  the  recent  public  utterances  of  the  latter, 
Giddings  said,  — 

"He  was  willing  to  see  popular  meetings  and  resolutions  and 
public  dinners  and  speeches  in  favor  of  Hungarian  freedom  and 
Hungarian  independence.  He  avowed  his  willingness  to  let  these 
demonstrations  go  forth  to  the  world, — to  let  them  be  borne  on 
the  winds  of  heaven  to  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth ;  but  he 
carefully  avoided  all  reference  to  the  duties  of  this  Government 
to  speak  officially  on  the  subject,  to  enter  its  solemn  protest 
against  the  intervention  of  Russia  to  crush  the  spirit  of  liberty 
in  Hungary,  to  subject  twelve  millions  of  people  to  the  despotism 
of  Austria." 

But  Giddings  cited  another  precedent  which  still 
more  glaringly  exposed  the  inconsistencies  of  the 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  297 

Government  in  dealing  with  the  question  of  foreign 
intervention,  and  the  recreancy  of  the  Administra 
tion  to  its  own  avowed  principles.  The  champions 
of  slavery,  North  and  South,  who  were  snuffing  dis 
aster  in  the  mission  of  Kossuth  to  the  United  States, 
must  have  felt  the  force  of  this  capital  home-thrust : 

"  But  no  Government  on  earth,  perhaps,  has  gone  farther  in 
practical  intervention  than  ours.  When  Texas  was  struggling 
for  independence,  and  Mexico  continued  the  war,  we  sent  our 
army  and  assumed  the  responsibility  of  intervention,  —  forcible 
and  armed  intervention.  I  well  recollect  the  time  when  the  ques 
tion  came  up  in  this  hall ;  and  of  the  whole  number  of  votes  then 
present,  only  fourteen  were  cast  against  that  kind  of  intervention. 
I  opposed  it  for  the  reason  that  Texas  had  constituted  one  of  the 
Mexican  States ;  that  she  and  Mexico  constituted  but  one  people, 
and  that  we  ought  not  to  interfere  in  their  domestic  strife.  But 
I  was  overruled,  and  the  people  of  the  United  States  expended 
two  hundred  millions  of  dollars  to  carry  out  the  practice  of  inter 
vention  by  force  of  arms,  and  that,  too,  between  parties  in  a  do 
mestic  strife.  The  case  was  beyond  that  now  presented,  dissimilar, 
and  can  have  no  other  bearing  upon  the  present  question  than  to 
show  the  inconsistency  of  those  who  supported  that  kind  of  inter 
vention,  and  oppose  all  efforts  at  this  time  to  maintain  the  law  of 
nations,  urging  that  it  has  been  our  established  policy  not  to  in 
terfere  in  controversies  between  other  Governments." 

It  should  be  remembered  that  the  principle  so 
eloquently  pleaded  for  by  Kossuth  was  not  interven 
tion  against  the  wrong-doing  of  one  nation  by  the 
physical  power  of  other  nations,  but  only  the  exer 
cise  of  their  moral  power  in  the  form  of  a  solemn 
official  protest  in  the  name  of  humanity  and  the  law 
of  nations.  It  was  moral  intervention  for  the  rights 
of  man ;  and  when  Giddings  found  the  Administra 
tion  opposing  it,  after  having  openly  espoused  the 
principle  of  forcible  intervention  in  Mexico  for  the 
extension  of  slavery,  he  impaled  it  as  a  spectacle 
before  the  nation.  Probably  Brooks  and  Stanly 
did  not  relish  the  entertainment,  but  they  had  now 
succeeded  in  getting  Giddings  to  define  his  position, 


298  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS. 

and  they  had  no  right  to  complain  if  in  doing  so  he 
took  occasion  also  to  define  their  own. 

Giddings  was  equally  happy  in  dealing  with  the 
subject  of  "entangling  alliances"  with  other  nations, 
which  gave  him  still  further  opportunity  to  refer  to 
the  painful  attitude  of  the  slaveocracy  and  its  allies. 
He-  said,  — 

"  I  know  that  a  gentleman  standing  high  in  the  nation,  a  can 
didate  for  the  Presidency  [Mr.  Douglas],  on  a  late  public  occa 
sion  said  he  would  not  unite  with  England  in  a  protest  while  she 
withheld  justice  from  O'Brien  and  his  Irish  associates.  If  Eng 
land  will  unite  her  influence  with  ours  in  maintaining  the  law  of 
nations,  surely  we  ought  not  to  refuse  protection  to  the  people 
of  Hungary  because  we  cannot  give  protection  at  the  same  time 
to  those  individuals  of  Ireland.  Why,  sir,  suppose  when  we 
solicit  Great  Britain  to  unite  with  us  in  this  national  duty  she 
should  turn  around  and  say  to  us,  '  No,  let  the  people  of  Hun 
gary  suffer,  let  despotic  oppression  weigh  them  down,  until  your 
Government  shall  relieve  your  American  serfs,  until  justice  be 
done  to  the  Africans  of  your  own  land'  Would  not  such  lan 
guage  be  offensive  to  that  gentleman?  Why,  sir,  it  would  be 
our  duty  to  unite  with  all  the  civilized  nations  of  the  earth, 
whether  Mohammedan  or  Christian,  in  this  work  of  maintaining 
the  law  of  nations  and  the  rights  of  humanity. 

"  I  am  aware  that  objections  are  constantly  made  to  any  alli 
ance  with  Great  Britain  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  the  law 
of  nations.  But  this  is  a  novel  objection.  We  now  are  in  alli 
ance  with  that  nation,  and  have  been  for  many  years.  The  ob 
ject  of  that  alliance  is  the  protection  of  the  people  of  Africa.  By 
that  alliance  we  are  bound  to  keep  up  constantly  a  naval  force 
on  the  African  coast,  at  an  expense  of  about  two  million  dollars 
annually,  to  maintain  the  law  of  nations  there.  Yet  no  gentle 
man  objects  to  this  alliance  on  account  of  the  injustice  of  Eng 
land  towards  Ireland,  nor  does  any  one  quote  Washington's 
Farewell  Address  against  'entangling  alliances,'  for  that  pur 
pose.  And  are  the  people  of  Hungary  less  entitled  to  the  pro 
tection  of  the  law  of  nations  than  are  those  of  Africa  ?  I  am 
constrained  to  say  that  it  is  difficult  for  me  to  discover  the  con 
sistency  of  gentlemen  who  are  so  sensitive  in  regard  to  our 
uniting  with  Great  Britain  in  a  protest  against  the  intervention 
of  Russia,  while  we  are  in  strict  alliance  with  that  nation  for 
the  protection  of  Africa." 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS.  299 

After  a  lingering  illness  Mr.  Clay  died  at  the 
National  Hotel  in  Washington  on  the  2/th  of  Jan 
uary,  1852.  Giddings  visited  him  a  short  time  before 
his  death,  and  found  him  sitting  in  an  easy-chair, 
and  able  to  converse  in  a  low  tone  of  voice.  Mr. 
Clay  alluded  at  once  to  the  friendship  that  had  ex 
isted  between  them,  the  fidelity  with  which  Giddings 
had  supported  him  for  the  Presidency  in  1844,  and 
the  coldness  which  had  subsequently  grown  out  of 
the  question  of  slavery.  He  said  he  had  no  doubt 
that  his  own  feelings  had  been  too  strong;  and  Gid 
dings  responded  in  the  same  tone,  assuring  him  that 
he  could  retain  no  feelings  but  those  of  kindness 
under  the  circumstances  in  which  they  had  met. 
Mr.  Clay  said  he  had  no  unkind  feelings  towards 
any  one,  and  the  conversation  turned  upon  the  future, 
on  which  his  thoughts  appeared  to  dwell. 

In  a  previous  chapter  I  have  given  an  account  of  a 
claim  brought  before  Congress  by  J.  C.  Watson  for 
the  loss  of  one  hundred  slaves  whom  he  had  pur 
chased  of  certain  chiefs  of  the  Creek  Indians  in 
1837.  They  were  captured  under  the  orders  of  Gen 
eral  Jessup,  as  plunder,  but  without  any  warrant  of 
law,  and  Watson  bought  them  as  property  of  the 
United  States.  The  negroes,  however,  were  sent 
west  by  order  of  General  Gaines,  and  Watson  filed 
his  claim  in  the  Twenty-eighth  Congress  for  com 
pensation  for  his  loss.  The  matter  was  debated  at 
length,  but  opposed  so  vigorously  that  Watson's 
friends  did  not  feel  safe  in  pressing  it  to  a  vote. 
In  view  of  the  prevalent  feeling  in  the  two  pro-slavery 
parties  since  the  passage  of  the  compromise  meas 
ures,  Watson  now  renewed  the  claim.  Of  course 
every  Southern  member  voted  for  it,  and  twenty-five 
members  from  the  Free  States  joined  them,  the  vote 


300  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   G  ID  DINGS. 

standing  75  yeas  to  53  nays;  and  thus,  after  years  of 
effort,  Watson  obtained  indemnity  for  his  loss,  though 
in  flagrant  disregard  of  law. 

On  the  1 6th  of  March  Giddings  addressed  the 
House  at  length  on  the  compromise  measures.  Up 
to  this  time  no  Free-Soil  member  of  the  House  had 
taken  any  part  in  the  general  debate  on  these  meas 
ures,  which  had  been  continued  by  their  advocates 
almost  constantly  from  the  beginning  of  the  session. 
Mr.  Hillyer  of  Georgia,  in  a  speech  expressing  his 
horror  of  anti-slavery  agitation,  had  referred  to  Gid 
dings,  assuring  him  that  notwithstanding  all  the  ef 
forts  of  anti-slavery  men,  negroes  brought  as  high  a 
price  at  the  South  as  they  had  done  at  any  previous 
time.  Giddings  reminded  him  that  his  language 
"  would  have  been  better  fitted  to  the  quarter-deck  of 
an  African  slaver,  or  to  the  barracoons  of  the  African 
coast."  He  ridiculed  the  notion  that  any  final  settle 
ment  of  the  slavery  question  had  been  made,  or  that 
its  agitation  could  be  suppressed.  He  said,  - 

"  I  am  aware  that  men  in  high  official  stations  have  an 
nounced  to  the  country  that  the  slave-questions  are  settled, 
that  all  agitation  has  ceased ;  but  what  are  the  facts  ?  We  see 
and  know  that  discussion  has  increased  and  extended  more  rap 
idly  since  the  enactment  of  those  laws  than  at  any  former  period. 
Our  elections  are  very  generally  made  to  depend  on  the  slave- 
question.  It  has  placed  new  and  able  members  in  the  Senate, 
and  it  has  driven  others  into  retirement.  It  has  occasioned  great 
changes  in  this  body.  Where  now  are  the  Northern  members 
who  advocated  these  compromise  measures  ?  Gone,  sir,  most  of 
them,  to  the  land  of  political  forgetfuiness,  from  which  they  will 
never  return.  And  while  on  this  point,  I  would  ask  what  has 
blasted  and  withered  the  last  political  hope  of  the  present  Secre 
tary  of  State  ?  Every  man  knows  that  it  is  this  very  question  of 
slavery.  While  he  has  been  writing  letters  and  making  speeches 
to  demonstrate  that  the  slave  agitation  has  ceased,  it  was  operat 
ing  in  the  popular  mind,  was  silently  stealing  his  political  breath, 
and  has  now  pronounced  the  sentence  of  death  to  his  political 
hopes." 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GID DINGS.  30! 

The  burden  of  this  speech  was  the  diabolism  of  the 
compromise  measures  and  the  guilt  of  the  Whig  and 
Democratic  parties  in  upholding  them  as  a  finality. 
He  declared  that  — 

"  When  a  man,  either  here  or  elsewhere,  avows  himself  in 
favor  of  the  compromise  measures,  he  in  substance  and  fact 
avows  himself  in  favor  of  breeding  men  and  women  for  market 
in  this  District  and  in  our  Territories,  and  of  prostituting  our 
tiag  in  the  protection  of  a  commerce  in  human  flesh.  I  would 
be  as  willing  to  traffic  in  God's  image  as  I  would  to  sustain  the 
owner  of  yonder  slave-prison  in  his  accursed  vocation,  by  up 
holding  the  law  which  authorizes  him  to  pursue  it.  I  would  as 
soon  vote  for  Williams,  the  slave-dealer  and  owner  of  yonder 
barracoon,  for  the  office  of  President,  as  I  would  for  any  man 
who  sustains  him  in  his  execrable  commerce." 

Referring  to  the  Fugitive  Slave  Act,  he  said,  — 

"  This  law,  which  takes  from  the  laboring-men  of  the  North  a 
portion  of  their  earnings  to  pay  for  catching  and  returning  fugi 
tive  slaves,  is  a  thousand  times  more  repugnant  to  their  feelings 
than  was  the  Stamp  Act  or  the  tax  on  tea.  Under  this  law  they 
are  involved  in  the  support  of  an  institution  which  they  detest, 
compelled  to  contribute  to  the  commission  of  crimes  abhorrent 
to  humanity.  This  oppression,  this  violation  of  conscience  and 
of  their  constitutional  rights,  this  tyranny  they  feel  and  deprecate. 
It  is  impossible  that  an  intelligent,  a  patriotic  people,  can  long 
be  subjected  to  such  violations  of  their  rights  and  the  rights  of 
humanity." 

Giddings  next  addressed  the  House  on  the  23d  of 
June.  The  old  parties  had  then  selected  their  Presi 
dential  candidates  and  adopted  their  platforms.  The 
Whig  National  Convention  met  on  the  i6th  of  June, 
and  nominated  Gen.  Winfield  Scott  as  its  candidate. 
The  platform  of  the  convention  proclaimed  the  ac 
quiescence  of  the  party  in  the  Compromise  Acts  of 
1850  "as  a  final  settlement,  in  principle  and  sub 
stance,  of  the  subjects  to  which  they  relate;"  and  it 
deprecated  "  all  further  agitation  of  the  questions  thus 
settled,  as  dangerous  to  our  peace,"  and  pledged  the 
party  "to  discountenance  all  efforts  to  continue  or 


302  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   G  ID  DINGS. 

renew  such  agitation,  whenever,  wherever,  or  how 
ever  made."1  This  action  was  the  natural  outcome 
of  the  submission  of  the  party  to  the  nomination  of 
General  Taylor,  and  the  still  further  demoralization 
which  followed  the  accession  of  Fillmore  to  the  Presi 
dency.  Indeed,  the  old  party  had  gone  astray  too  far 
to  return,  and  now  determined  to  seek  its  fortunes 
in  the  desperate  effort  to  outdo  the  Democrats  in 
cringing  servility  to  the  South.  It  had  completely 
surrendered  its  integrity,  and  verified  all  that  had  been 
said  by  Free  Soilers  as  to  its  treachery  to  freedom. 

The  Democratic  National  Convention  assembled  on 
the  ist  of  June,  and  nominated  Franklin  Pierce  as  its 
candidate.  The  platform  adopted  pronounced  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Act  equally  sacred  with  the  Consti 
tution,  and  pledged  the  party  to  "resist  all  attempts 
at  renewing,  in  Congress  or  out  of  it,  the  agitation  of 
the  slavery  question,  under  whatever  shape  or  color 
the  attempt  may  be  made. "  It  thus  became  a  recog 
nized  and  authoritative  principle  of  American  democ 
racy  to  muzzle  the  Press  and  crush  out  the  freedom 
of  speech  as  the  means  of  upholding  and  perpetuating 
its  power.  The  only  issue  of  the  canvass  was  thus 
declared  by  both  parties  to  be  slavery,  and  on  this 
they  were  perfectly  agreed  ;  while  in  their  common 
struggle  for  the  spoils  of  office  each  sought  to  surpass 
the  other  in  the  damning  proof  of  its  treason  to  hu 
manity  and  its  contempt  for  the  fundamental  truths  of 
republican  government. 

Giddings  in  the  following  speech  addressed  himself 
to  the  platforms  of  these  parties.  He  said,  — 

"We,  sir,  the  Free  Democracy,  will  agitate  the  subject  of 
slavery  and  its  correlative, — freedom.  Here,  sir,  is  an  issue 

1  Henry  L.  Dawes  of  Massachusetts,  and  Justin  S.  Morrill  of 
Vermont,  now  members  of  the  United  States  Senate,  voted  for 
these  resolutions. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  303 

formed  between  us.  I,  sir,  am  about  to  agitate  this  question. 
I  intend  to  speak  plainly  of  slavery,  of  its  most  revolting  fea 
tures.  I  will  endeavor  to  use  no  offensive  language,  but  I  will 
talk  of  the  practice  followed  by  men  in  this  District,  of  purchas 
ing  slave-women,  and  then  selling  their  own  children  into  bond 
age.  Now,  when  I  do  this,  the  Democrats  are  bound  to  resist, 
and  the  Whigs  to  discountenance,  my  efforts.  In  order  that  we 
may  start  with  a  perfect  understanding  of  this  conflict,  I  desire 
to  learn  the  manner  in  which  the  Democrats  will  manifest  their 
resistance.  I  am  now  agitating  this  subject,  and  what  will  you 
do  about  it  ?  Now,  I  hope  gentlemen  will  not  feel  any  particular 
delicacy  in  showing  their  resistance.  Do  not  be  alarmed ;  just 
stand  up  here  and  now  before  the  country.  Show  your  resist 
ance.  Be  not  afraid,  gentlemen ;  I  am  less  than  the  stripling  of 
Israel  who  went  forth  to  meet  Goliath.  You  stand  pledged  to 
resist  God's  truth, — to  silence  the  tongues  of  freemen.  I  meet 
you,  and  hurl  defiance  at  your  infamous  attempts  to  stifle  the  free 
dom  of  speech.  And  now,  who  speaks  for  the  carrying  out  of 
this  resolution  ? 

"  Mr.  Chairman,  we  may  '  call  spirits  from  the  vasty  deep,' 
but  they  will  not  come.  I  repeat  to  the  Democrats  :  I  want  to 
know  what  you  are  going  to  do.  You  are  pledged  to  resist. 
The  Whigs,  in  their  convention,  also  resolved  that  they  'will 
discountenance  all  efforts  to  continue  or  renew  such  agitation, 
'whenever,  wherever,  and  however  the  attempt  may  be  made.' 
The  language  of  this  resolution  differs  from  that  of  the  Democ 
racy,  but  its  spirit  and  object  are  the  same.  They  intend  to  sup 
press  the  freedom  of  speech  here  and  among  the  people.  On 
this  point  the  two  great  parties  of  the  nation  have  cordially 
united.  A  coalition  for  a  more  odious  purpose  could  not  have 
been  formed.  Duty  to  myself,  to  this  body,  and  the  country, 
demands  an  exposure  of  this  conspiracy  against  the  Constitution, 
against  the  rights  of  members  here,  against  the  people.  .  .  . 

"  Agitation  is  not  only  to  be  put  down  here,  but  among  the 
people  :  they  are  to  have  no  more  anti-slavery  meetings  :  no 
more  Free-Soil  conventions  ;  no  more  sermons  in  favor  of  God's 
law ;  no  more  prayers  to  Heaven  for  the  oppressed  of  our  land. 
The  Declaration  of  Independence  is  to  be  burned,  our  printing 
establishments  broken  up,  and  our  social  circles  are  to  speak  no 
more  of  the  rights  of  all  men  to  enjoy  life  and  liberty.  A  new 
political  police  is  to  be  established,  and  the  American  people 
placed  under  slaveholding  surveillance.  But  I  am  paying  unde 
served  attention  to  these  base,  these  puerile  attempts  to  stifle  dis 
cussion  on  the  subject  of  humanity.  I  hold  these  resolutions  in 
unutterable  contempt ;  I  trample  them  under  my  feet." 


304  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

Referring  to  the  proposition  of  a  leading  Whig 
editor  to  pay  for  fugitive  slaves  with  the  funds  of  the 
nation,  he  said,  — 

"  When  the  barbarians  of  Algiers  seized  and  enslaved  our 
people  we  sent  an  armed  force  there  and  slew  them,  holding 
them  unworthy  of  a  place  upon  God's  footstool.  No,  sir,  by 
all  the  hallowed  associations  which  cluster  around  the  memory 
of  English  and  American  patriots,  I  avow  that  I  would  sooner 
see  every  slaveholder  of  the  nation  hanged  than  to  witness  the 
subjugation  of  Northern  freemen  to  such  a  humiliating  condition. 
Sir,  when  it  comes  to  that,  I,  for  one,  shall  be  prepared  for  the 
dernier  ressort,  —  an  appeal  to  the  God  of  battles.  I  am  a  man 
of  peace,  but  am  no  non-resistant ;  and  I  would  sooner  have  the 
ashes  of  my  own  hearth  slaked  in  my  own  blood  and  the  blood 
of  my  children  than  submit  to  such  degradation.  And  here  I 
will  take  occasion  to  say  that  if  this  law  continues  to  be  enforced, 
civil  war  is  inevitable.  The  people  will  not  submit  to  it.  Why, 
sir,  civil  war  already  exists.  At  Christiana,  civil  war,  —  with  all 
the  circumstances  of  force  under  color  of  law,  resistance  in  de 
fence  of  natural  right,  —  bloodshed,  and  death  took  place.  In 
my  own  State  a  similar  transaction  occurred,  and  I  assure  gen 
tlemen  that  other  instances  will  occur,  if  attempts  be  made  to 
enforce  that  law.  In  my  own  district  are  many  fugitives  who 
have  informed  their  masters  where  they  may  be  found.  These 
men  have  become  desperate.  They  desire  to  see  the  slave-catch 
ers.  They  pant  for  an  opportunity  to  make  their  oppressors 
'  bite  the  dust.'  " 

His  arraignment  of  the  old  party  with  which  he 
had  so  long  acted  was  perfectly  justified  by  the  facts. 
He  said,  - 

"  The  doctrines  of  the  Whig  party,  as  I  have  shown,  pledge 
them  and  their  candidate  to  maintain  slavery  ;  the  breeding  of 
slaves  for  market;  the  sale  of  women  in  this  District  and  in  the 
Territories ;  to  uphold  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  in  all  coming 
time ;  to  admit  as  many  Slave  States  as  shall  apply,  from  New 
Mexico  and  Utah;  and  to  silence  discussion  on  all  these  subjects. 
This  is  as  far,  I  think,  as  human  depravity  can  go.  If  the  Demo 
cratic  party  has  dived  deeper  into  moral  and  political  putridity, 
some  archangel  fallen  must  have  penned  their  confession  of  faith." 

I  quote  the  concluding  paragraph  of  this  remark 
able  speech,  which  struck  the  key-note  of  a  rapidly 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   G  ID  DINGS.  305 

growing   anti-slavery   opinion,    and  was    extensively 
published  and  applauded  throughout  the  North:  — 

"  Sir,  we  are  in  the  midst  of  a  revolution.  The  two  great 
parties  are  striving  to  convert  this  free  government  into  a  slave- 
holding,  a  slave-breeding  republic.  Those  powers  which  were 
delegated  to  liberty,  are  now  exerted  to  overthrow  freedom  and 
the  Constitution.  It  becomes  every  patriot,  every  lover  of  free 
dom,  ever  Christian,  every  man,  to  stand  forth  in  defence  of 
popular  rights,  in  defence  of  the  rights  of  the  Free  States,  of  the 
institutions  under  which  we  live,  in  defence  of  our  national  char 
acter.  Sir,  I  am  growing  old  ;  the  infirmities  of  age  are  coming 
upon  me  ;  I  must  soon  leave  the  scenes  with  which  I  am  sur 
rounded  ;  it  is  uncertain  whether  I  shall  again  address  this  body. 
But  one  thing  I  ask,  —  that  friends  and  foes,  here  and  elsewhere, 
in  this  and  in  coming  time,  shall  understand  that  whether  in 
public  or  in  private,  by  the  wayside  or  the  fireside,  in  life  or  in 
death,  I  oppose,  denounce,  and  repudiate  the  efforts  now  put 
forth  to  involve  the  people  of  the  Free  States  in  the  support  of 
slavery,  of  the  slave-trade,  and  their  attendant  crimes."  1 

The  result  of  the  Presidential  election  of  this  year 
was  a  surprise  to  men  of  all  parties.  The  triumph 
of  the  Democrats  was  far  more  signal  than  the  most 
sanguine  men  among  them  anticipated.  Pierce  re 
ceived  254  electoral  votes,  and  Scott  only  42,  — repre 
senting  only  four  States  of  the  Union.  The  defeat 
of  the  Whigs  was  overwhelming,  and  the  party-  was 

1  The  speech  called  forth  the  following  sonnet  from  a  young  poet  of 
the  West :  — 

THE    MORAL    HERO. 

The  thirst  of  fame  inspires  the  soul-lit  page, 

And  bids  the  canvas  glow,  the  marble  breathe  ; 

0  Immortality  !  thy  burning  wreath 
Hath  lured  the  human  soul  through  every  age. 
Nor  vain  the  hope,  even  in  this  earthly  stage; 

Nor  aught,  even  here,  save  virtue,  gives  the  crown! 

'Twas  twined  for  Phocion,  Cato,  'neath  the  frown 
Of  fortune,  and  the  fickle  people's  rage, 
And  brighter  blooms  while  sculpture  falls  to  dust. 

Even  thus,  O  GIDDINGS  !  shall  it  deck  thy  brow, 
Whi1e  all  earth's  marble  piles  betray  their  trust ; 

Yon  "  Modern  Capitol  "  to  time  must  bow, 
But  bravely,  sternly,  "  obstinately  just," 

A  victor  of  the  immortal  heights  art  thou  ! 
20 


306  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

buried  forever  in  the  grave  it  had  dug  for  itself. 
John  P.  Hale,  the  Free-Soil  candidate,  received 
only  a  little  more  than  156,000  votes, —  being  about 
one  twentieth  of  the  entire  popular  vote  cast  at  this 
election.  Senator  Dix,  the  Van  Burens,  David  Dud 
ley  Field,  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  and  a  host  of  others, 
including  even  Robert  Rantoul  and  Preston  King, 
had  given  their  support  to  Pierce,  while  the  "  New 
York  Evening  Post"  and  the  "New  York  Tribune" 
cravenly  joined  in  this  anti-slavery  retreat.  These 
were  very  discouraging  facts,  and  were  naturally  in 
terpreted  by  the  victorious  party  everywhere  as 
foreshadowing  the  complete  triumph  of  the  final 
settlement  made  by  Congress  in  1850. 

But  the  Free  Soilers  were  undismayed.  They 
took  courage  from  the  very  fact  that  the  Whig  party 
had  been  annihilated.  They  saw  clearly  that  what 
slavery  needed  was  two  pretty  evenly  divided  parties 
pitted  against  each  other  upon  economic  issues,  so 
that  under  cover  of  their  strife  it  could  be  allowed 
to  have  its  way.  A  new  movement  was  now  prac 
ticable,  basing  its  action  upon  moral  grounds,  and 
gathering  into  its  ranks  the  unshackled  conscience 
and  intelligence  of  the  Northern  States.  The  small 
vote  for  Hale  was  by  no  means  discouraging,  for  it 
represented  the  bona  fide  strength  of  the  Free  Soil 
movement  after  the  elimination  of  the  Van  Buren 
element,  which  had  been  inspired  largely  by  per 
sonal  devotion  to  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  hatred  of 
General  Cass. 

An  extraordinary  effort  was  made  to  defeat  the 
re-election  of  Giddings  in  the  canvass  of  this  year. 
Through  the  management  of  men  in  the  Legislature 
of  Ohio  who  were  hostile  to  his  anti-slavery  prin 
ciples,  the  State  was  re-districted  during  the  pre- 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  307 

ceding  year  with  an  eye  single  to  this  result.  He 
was  thrown  into  the  Twentieth  District,  composed  of 
the  counties  of  Ashtabula,  Trumbull,  and  Mahoning, 
and  his  enemies  were  confident  of  his  defeat.  The 
counties  of  Cuyahoga,  Geauga,  and  Lake  were  now 
known  as  the  Sixteenth  District;  and  one  of  the  re 
sults  of  the  gerrymander  was  the  election  of  Edward 
Wade,  a  brother  of  B.  F.  Wade  and  a  thorough  anti- 
slavery  man,  to  represent  this  district,  while  Giddings 
was  triumphantly  chosen  in  the  new  and  hostile  dis 
trict,  receiving  5,752  votes  as  the  Free-Soil  candi 
date,  against  4,428  for  Woods,  the  Democratic  can 
didate,  and  4,169  for  Newton,  the  Whig  candidate. 
A  great  dinner  was  given  at  Painesville  in  celebra 
tion  of  this  triumph,  to  which  many  famous  men  were 
invited,  while  the  friends  of  Giddings  in  every  sec 
tion  of  the  country  rejoiced  in  his  victory  and  the 
humiliation  of  his  foes. 

Giddings  was  a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Terri 
tories  which  reported  a  bill  for  the  organization  of  a 
government  for  Nebraska,  early  in  February,  1853. 
Hon.  John  W.  Howe  of  Pennsylvania  publicly  in 
quired  of  him  why  there  was  no  prohibition  of 
slavery  in  it.  Giddings  replied  that  by  the  eighth 
section  of  the  Act  admitting  Missouri,  slavery  had 
been  prohibited  in  all  the  territory  ceded  by  France 
to  the  United  States  in  what  was  called  the  Louisiana 
purchase,  north  of  36°  30'.  Mr.  Howe  was  satisfied 
with  this  explanation;  and  the  incident  shows  that  at 
that  time  no  one  thought  of  disturbing  the  Missouri 
Compromise.  The  bill  passed  the  House  without  de 
bate,  and  was  transmitted  to  the  Senate,  where  it  was 
retained  without  action  upon  it  during  the  session. 
Mr.  Douglas  made  an  earnest  effort  to  secure  its 
passage  near  the  close  of  the  session,  and  declared 


308  THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

that  he  had  been  pressing  it  for  eight  years;  and 
even  Mr.  Atchison  then  favored  it,  though  depre 
cating  the  prohibition  of  slavery  by  the  Missouri 
Compromise,  which  had  settled  that  question.  The 
motion  to  take  up  the  bill,  however,  was  laid  on  the 
table,  and  the  slaveocracy  thus  gained  time  to  in 
cubate  the  great  conspiracy  which  the  passage  of  the 
House  bill  would  have  made  impossible. 

On  the  last  night  of  this  session  a  motion  was 
made  to  suspend  the  rules  of  the  House  in  order  to 
take  up  a  bill  from  the  Senate  providing  for  the 
adjustment  of  the  claim  of  William  Hazzard  Wigg, 
who  had  been  a  prominent  and  zealous  South  Caro 
lina  patriot  in  the  Revolutionary  War,  and  had 
sustained  heavy  losses,  chiefly  in  slaves,  by  the 
depredations  of  the  British.  Such  claims  had  uni 
formly  been  rejected.  It  was  simply  impossible  for 
Congress  to  give  relief  to  the  thousands  of  citizens, 
North  and  South,  who  had  been  ruined  by  the  wan 
ton  acts  of  the  enemy  in  this  struggle.  But  it  was 
insisted  that  this  claim  was  an  exception  to  the  gen 
eral  rule,  and  that  Wigg  had  been  held  as  a  hostage 
while  the  depredations  upon  his  property  were  com 
mitted,  and  was  thus  entitled  to  indemnity  as  such  un 
der  the  law  of  nations.  The  truth,  however,  was  that 
he  had  been  merely  a  prisoner  of  war,  and  not  a  hos 
tage  in  any  other  sense  than  are  all  such  prisoners. 

The  real  facts  of  the  case  seem  to  have  eluded 
the  vigilance  of  the  anti-slavery  members  of  the  Sen 
ate,  and  when  it  reached  the  House  Giddings,  who 
had  watched  its  progress  and  understood  its  char 
acter,  went  among  Northern  members  and  warned 
them  of  the  action  of  the  Senate,  and  that  an 
effort  would  be  made  during  the  last  hours  of  the 
session  to  pass  the  bill  without  any  opportunity  to 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  309 

debate  it.  As  predicted,  the  measure  was  called  up 
at  eleven  o'clock.  Mr.  Skelton  of  New  Jersey  said, 
"I  object;  the  bill  ought  not  to  be  passed;  it  intro 
duces—  Cries  of  "Order,  order,"  were  heard  from 
slaveholding  members.  Mr.  Duncan  of  Massachu 
setts  said,  "  I  object,  and  I  wish  to  state  the  reasons 
for  my  objections."  Cries  of  ''Order,  order,"  were 
again  made.  Mr.  Colcock  of  North  Carolina  then 
moved  to  suspend  the  rules,  and  Mr.  Walsh  of  New 
York  said,  "  I  hope  the  bill  will  be  taken  up  and 
passed."  The  vote  was  taken,  and  the  rules  were 
suspended  by  a  vote  of  yeas  122  to  nays  46.  Mr. 
Colcock  then  demanded  the  previous  question  on  the 
passage  of  the  bill,  which  was  seconded,  and  the  bill 
became  a  law.  On  the  motion  to  suspend  the  rules 
in  order  to  pass  the  bill,  fifty-one  members  from  the 
Free  States  voted  in  the  affirmative,  and  the  South 
thus  secured  another  victory  for  the  compromise 
measures. 

When  the  Thirty-third  Congress  convened  in  De 
cember,  1853,  the  Democratic  party  controlled  the 
majority  in  each  House  and  the  Legislatures  of  nearly 
all  the  States  of  the  Union.  President  Pierce  in  his 
annual  messages  lauded  the  compromise  measures, 
and  declared  that  the  repose  which  they  had  brought 
to  the  country  should  receive  no  shock  during  his 
term  of  office  if  he  could  avert  it. 

In  his  message  he  recommended  the  prompt  adjust 
ment  of  the  old  Spanish  claim  for  compensation  for 
the  negroes  who  had  asserted  their  right  to  freedom 
on  board  the  ship  "  Amistad. "  This  claim  has  been 
noticed  in  previous  chapters,  and  its  rejection  by 
Congress  and  condemnation  by  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States  will  be  remembered;  but  the 
slave-power  was  now  in  the  ascendant,  and  the  claim- 


310  THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

ants  deemed  it  a  favorable  time  to  renew  it.  The 
part  of  the  President's  message  recommending  it  was 
referred  to  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  of 
which  Mr.  Bayly  of  Virginia  was  chairman,  who 
avowed  his  purpose  to  demand  action  upon  it.  Gid- 
dings  believed  that  a  systematic  and  vigorous  effort 
would  be  made  to  carry  the  measure,  and  he  there 
fore  determined  upon  a  thorough  exposure  of  the 
character  of  the  claim.  He  was  the  only  member 
of  the  House  whose  public  life  had  been  contempora 
neous  with  it,  and  on  the  2ist  of  December,  on  the 
usual  motion  to  refer  the  message  to  the  appropriate 
committees,  he  addressed  the  House  on  the  subject, 
going  fully  into  the  history  of  the  claim,  and  demon 
strating  its  monstrous  injustice  and  inhumanity  by 
referring  to  the  law  and  the  facts  of  the  case.  Mr. 
Bayly  attempted  no  reply,  but  promised  to  do  so  at 
the  first  opportunity,  and  afterwards  repeated  the 
promise  when  challenged  by  Giddings  to  face  the 
country  in  the  attempt  to  vindicate  the  justice  of 
the  measure.  But  he  never  made  the  attempt,  and 
the  claim  was  tacitly  abandoned,  while  the  Demo 
cratic  Press  and  politicians  denounced  Giddings  for 
agitating  the  slavery  question. 

But  a  question  of  far  greater  moment  now  de 
manded  attention.  The  immense  region  north  and 
west  of  Missouri  was  ready  for  organized  territorial 
governments,  and  it  had  been  secured  to  freedom  by 
the  Missouri  Compromise  of  1820.  California  had 
been  made  free,  and  the  slaveholders  recoiled  from 
the  prospect  of  additional  Free  States  in  the  north 
west.  To  avert  this  was  no  easy  task;  but  after  some 
hesitation  and  a  good  deal  of  legislative  diplomacy 
the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  was  resolved 
upon,  and  Mr.  Douglas  of  Illinois  chosen  as  the 


THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  3  1 1 

champion  of  the  measure.  This  movement  belonged 
to  the  logic  of  slavery,  which  made  every  concession 
to  its  demands  the  occasion  for  further  exactions. 
It  required  no  gift  of  prophecy  to  foresee  that  if 
freedom  and  slavery  were  to  have  equal  rights  in 
New  Mexico  and  Utah,  the  same  principle  of  non 
intervention  by  Congress  would  be  asserted  for  the 
Territories  north  of  36°  30',  and  this  line  regarded 
as  a  rock  of  offence  to  be  removed.  This  idea  was 
illustrated  by  the  famous  bill  of  Mr.  Douglas,  which 
declared  the  Missouri  restriction  to  be  inoperative 
and  void,  because  "  inconsistent  with  the  principle  of 
non-intervention  by  Congress  with  slavery  in  the 
States  and  Territories  as  recognized  by  the  compro 
mise  measures  of  1850."  It  is  true  that  those  meas 
ures  had  not  abrogated  that  line,  and  related  only  to 
our  Mexican  acquisitions;  but  they  affirmed  a  prin 
ciple,  and  if  that  principle  was  sound,  the  Missouri 
Compromise  should  never  have  been  made.  The 
Abolitionists  were  therefore  right  in  declaring  the 
measure  of  Mr.  Douglas  to  be  a  sprout  from  the 
grave  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso. 

On  the  i Qth  of  January,  1854,  the  Free-Soil  mem 
bers  of  this  Congress  sent  forth  a  paper  touching  the 
proposition  of  Mr.  Douglas  entitled  an  "Appeal  of 
the  Independent  Democrats  in  Congress  to  the  People 
of  the  United  States."  It  was  signed  by  S.  P.  Chase, 
Charles  Sumner,  J.  R.  Giddings,  Edward  Wade,  Ger- 
rit  Smith,  and  Alexander  DeWitt.  Giddings  made 
the  first  draft  of  this  address,  which  was  revised  and 
rewritten  by  Mr.  Chase.  It  was  then  submitted  to 
Mr.  Smith,  who  made  some  verbal  changes,  and  re 
ferred  it  to  Mr.  Sumner,  who  made  a  further  revi 
sion,  after  which  it  went  to  the  Press.  The  appeal 
says,  — 


312  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

"  We  arraign  this  bill  as  a  gross  violation  of  a  sacred  pledge, 
as  a  criminal  betrayal  of  precious  rights,  as  part  and  parcel  of 
an  atrocious  plot  to  exclude  from  a  vast  unoccupied  region  im 
migrants  from  the  Old  World  and  free  laborers  from  our  own 
States,  and  convert  it  into  a  dreary  region  of  despotism  inhabited 
by  masters  and  slaves." 

The  style  of  this  address  was  admirable,  and  no 
paper  called  forth  by  the  crisis  analyzed  with  more 
clearness  and  vigor  this  atrocious  conspiracy  for  the 
spread  of  slavery  over  the  continent.  It  implored 
the  people  of  the  Free  States  and  Christians  and 
Christian  ministers  not  to  "submit  to  become  agents 
in  extending  legalized  oppression  and  systematized 
injustice  over  a  vast  territory  yet  exempt  from  those 
terrible  evils ;  "  and  it  concluded,  — 

"  For  ourselves,  we  shall  resist  it  by  speech  and  vote,  and 
with  all  the  abilities  which  God  has  given  us.  Even  if  overcome 
in  the  impending  struggle,  we  shall  not  submit.  We  shall  go 
home  to  our  constituents,  erect  anew  the  standard  of  freedom, 
and  call  on  the  people  to  come  to  the  rescue  of  the  country  from 
the  domination  of  slavery.  We  will  not  despair,  for  the  cause  of 
human  freedom  is  the  cause  of  God.'' 

This  address  was  widely  published  in  the  Whig 
and  Free-Soil  papers  of  the  Northern  States,  and  it 
played  no  inconsiderable  part  in  creating  a  sound 
public  opinion.  Mr.  Douglas  felt  it  keenly,  and  a 
few  days  later  made  a  personal  attack  upon  its  sign 
ers,  to  which  Mr.  Chase  replied  with  decided  force 
and  effect.  Mr.  Douglas  reiterated  his  personalities 
instead  of  defending  the  doctrines  and  policy  of  his 
bill,  and  Mr.  Sumner  answered  with  deserved  se 
verity,  referring  to  his  bill  as  "a  soulless,  eyeless 
monster,  horrid,  unshapely,  and  vast."  After  a  de 
bate  of  four  months  the  bill  became  law,  receiving 
forty  votes  from  the  Free  States  in  the  House,  and 
twelve  in  the  Senate ;  thus  opening  the  way  for  the 
organized  border-ruffianism  through  which  the  slave- 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  313 

ocracy  sought  to  establish  its  ascendancy  in  Kansas 
and  Nebraska,  and  the  organized  resistance  of  these 
outrages  by  the  people  of  the  Free  States. 

On  the  i/th  of  May  Giddings  addressed  the  House 
in  a  vigorous  speech  on  the  bill  organizing  territorial 
governments  in  Kansas  and  Nebraska.  He  referred 
to  the  character  of  slavery  as  defined  in  the  slave 
codes  of  the  South,  and  argued  against  its  extension 
on  both  economic  and  humanitarian  grounds.  He 
gave  particular  attention  to  the  theory  of  popular 
sovereignty  in  the  Territories,  and  ridiculed  the  no 
tion  that  any  such  theory  can  be  reconciled  with  the 
rights  of  a  portion  of  the  people  to  enslave  another 
portion,  or  with  the  sovereignty  of  Congress  over 
them,  and  the  appointment  by  the  President  of  their 
chief  officers. 

In  speaking  of  the  asserted  right  of  slaveholders 
to  take  their  slaves  into  the  Territories  as  property, 
and  of  the  Northern  members  of  Congress  who 
adopted  that  idea,  he  said,  — 

"  But  perhaps  the  views  of  gentlemen  ought  not  to  be  com 
mented  on  with  too  much  severity ;  for  if  reports  be  true,  some 
of  these  members  have  '  sold  themselves  '  at  prices  perhaps  be 
low  that  often  paid  for  Southern  negroes.  I  could  tell  of  some 
rare  conversions  to  the  support  of  this  measure  ;  some  quite  as 
sudden,  if  not  as  miraculous,  as  that  of  Saint  Paul.  But  I  prefer 
to  withhold  names  until  the  vote  shall  be  given  and  the  Execu 
tive  appointments  made ;  these  names  will  then  be  published.  I 
speak  of  it  at  this  time,  that  Northern  members  who  voted  for 
this  bill  may  understand  that  the  eye  of  the  public  is  upon  them. 
It  is  time  that  this  slave-trade  now  carried  on  in  the  bodies  of 
members  of  Congress  should  be  prohibited.  Why,  sir,  for  the 
first  time  in  the  history  of  our  government,  the  President  has 
come  out,  through  the  columns  of  his  organ,  the  *  Union,'  of  this 
city,  and  advertised  for  the  purchase  of  members  of  Congress. 
I  refer  to  an  article  in  that  paper  some  weeks  since,  stating,  in 
substance,  that  if  Northern  members,  by  sustaining  this  bill,  in 
curred  the  displeasure  of  their  constitutents,  the  President  would 
sustain  them  by  Executive  favors.  This  was  the  substance  of 


314  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

a  long  article,  in  which  Executive  appointments  were  unblush- 
ingly  tendered,  through  the  public  Press,  to  buy  up  Northern 
doughfaces,  to  purchase  the  very  men  who  now  designate  their 
fellow-men  as  '  property.'  I  do  not  wonder  that  they  entertain 
low  opinions  of  mankind,  and  term  their  brethren  '  property.' 
But  they  should  remember  that  no  colored  man  ever  degraded 
his  race  by  selling  himself.'1'1 

Giddings  never  lost  an  opportunity  to  strike  a  blow 
for  freedom  or  to  resent  a  wrong  to  the  colored  race. 
In  a  debate  on  the  Homestead  Bill  on  the  28th  of 
February,  Mr.  Wright  of  Pennsylvania  offered  an 
amendment  confining  its  benefits  to  "free  white" 
persons.  Giddings,  for  the  purpose  of  making  the 
amendment  ridiculous,  moved  to  amend  it  by  insert 
ing  before  the  word  " white "  the  words  "more  than 
one  half."  He  reminded  the  gentleman  from  Penn 
sylvania  that  in  his  State  negroes  had  been  voters 
only  a  few  years  before;  that  they  had  served  their 
country  upon  the  battle-fields  of  the  Revolution,  as 
they  had  also  under  General  Jackson  at  New  Orleans ; 
that  some  of  the  best  citizens  of  Ohio  had  colored 
blood  in  their  veins;  and  that  it  would  be  a  mon 
strous  injustice  to  deny  them  the  right  to  settle  on 
our  public  lands  and  establish  homes  for  themselves 
and  their  children. 

In  watching  the  drift  of  public  affairs  under  this 
Administration  the  attention  of  Giddings  was  invited 
to  a  significant  event.  In  the  month  of  February  a 
steamer  called  the  "  Black  Warrior  "  cleared  from  Mo 
bile  for  New  York  by  way  of  Havana,  and  on  arriving 
at  that  place  was  reported  by  the  captain  as  "in  bal 
last,  ' '  while  she  really  had  four  or  five  hundred  bales  of 
cotton  on  board  that  were  not  mentioned  in  her  mani 
fest.  When  these  facts  became  known  to  the  proper 
officers  the  steamer  was  of  course  seized  and  held  for 
trial.  It  was  generally  understood  at  this  time  that 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GID DINGS.  3  1 5 

the  Administration  was  anxious  to  acquire  Cuba,  and 
that  the  leaders  of  the  Democratic  party  would  wel 
come  a  war  with  Spain  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining 
that  island.  On  the  loth  of  March  Mr.  Phillips 
of  Alabama  presented  resolutions  calling  upon  the 
President  to  communicate  to  the  House  such  infor 
mation  as  he  might  deem  proper  relative  to  the 
seizure  of  the  "  Black  Warrior  "  and  the  confiscation 
of  her  cargo.  The  resolution  was  adopted,  and  a 
few  days  later  the  President  sent  to  the  House  full 
information  on  the  subject.  In  doing  this  he  per 
formed  his  whole  duty,  for  there  was  nothing  unusual 
in  the  seizure  of  the  ship  under  the  circumstances. 
It  was  an  ordinary  transaction  in  the  commerce  be 
tween  nations,  and  afforded  no  provocation  whatever 
to  the  United  States.  But  the  President  took  advan 
tage  of  this  opportunity  to  say,  — 

"  There  have  been  in  the  course  of  a  few  years  past  many 
other  instances  of  aggression  upon  our  commerce  —  violations 
of  the  rights  of  American  citizens,  and  insults  to  the  national 
flag  —  by  the  Spanish  authorities  in  Cuba;  and  all  attempts  to 
obtain  redress  have  been  protracted  by  fruitless  negotiations. 
The  documents  in  these  cases  have  been  voluminous,  and  when 
prepared  will  be  sent  to  Congress." 

The  House  had  not  called  for  these  statements, 
and  the  President  went  out  of  his  way  and  tran 
scended  his  authority  in  thrusting  them  upon  that 
body.  But  he  still  further  revealed  his  burning  de 
sire  to  stir  up  strife  with  Spain  and  play  into  the 
hands  of  his  Southern  masters : — 

"  In  view  of  the  position  of  Cuba,  its  proximity  to  our  coast, 
the  relations  which  it  must  ever  bear  to  our  commercial  and  other 
interests,  it  is  in  vain  to  expect  that  a  series  of  unfriendly  acts 
infringing  our  commercial  rights,  and  the  adoption  of  a  policy 
threatening  the  honor  and  security  of  these  States,  can  long  con 
sist  with  peaceful  relations." 


3l6  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.  G  ID  DINGS. 

The  message  was  lauded  by  Mr.  Bayly  of  Virginia, 
the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs, 
who  had  moved  its  reference  to  that  committee.  The 
motion  prevailed,  and  the  slaveocracy  was  pleased ; 
but  the  next  morning,  March  16,  Giddings  moved 
to  reconsider  this  reference,  and  made  the  extracts 
quoted  the  text  of  an  hour's  speech.  It  was  in  his 
best  style,  and  the  cry  of  danger  was  never  sounded 
more  opportunely.  He  did  not  wait  for  a  convenient 
season  to  talk  about  the  designs  of  the  Administration 
upon  Cuba,  but  seized  the  very  moment  when  those 
designs  were  officially  foreshadowed,  and  laid  them 
bare  before  the  eyes  of  the  nation.  He  began  by 
rebuking  the  President's  assumption  and  audacity. 

"  Neither  the  Constitution  nor  usage  justifies  this  attempt  to 
excite  in  us  unfriendly  feeling  towards  a  neighboring  Govern 
ment.  We  come  from  the  people ;  we  hold  our  commissions 
from  them ;  they  are  our  masters ;  and  when  they  speak  we  are 
bound  to  listen  with  respect.  We  are  not  dependent  on  the 
Executive ;  he  is  our  servant,  bound  to  execute  our  laws,  to  obey 
our  directions,  and  not  to  read  lectures  to  tell  us  that  we  have 
silently  borne  insults  from  her  Christian  Majesty  of  Spain.  Does 
he  attempt  to  excite  our  indignation,  and  through  this  body  to 
stir  up  the  people  to  war?  That  is  the  obvious  tendency  of 
these  charges.  Why,  sir,  the  Government  of  Spain  is  at  this 
moment  as  unconscious  of  these  complaints  as  it  is  of  matters 
now  transpiring  in  this  body.  No  complaint  has  been  made  by 
the  Executive  to  her  Majesty,  nor  to  her  ministers.  The  Presi 
dent  is  unable  to  say  whether  that  Government  will  or  will  not  do 
us  perfect  and  complete  justice.  .  .  .  Why  then  does  the  Presi 
dent  send  these  complaints  to  us  before  he  presents  them  to 
Spain  ?  Why  charge  her  with  insulting  our  flag  before  he  de 
mands  the  proper  apology  from  her  Majesty?  It  would  hardly 
be  courteous  to  say  that  the  President  wishes  to  make  this  House 
the  forum  from  which  to  harangue  the  people  who  are  his  politi 
cal  creators.  No;  we  will  suppose  he  intended  his  message  for 
ourselves.  Still,  however  supine  and  neglectful  he  may  regard 
us,  we  are  unwilling  to  admit  ourselves  so  oblivious  to  the  public 
interest  as  to  need  lectures  from  a  co-ordinate  branch  of  govern 
ment.  We  possess  powers  of  thought  as  well  as  the  President, 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GID DINGS.  3  I  / 

though  perhaps  not  to  the  same  extent.  Still,  when  we  want 
information  from  him  relative  to  the  past  history  of  our  gov 
ernment,  we  will  call  on  him  for  it;  or  if  we  desire  an  essay 
on  Spanish  encroachments,  we  surely  will  invite  it." 

The  reference  of  Giddings  to  the  question  of  a  war 
with  Spain  was  equally  timely,  and  it  recalls  his 
speech  on  the  Oregon  question  in  1846,  which  so 
mollified  the  rampant  spirit  of  the  slaveocracy  re 
specting  a  war  with  England.  He  said,  — 

"  Nor  will  a  war  for  the  conquest  of  Cuba  prove  any  child's 
play.  The  combined  navies  of  England  and  France  will  present 
to  us  a  force  not  to  be  despised.  They  will  surround  Cuba 
with  a  wall  of  iron  and  a  sheet  of  flame.  They  will  prove  them 
selves  worthy  of  our  steel.  Once  relieved  from  their  European 
employment,  they  will  have  an  army  which  may  be  easily  thrown 
upon  our  Southern  coast  wherever  they  may  deem  it  most  assail 
able.  They  will  doubtless  strike  at  our  weakest  points.  They 
may  bring  the  war  into  this  American  Africa,  and  rear  the  stand 
ard  of  freedom  on  our  own  soil,  while  our  army  shall  be  fighting 
for  slavery  in  Cuba.  It  is  right  that  Southern  gentlemen  should 
look  at  this  subject  in  all  its  aspects.  If  they  go  to  war  under 
the  black  flag  of  oppression,  they  should  count  the  cost.  If  they 
should  find  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  British  and  French  troops 
in  South  Carolina  or  Georgia,  rearing  the  standard  of  liberty, 
and  the  slaves  flocking  to  it,  they  must  understand  that  our 
Northern  militia  will  comprehend  the  cause  of  such  war.  They 
may  not  hasten  as  rapidly  to  mingle  in  the  fight  with  slaves 
armed  with  foreign  muskets  and  commanded  by  foreign  officers, 
as  men  would  who  feel  a  deep  interest  in  the  prosperity  of  the 
peculiar  institution." 

In  referring  to  the  war  power  of  the  Government, 
he  said,  - 

"  It  is  acknowledged  on  all  sides  that  when  such  war  shall 
exist,  this  Government  may  interpose  terms  of  peace,  even  at  the 
price  of  liberating  every  slave  in  the  nation.  I  announce  these 
facts  to  Northern  men  to  inspirit  them  to  deeds  of  manly  bearing, 
that  no  one  may  despond,  though  war  shall  actually  come.  .  .  . 
Thus,  sir,  I  can  easily  imagine  that  this  war  which  the  President 
invokes  may  prove  the  overthrow  of  slavery  in  Cuba  as  well  as 
in  our  own  land.  Such  results  would  best  accord  with  the  feel 
ings,  the  desires,  of  the  Free  States  and  of  the  whole  Christian 
world." 


3 1 8  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

Giddings  concluded  this  speech  by  reminding 
Southern  members  of  the  war  with  Mexico,  waged 
for  the  extension  of  slavery  at  the  cost  of  two  hun 
dred  millions  of  dollars  and  eighty  thousand  human 
lives,  which  had  given  us  a  Free  State  on  the  Pacific 
and  extended  free  institutions  on  the  continent;  and 
he  warned  them  that  similar  results  would  follow  a 
war  with  Spain. 

During  the  Congressional  vacation  he  devoted  him 
self  to  his  regular  biennial  canvass  for  re-election. 
The  political  situation  was  new.  Within  the  pre 
ceding  year  the  old  Whig  party  had  been  routed  and 
dispersed,  and  a  new  movement,  called  the  Know- 
Nothing  party,  had  appeared.  It  was  a  secret,  oath- 
bound  political  order,  and  the  basis  of  its  policy 
was  the  proscription  of  Catholics  and  a  probation  of 
twenty-one  years  for  foreigners  as  a  qualification  for 
the  suffrage.  It  was  composed  of  bolters  from  all 
the  other  parties,  but  the  Whig  element  predomi 
nated.  The  growth  of  this  movement  was  marvel 
lous,  but  its  control  by  demagogues,  whose  animating 
spirit  was  greed  for  office,  soon  revealed  itself. 
Like  the  Whig  and  Democratic  parties,  it  was  soon 
found  ready  to  subordinate  the  slavery  issue  to  the 
propagation  of  its  narrow  and  bigoted  dogmas  and  to 
political  success.  Of  course  Giddings  had  no  sym 
pathy  with  this  movement ;  and  he  had  quite  as  little 
with  the  popular  rallying  cry  of  "the  restoration 
of  the  Missouri  Compromise."  He  opposed  slavery 
upon  principle,  and  irrespective  of  any  bargain  or 
compact  concerning  geographical  lines.  He  believed 
that  to  restore  this  compromise  would  be  to  propi 
tiate  the  spirit  of  compromise.  It  would  re-affirm 
the  binding  obligation  of  a  compact  which  should 
never  have  been  made,  and  from  which  we  now  had 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   G  ID  DINGS.  319 

the  opportunity  of  deliverance.  It  was  openly  urged 
by  many  of  its  advocates  as  a  retreat  to  the  compro 
mise  measures  of  1850,  and  the  finality  platform  of 
1852.  The  repeal  of  this  compromise  was  only  a 
single  link  in  a  chain  of  measures  aiming  at  the  ab 
solute  supremacy  of  slavery  in  the  government,  and 
thus  inviting  a  resistance  commensurate  with  that 
policy.  Giddings  demanded  the  dedication  of  all 
our  national  Territories  to  freedom,  and  the  total 
denationalization  of  slavery. 

During  the  second  session  of  the  Thirty-third  Con 
gress  the  question  of  slavery  was  not  much  debated, 
and  only  incidentally.  On  the  iQth  of  December,  1854, 
when  a  bill  was  before  the  House  granting  additional 
powers  to  the  corporation  of  Washington,  Giddings 
proposed  an  amendment  that  no  person  shall  be  im 
prisoned  unless  charged  with  crime.  This  was  aimed 
at  the  law  authorizing  the  arrest,  imprisonment,  and 
sale  into  slavery  of  colored  men  found  in  the  District 
who  were  unable  to  prove  their  freedom,  and  provid 
ing  that  even  after  such  proof  they  might  be  sold  un 
less  they  were  able  to  pay  the  costs  and  expenses  of 
their  imprisonment.  The  amendment  was  rejected. 
On  the  4th  of  January,  1855,  in  committee  of  the 
whole  on  the  bill  graduating  the  price  of  public 
lands,  he  discussed  the  slavery  question  in  its  rela 
tions  to  the  Know-Nothing  party.  On  February  6, 
in  the  general  debate  on  the  bill  providing  for  the 
payment  of  Texas  creditors,  he  spoke  at  length  on 
the  action  of  the  Government  in  dealing  with  Texas, 
and  its  duties  pertaining  thereto.  These  are  a  few 
only  of  the  matters  which  enlisted  his  attention  dur 
ing  this  session;  and  at  no  previous  session  of  Con 
gress  had  his  vigilance  in  the  matter  of  slavery  been 
more  constant  and  remarkable. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

MARCH,    1855,   TO   MARCH,    1859. 

The  Congressional  Vacation.  —  Meeting  of  the  Thirty-fourth  Con 
gress. —  State  of  Political  Parties.  —  The  Speakership.  —  Election 
of  Banks.  —  Birth  of  the  Republican  Party.  —  Letters  from  John 
Brown.  —  Speech  on  the  Deficiency  Bill;  on  the  Assault  on  Sum- 
ner. —  The  Philadelphia  Convention  and  its  Platform.  —  Last  Ses 
sion  of  this  Congress.  —  Speeches.  —  Letters  from  John  P.  Hale. — 
The  Dred  Scott  Decision.  —  Work  in  Vacation.  —  First  Session  of 
the  Thirty-fifth  Congress.  —  The  Lecompton  Constitution  and  the 
Crittenden-Montgomery  Amendment.  —  Diary  of  Giddings.  —  The 
English  Bill.  —  Speech  on  "  American  Infidelity  ;"  on  the  African 
Slave-trade.  —  Nomination  of  his  Successor.  —  Letters  from  Friends. 
—  Voice  of  the  Press.  —  Second  Session  of  the  Thirty-fifth  Con 
gress.  —  Farewell  Speech.  —  Testimonials. 

THE  effort  to  plant  slavery  in  Kansas  by  organized 
vandalism  was  unremitted  during  the  Congres 
sional  vacation.  This  naturally  fired  the  hearts  of  the 
people  of  the  Free  States  and  rapidly  multiplied  anti- 
slavery  men ;  but  there  was  no  organization  of  their 
forces  against  the  common  enemy.  The  members  of 
the  Free-Soil  party  were  so  cheered  by  the  tokens  of 
formidable  accessions  to  their  cause  that  they  did  not 
deem  it  wise  to  press  the  claims  of  their  organization. 
The  Whig  party  was  disbanded,  but  its  scattered  mem 
bers  had  too  long  worn  the  collar  of  slavery  and  de 
nounced  its  outspoken  enerrres  to  be  ready  to  join 
them.  They  generally  favored  the  restoration  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise  and  the  freedom  of  Kansas  and 
Nebraska;  but  beyond  this  they  declined  to  com- 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  321 

mit  themselves.  The  position  of  the  bolters  from 
the  Democratic  party  was  substantially  the  same. 
The  Know-Nothing  party  divided  on  the  slavery  is 
sue  in  1855;  but  even  the  members  of  the  Northern 
division  declined  to  take  any  higher  ground  than  that 
occupied  by  their  Whig  and  Democratic  allies.  As 
early  as  the  summer  of  1854  these  forces  had  met  in 
State  convention  in  Michigan,  and  organized  them 
selves  into  a  Republican  party.  This  action  was 
followed  by  kindred  movements  in  Wisconsin  and 
Vermont,  but  in  New  York  the  Whigs  refused  to 
disband,  and  the  attempt  to  form  a  new  party  failed. 
The  same  was  true  of  Massachusetts  and  Ohio,  in 
which  conservative  Whiggery  and  Know-Nothingism 
blocked  the  way  of  progress.  The  outlook  as  to  the 
formation  of  a  triumphant  anti-slavery  party  was  by 
no  means  assuring,  while  all  could  see  how  much 
easier  it  was  to  break  up  old  party  organizations  than 
to  organize  their  fragments  into  a  new  party  on  a 
just  basis. 

Under  these  circumstances  the  Thirty-fourth  Con 
gress  assembled  in  December,  1855.  The  Democrats 
were  in  a  minority  in  the  House,  and  this  was  due  in 
part  to  the  Know-Nothing  movement,  which  had  sur 
prised  the  whole  country  by  its  phenomenal  success, 
and  now  desired  to  subordinate  the  slavery  issue  to 
the  personal  and  party  interests  of  its  members.  The 
situation  was  painfully  complicated,  while  the  great 
question  of  the  Speakership  completely  engrossed 
the  thoughts  of  men  of  all  parties,  and  involved  far 
more  momentous  interests  than  ever  before.  Gid- 
dings  had  not  forgotten  the  position  which  he  and 
his  friend  Palfrey  had  taken  nine  years  before,  and 
which  time  and  events  had  fully  vindicated.  On 
the  Friday  preceding  the  meeting  of  the  House  a 

21 


322  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDIArGS. 

conference  of  Republicans  and  Free  Soilers  was  held 
for  the  purpose  of  taking  into  consideration  the 
choice  of  a  Speaker.  About  forty  members  were 
present,  with  a  number  of  Know-Nothings.  Gid- 
dings  submitted  the  following  resolution :  — 

''Resolved,  That  we  will  support  no  man  for  Speaker  who  is 
not  pledged  to  carry  out  the  parliamentary  law,  by  giving  to  each 
proposed  measure  ordered  by  the  House  to  be  committed,  a  ma 
jority  of  such  special  committee  ;  and  to  organize  the  standing 
committees  of  the  House  by  placing  on  each  a  majority  of  the 
friends  of  freedom  who  are  favorable  to  making  reports  on  all 
petitions  committed  to  them." 

The  resolution  was  unanimously  adopted,  being 
supported  by  seventy  members ;  and  when  the  House 
met  on  the  following  Monday,  the  balloting  for 
Speaker  began.  William  A.  Richardson  was  the 
Democratic  candidate,  Lewis  D.  Campbell  the  Know- 
Nothing  candidate,  Humphrey  Marshall  the  Southern 
Know-Nothing  candidate,  and  Nathaniel  P.  Banks 
the  Republican  candidate.  On  the  twenty-third  bal 
lot  Mr.  Campbell  withdrew  his  name ;  but  the  strug 
gle  continued,  with  every  indication  that  it  would 
be  indefinitely  prolonged.  The  work  of  the  House, 
however,  alternated  between  balloting  for  Speaker 
and  a  lively  running  debate,  which  sometimes  ex 
tended  through  successive  days.  One  of  these  oc 
curred  on  the  1 8th  of  December,  in  the  course  of 
which  Mr.  Letcher  of  Virginia  referred  to  the  reso 
lution  just  quoted,  and  asked  Giddings  if  he  wrote 
it,  and  whether  it  was  adopted  by  the  meeting  to 
which  it  was  submitted.  Giddings  answered  the 
question  in  the  affirmative,  explaining  that  among 
men  who  had  heretofore  belonged  to  different  parties 
it  was  necessary  to  find  some  common  ground  on 
which  they  could  stand,  and  that  the  resolution  was 
necessary  in  order  to  restore  to  the  people  of  the 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   X.    G  ID  DINGS.  323 

Free  States  the  right  of  petition,  which  for  twenty- 
three  years  had  been  trampled  under  foot  by  the 
Speaker.  He  added,  - 

"  Let  me  say  to  gentlemen,  we  are  each  of  us  now  writing 
our  biography  with  more  rapidity  than  we  generally  imagine. 
Coming  generations,  looking  back  upon  this  time,  .and  seeing 
these  principles  adopted  |by  the  American  people,  will  rejoice, 
and  their  hearts  swell  with  thankfulness,  that  there  were  men  at 
this  day  who  stood  forth  so  proudly  and  firmly  in  favor  of  these 
principles  of  justice,  liberty,  and  the  Constitution.  And  now, 
gentlemen,  I  will  come  to  a  more  minute  part  of  my  subject,  if 
my  friend  from  Virginia  [Mr.  Letcher]  has  got  through  asking 
questions. 

"  MR.  LETCHER.  I  have  got  all  I  want  to  go  to  my  section  of 
the  country  with. 

"  MR.  GIDDINGS.  Oh,  my  friend,  with  what  emotions  I  hear 
that  word  '  section' !  Instead  of  looking  to  the  good  and  for  the 
approval  of  coming  generations,  men  are  always  looking  over 
their  shoulders  t<?  see  if  the  devil  is  not  coming  after  them. 
[Laughter.]  When  will  men  learn  that  we  are  not  sent  here  to 
cavil  on  mere  sectional  issues  ?  Gentlemen  of  the  Democratic 
party,  I  say  again,  in  your  attempt  to  extend  this  sectional  insti 
tution-  you  hav£  called  down  the  vengeance  of  the  American 
people  upon  your  heads.  The  handwriting  upon  the  wall  has 
been  seen  and  read  of  all  men.  Your  history  is  written,  and 
your  doom  is  sealed ;  the  sentence  pronounced  against  you,  '  De 
part,  ye  cursed.'  [Laughter.]  You  need  not  trouble  yourselves 
about  our  petty  difficulties.  We  will  take  care  of  them ;  you 
cannot  help  us.  We  can  do  without  you.  We  have  a  working 
majority  in  this  House  against  you.  When  organized,  we  shall 
raise  the  standard  of  united  opposition  to  your  party.  Indeed, 
whether  we  elect  a  Speaker  or  not,  we  shall  unite  in  opposition 
to  your  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  and  to  its  principles." 

This  reminder  must  have  been  as  surprising  to  the 
slaveocracy  as  it  was  unwelcome.  Giddings  had  long 
been  a  member  of  a  small  and  despised  minority,  and 
had  been  treated  by  Southern  members  as  a  fanatic 
and  a  castaway.  But  he  now  gave  notice  that  he  was 
an  active  working  force  in  the  movement  which  con 
trolled  the  House  and  was  soon  to  dominate  the  gov 
ernment.  He  evidently  felt  that  the  country  had 


324  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.    ' 

entered  upon  a  new  political  dispensation,  and  he 
did  not  disguise  his  pleasant  emotions  in  referring  to 
the  fact.  Continuing  his  remarks,  and  alluding  to 
the  question  of  disunion,  he  said,  — 

"  We  at  the  North  will  stand  by  the  Union.  And  let  me  say 
to  timid  gentlemen  from  the  North,  be  not  anxious  about  the 
Union.  We  do  not  intend  to  dissolve  the  Union,  and  we  do  not 
intend  to  let  you  do  it.  [Laughter.]  Understand  that.  We 
mean  what  we  say ;  we  will  not  only  maintain  the  Union,  but  we 
will  tell  Southern  traitors  who  threaten  it  that  they  shall  not  dis 
solve  it.  It  has  been  cemented  by  the  blood  of  our  fathers,  who 
fought  for  its  establishment.  We  are  bound  to  maintain  it 
by  all  the  obligations  which  bind  men,  and  we  mean  to  do  it. 
Threaten  its  dissolution,  reiterate  the  threat  as  often  as  you 
please,  and  we  meet  you  with  a  stern  front  and  unwavering  reso 
lution  that  such  a  traitorous  object  shall  not  be  reached.  I  speak 
in  all  kindness.  We  have  already  got  this  House.  Next  year, 
with  God's  blessing,  we  shall  have  the  President;  and  in  two 
years  we  shall  have  the  Senate.  Then  the  Executive  and  Legis 
lative  branches  of  the  government  will  be  in  our  power.  Then 
those  who  threaten  disunion  had  better  look  out." 

This  speech  produced  quite  a  sensation  among 
Southern  members.  It  was  not  now  the  speech  of 
a  hated  fanatic,  but  of  a  recognized  leader  of  a  pow 
erful  movement  which  he  had  done  more  than  any 
living  public  man  in  the  nation  to  create.  Mr. 
McMullen  of  Virginia  replied  with  great  bitter 
ness,  declaring  that  should  the  party  with  which 
Mr.  Giddings  acted  obtain  the  control  of  the  govern 
ment  and  restore  the  Missouri  Compromise  or  repeal 
the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  the  South  would  dissolve 
the  Union. 

During  this  tedious  struggle  over  the  Speakership 
no  member  of  the  House  was  more  alert  and  active 
than  Giddings.  On  the  3ist  of  December  he  joined 
in  the  general  debate  on  the  question  of  receiving  the 
President's  message  before  the  House  had  been  or 
ganized.  On  the  nth  of  January,  1856,  he  spoke  on 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  325 

Mr.  Zollicoffer's  resolution,  declaring  it  to  be  the 
duty  of  all  candidates  for  political  position  frankly 
and  fully  to  avow  their  opinions  upon  important 
political  questions.  On  the  i8th  of  January  he 
spoke  at  length  on  the  plurality  rule,  under  which 
the  Speaker  was  finally  chosen,  as  he  had  been  in 
December,  1849,  after  a  similar  struggle.  He  was 
equally  active  in  the  debates  on  minor  questions,  and 
especially  where  the  issue  of  slavery  was  in  any 
degree  involved.  The  struggle  for  Speaker  finally 
closed  with  the  election  of  Mr.  Banks,  on  the  one 
hundred  and  thirty-third  ballot,  on  the  2d  of  Febru 
ary,  having  continued  through  nine  weeks.  This  was 
the  first  victory  of  the  Free  States  over  the  power  of 
the  South,  and  it  was  largely  due  to  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise  and  the  border-ruffian  outrages 
in  Kansas  which  followed. 

After  the  Speaker  had  been  conducted  to  the  chair, 
and  had  delivered  an  appropriate  address,  the  clerk 
of  the  House  called  on  Giddings,  as  its  oldest  mem 
ber,  to  administer  the  oath  of  office.  As  the  Father 
of  the  House,  with  his  large  physical  frame  and  sil 
very  white  hair,  walked  forward  into  the  area  in  front 
of  the  Speaker's  chair,  the  galleries  at  once  recog 
nized  him,  and  recalling  his  long  and  faithful  labors 
in  the  cause  which  had  finally  triumphed,  a  hearty 
cheer  was  given  in  his  honor.  The  oath  was  admin 
istered  according  to  the  form  used  in  New  England 
from  the  time  of  the  Pilgrims,  and  the  words  were 
pronounced  in  a  loud  voice  and  in  tones  full  of  ear 
nestness  and  emotion.  Soon  after  this  victory  Gid 
dings  wrote  to  his  friends  at  home,  — 

"The  2d  of  February,  1856,  will  mark  an  important  era 
in  the  history  of  Congress.  On  that  day  a  man  who  dared  de 
clare  that  he  held,  with  the  early  fathers  of  our  Republic,  '  that 


326  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA  R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

all  men  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  the  inalienable  right 
to  life  and  liberty,'  was  elected  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives.  He  stood  firmly  on  this  rock  of  truth.  The  shafts 
of  slaveholding  calumny  and  vituperation  were  hurled  at  him ; 
but  he  looked  his  opponents  in  the  face,  bade  defiance  to  their 
impotent  assaults,  and  triumphed.  He  was  elected  upon  the 
identical  doctrine  for  the  utterance  of  which  I  was  driven  from 
this  body  fourteen  years  since.  ...  I  have  labored  for  the  re- 
establishment  of  those  principles  for  which  our  Revolutionary 
fathers  contended.  I  have  lived  to  see  them  recognized  by  a 
majority  of  the  popular  branch  of  Congress.  I  regard  myself 
among  the  most  fortunate  of  public  men.  I  have  attained  the 
highest  point  of  my  ambition.  /  am  satisfied.'''1 

Pending  these  proceedings  in  Congress  and  the 
progress  of  slaveholding  violence  and  outrage  in 
Kansas,  measures  were  taken  by  representative  men 
in  Ohio,  Massachusetts,  Pennsylvania,  Vermont,  and 
Wisconsin  for  calling  a  National  Republican  Conven 
tion  at  Pittsburg,  on  the  22d  of  February,  for  the 
purpose  of  organizing  a  national  Republican  party. 
This  convention  was  largely  attended  and  full  of 
enthusiasm,  and  it  provided  for  the  holding  of  a 
convention  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  i/th  of  June,  to 
nominate  candidates  for  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent.  In  the  Pittsburg  convention  the  two  most 
attractive  personalities  were  Horace  Greeley  and 
Mr.  Giddings.  The  moment  the  former  was  seen 
in  the  audience,  he  was  vociferously  called  for,  and 
responded  briefly,  saying  that  he  had  been  in  Wash 
ington  several  weeks,  and  that  friends  there  "  coun 
selled  extreme  caution  in  our  movements."  This 
was  the  burden  of  his  exhortation.  At  the  close  of 
his  speech  Giddings  was  tumultuously  called  for,  and 
replied  to  Greeley  that  Washington  was  the  last  place 
in  the  world  to  look  for  counsel  or  redress.  He  illus 
trated  his  meaning  by  an  amusing  anecdote,  and  then 
introduced  Owen  Lovejoy  of  Illinois.  There  was  an 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   G  ID  DINGS.  327 

element  of  conservatism  and  Know-Nothingism  in 
this  convention,  but  the  hearts  of  the  masses  in  at 
tendance  were  with  Giddings.  The  men  who  were 
profoundly  in  earnest  in  their  opposition  to  slavery 
everywhere  looked  to  him  for  counsel.  This  was 
illustrated  in  the  following  letter  from  the  city  of 
Weston,  Missouri,  dated  Jan.  27,  1856. 

HON.  J.  R.  GIDDINGS,  Washington  City : 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  presume  an  apology  is  unnecessary  in  ad 
dressing  a  letter  to  one  so  warmly  interested  as  yourself  in  the 
great  question  of  the  day,  —  namely,  the  freeing  of  this  great 
country  from  the  curse  of  slavery.  Sir,  six  months  ago  I  left 
my  native  State,  York,  for  a  home  in  Kansas.  I  settled,  on  my 
arrival  in  the  Territory,  about  four  miles  from  Lawrence,  and 
built  me  a  good  house,  where  I  resided  until  the  border  ruffians 
invaded  the  Territory.  They,  knowing  my  adherence  to  the 
cause  of  freedom,  and  my  being  a  Northern  man,  took  me  a 
prisoner  and  kept  me  as  such  for  four  days,  treating  me  worse 
than  one  of  their  slaves.  After  my  release,  they  told  me  I  must 
leave  the  country.  I  did  not  do  it,  but  went  to  Eaton,  and  re 
mained  there  quietly  till  last  Friday  week,  the  day  of  the  election. 
They  then  sent  their  minions  out  to  disturb  our  election,  which 
they  did.  They  killed  two  men  for  us.  How  long  are  we  to  be 
treated  like  dogs  ?  General  Pomeroy  promised  us  men  and  means 
to  carry  on  the  war.  Sir,  are  we  to  have  them,  or  are  we  to  be 
driven  from  the  Territory  after  all  the  sacrifices  of  time  and 
money  we  have  made  ?  Will  you,  sir,  inform  me  if  we  are  to 
have  the  means  to  drive  the  last  B.  R.  from  the  country?  I,  for 
one,  am  ready  to  stay  if  we  are.  If  we  do  not  have  them  soon, 
we  shall  be  driven  from  the  land.  Answer  requested  immediately. 
I  must  close  for  fear  of  interruption. 

Respectfully  yours, 

JOHN  BROWN. 

The  following  letter  is  still  more  impassioned. 

OSAWATOMIE,  KANSAS  TERRITORY,  Feb.  20,  1856. 
HON.  JOSHUA  R.  GIDDINGS,  Washington,  D.  C.  : 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  write  to  say  that  a  number  of  United  States 
soldiers  are  quartered  in  this  vicinity,  for  the  ostensible  purpose 
of  removing  intruders  from  certain  Indian  lands.  It  is,  however, 
believed  that  the  Administration  has  no  thought  of  removing  the 
Missourians  from  the  Indian  lands,  but  that  the  real  object  is  to 


328  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

have  the  men  in  readiness  to  act  in  enforcement  of  the  hellish 
enactments  of  the  [so-called]  Kansas  Legislature,  —  absolutely 
abominated  by  a  great  majority  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Terri 
tory,  and  spurned  by  them  up  to  this  time.  I  confidently  believe 
that  the  next  movement  on  the  part  of  the  Administration  and 
its  pro-slavery  masters  will  be  either  to  drive  the  people  here  to 
submit  to  those  infernal  enactments,  or  to  assume  what  will  be 
termed  treasonable  grounds,  by  shooting  down  the  poor  soldiers 
of  the  country,  with  whom  they  have  no  quarrel  whatever.  I 
ask  in  the  name  of  Almighty  God,  I  ask  in  the  name  of  our 
venerated  forefathers,  I  ask  in  the  name  of  all  that  good  or  true 
men  ever  held  dear,  will  Congress  suffer  us  to  be  driven  to  such 
"  dire  extremities  "  ?  Will  anything  be  done  ?  Please  send  me  a 
few  lines  at  this  place.  Long  acquaintance  with  your  public  life, 
and  a  slight  personal  acquaintance,  incline  and  embolden  me  to 
make  this  appeal  to  yourself.  Everything  is  still  on  the  surface 
just  now.  Circumstances  are,  however,  of  a  most  suspicious 
character.  Very  respectfully  yours, 

JOHN  BROWN. 

One  of  the  most  manly  speeches  delivered  in  this 
Congress  was  that  of  Giddings  on  the  Senate  amend 
ments  to  the  Deficiency  Bill,  on  the  8th  of  May. 
These  amendments  had  been  repeatedly  rejected  by 
the  House,  but  the  Senate  still  urged  them ;  and  Gid 
dings  now  stated  the  reasons  why  the  House  should 
adhere  to  its  position.  He  first  opposed  the  item  in 
the  deficiency  appropriations  for  the  Judiciary  which 
covered  the  amount  of  twenty-seven  thousand  dollars 
expended  by  the  marshal  of  the  southern  district  of 
Ohio  in  arresting  and  returning  to  Kentucky  the 
slaves  of  Mr.  Gaines,  including  the  mother,  who 
took  the  life  of  her  own  child  to  prevent  its  being 
sent  into  slavery.  This  was  the  famous  "  Margaret 
Garner  case,"  which  so  stirred  the  country  at  the 
time.  Between  four  and  five  hundred  deputy  mar 
shals  were  appointed  for  this  service,  and  "  if  we 
agree  to  this  appropriation,"  said  Giddings,  "we 
shall  be  told  by  our  constituents  that  we  have  made 
appropriations  to  assist  the  Administration  to  corrupt 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  329 

the  very  fountains  of  political  action,  and  by  fraud  to 
induce  beings  who  bear  the  forms  of  men  to  assume 
the  nature  of  bloodhounds,  to  hunt  down  fugitive 
slaves." 

Giddings  next  opposed  the  Senate  amendment  ap 
propriating  three  hundred  thousand  dollars  for  sup 
pressing  Indian  hostilities  in  Oregon.  In  this  speech, 
as  in  several  earlier  ones,  he  showed  himself  as  true 
a  friend  of  the  Indian  as  he  was  of  the  negro.  "  For 
many  years,"  said  he,  "I  have  felt  a  deep  interest  in 
the  policy  which  guides  our  intercourse  with  these 
sons  of  the  forest.  We  have  driven  them  from  the 
Atlantic  coast,  from  their  hunting-grounds,  from  the 
graves  of  their  fathers,  step  by  step,  until  they  are 
now  confined  to  the  far  West."  Referring  to  the 
Oregon  Indians  in  1808,  when  Lewis  and  Clark  vis 
ited  that  region,  and  the  friendly  treatment  those 
pioneer  explorers  received  from  these  savages,  he 
said,  — 

"  Since  that  day  we  have  become  a  mighty  nation,  with  twenty- 
five  millions  of  people  and  boundless  resources ;  we  have  pushed 
our  settlements  to  the  Pacific,  and  the  doom  of  the  savage  tribes 
now  stands  plainly  written  in  the  book  of  fate,  and  is  as  clearly 
understood  by  them  as  it  is  by  us.  We  are  a  Christian  people ; 
they,  like  the  Athenians,  worship  the  unknown  God.  Yet  here 
in  this  hall,  and  in  the  western  region,  efforts  are  put  forth  to 
hasten  the  extermination  of  these  comparatively  defenceless 
tribes  ;  and  this  appropriation  is  intended  to  hasten  the  consum 
mation  of  that  policy." 

The  humanity  of  the  following  passage  recalls 
the  opinions  repeatedly  expressed  by  General  Harney 
many  years  ago,  and  the  recent  utterances  of  General 
Miles  respecting  our  latest  Indian  war:  — 

"  Mr.  Speaker,  every  man  acquainted  with  the  Indian  char 
acter  is  aware  that  two,  and  only  two,  incentives  operate  upon 
the  Indian  mind  to  excite  him  to  war.  These  are  revenge  and 
want.  Treat  them  kindly,  and  there  will  be  no  cause  for  re- 


330  THE  LIFE    OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

venge ;  feed  them,  and  there  will  be  no  inducement  for  them  to 
commit  depredations  upon  our  people.  Why,  sir,  if  the  money 
expended  in  Oregon  within  the  past  three  years  had  been  ex 
pended  in  provisions,  and  those  provisions  distributed  to  the 
Indians,  it  would  have  secured  our  frontiers,  from  the  Mexican 
line  to  the  British  possessions,  against  all  savage  depredations 
for  twenty  years.  But  I  grieve  to  say  that  the  conduct  of  our 
friends  in  Oregon  does  not  commend  this  appropriation  to  my 
judgment.  I  can  only  notice  a  paragraph  from  the  letter  of  Gen 
eral  Wool  read  to  us  yesterday.  In  that  we  are  informed  that 
one  of  the  most  powerful  chiefs  met  the  volunteers  of  that  Ter 
ritory  with  a  flag  of  truce,  suing  for  peace.  Our  troops  refused 
to  treat  for  peace  on  any  terms,  but  advised  him  to  return  to  his 
people  and  fight.  Sir,  what  a  spectacle !  A  savage  asking 
peace,  and  Christians  denying  it !  But,  what  was  far  worse,  they 
sent  him  and  his  four  companions  to  the  rear  of  the  army,  safely 
guarded,  and  then  commenced  the  work  of  death  upon  his  people. 
The  Indians  resisted,  and  the  next  day  our  civilized  troops,  in 
cold  blood,  slew  this  chief  and  his  companions.  The  white  flag, 
which  for  centuries  has  been  regarded  by  all  civilized  and  semi- 
barbarous  nations  as  consecrated  to  friendship,  —  the  emblem  of 
peace,  —  was  spattered  and  stained  by  the  blood  of  those  who 
bore  it." 

The  last  Senate  amendment  which  Giddings  op 
posed  was  that  appropriating  fifteen  hundred  thou 
sand  dollars  for  the  support  of  the  army.  He  charged 
that  this  item  was  intended  to  cover  the  expense  of 
compelling  the  people  of  Kansas  to  submit  to  the 
laws  enacted  for  their  subjugation  by  the  border  ruf 
fians  of  Missouri.  The  fact  of  this  invasion  of  Kan 
sas  by  the  ruffians  of  that  State,  and  their  government 
of  the  Territory  by  laws  in  the  enactment  of  which 
her  people  had  no  voice,  was  perfectly  notorious 
and  unquestionable.  In  referring  to  this  subject, 
Giddings  said,  — 

"  This  embodied  force,  with  arms  in  their  hands,  moving  upon 
Kansas  for  the  very  purpose  of  violating  the  laws  just  quoted, 
and  the  actual  invasion  of  that  Territory  and  usurpation  of  the 
government,  was  attended  by  every  circumstance  necessary  in 
law  to  constitute  treason.  It  was  'a  levying  war  against  the 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  331 

United  States ; '  and  every  man  concerned  in  the  movement  con 
summated  that  crime,  and  is  now  guilty :  and  long  ere  this  should 
have  been  suspended  from  the  gallows  if  not  made  the  subject  of 
Executive  pardon.  No  sophistry,  no  pretence  that  they  went 
there  to  prevent  voters  from  giving  illegal  votes,  can  evade  or 
modify  this  important,  this  prominent  fact.  Gentlemen  on  this 
rioor,  and  the  Executive  of  the  United  States,  may  uphold  and 
encourage  this  treason.  This  House  may  encourage  it  by  voting 
the  appropriations  before  us ;  but  I  will  repudiate  it  by  my  vote 
and  by  my  voice." 

Giddings  referred  to  the  slave  code  of  Kansas, 
making  it  a  felony  punishable  at  hard  labor  for  not  less 
than  two  years  for  any  person  by  speech  or  writing  to 
deny  the  right  to  hold  slaves  in  the  Territory,  and  to 
the  further  provision  making  it  a  felony,  to  be  pun 
ished  by  imprisonment  at  hard  labor  for  not  less  than 
five  years,  for  any  person  to  print  or  circulate  any 
opinions  or  doctrines  "calculated  to  promote  disor 
derly,  dangerous,  or  rebellious  disaffection  among 
the  slaves  of  this  Territory."  He  denounced  this 
conspiracy  to  force  slavery  upon  the  people  of  Kan 
sas  and  compel  the  people  of  the  Northern  States  to 
pay  the  expense  of  the  proceeding.  He  said,  - 

"  The  people,  through  their  representatives,  may  withhold  alt 
appropriations,  may  effectually  block  the  wheels  of  government, 
—  ay,  sir,  and  roll  them  back  upon  the  desecrated  bodies  of  un 
faithful  rulers.  It  is  a  great  primal  truth,  lying  at  the  very  foun 
dation  of  our  institutions,  that  whenever  this  government  becomes 
destructive  of  the  rights  of  the  people,  it  will  be  their  right  and 
their  duty  to  alter  or  abolish  it.  And,  sir,  I  would  far  rather  see 
this  government  dissolved  than  see  the  humblest  citizen  of  Kan 
sas  murdered  for  refusing  obedience  to  the  infamous  enactments 
alluded  to,  and  such  murder  effected  by  means  of  appropriations 
made  in  this  body.  ...  At  this  moment  the  army  of  the  United 
States  —  like  the  Swiss  guards  in  Paris  —  are  encamped  in  Law 
rence,  ready  to  shoot  down  the  first  man  who  raises  his  voice  for 
freedom.  American  citizens  are  held  in  subjection  by  military 
force.  The  voice  of  liberty  is  hushed  into  silence  by  the  display 
of  swords  and  bayonets.  For  any  man  in  Kansas  to  assert  that 
'  governments  are  constituted  to  secure  liberty  to  all  men  under 


332  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

our  exclusive  dominion,'  would  render  him  a  felon  under  the  laws 
now  in  force  there  by  military  rule ;  and  this  sad,  this  humiliating 
fact  is  to  go  down  to  posterity  as  existing  in  this  age,  while  you 
and  I  hold  seats  in  this  hall.  Our  names  are  to  be  associated 
with  those  who  submit  to  such  tyranny,  or  with  those  who  stand 
firmly  in  the  cause  of  freedom." 

The  cruel  and  cowardly  assault  upon  Senator 
Sumner  by  Preston  S.  Brooks  of  South  Carolina 
awakened  a  thrill  of  horror  throughout  the  North 
ern  States.  It  was  the  natural  counterpart  of  slave- 
holding  ruffianism  in  Kansas;  but  as  an  attempt  to 
strengthen  the  power  of  slavery  and  silence  the  free 
dom  of  speech  it  was  utterly  disastrous  to  those  who 
made  it.  Giddings  took  part  in  the  debate  on  the 
resolution  for  the  expulsion  of  Brooks,  and  his  speech 
on  the  nth  of  July  was  singularly  dispassionate;  it 
was  marked  by  earnestness,  moderation,  and  strong 
common-sense.  In  reply  to  the  argument  of  South 
ern  members  that  the  House  had  no  power  to  punish 
Brooks  without  an  enactment  denning  his  offence 
and  prescribing  its  penalty,  Giddings  reminded  them 
of  the  trial  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  in  1842,  for  pre 
senting  a  petition  praying  for  the  dissolution  of  the 
Union,  which  he  asked  to  have  referred  to  a  select 
committee,  with  instructions  to  report  adversely,  with 
the  reasons  therefor.  He  had  violated  no  statute,  but 
simply  performed  his  constitutional  duty  as  a  repre 
sentative  of  his  State.  Giddings  said,  - 

"The  friends  of  Mr.  Adams  often  inquired  wherein  that  gen 
tlemen  had  offended.  Why,  sir,  he  had  offended  the  slave- 
power  ;  and  the  representatives  of  the  slave-interest  felt  that  they 
had  an  excuse,  —  a  fact  on  which  they  could  found  an  effort 
to  strike  down  his  influence,  to  destroy  his  fair  fame,  to  deprive 
freedom  of  its  sternest  advocate.  They  sought  for  no  rules  or 
law  defining  the  offence,  or  declaring  the  penalty  attached  to  it ; 
but  they  assailed  him  in  every  way  which  hatred  could  invent  or 
malice  express.  He  was  charged  with  treason  to  our  govern 
ment,  with  moral  perjury,  and  with  almost  every  crime  found  in 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA  R.   G  ID  DINGS.  333 

the  catalogue  of  offences.  There  he  sat,  in  the  seat  now  occu 
pied  by  his  successor,  —  a  man  venerable  for  his  age,  for  his 
great  learning,  for  his  exalted  patriotism ;  venerable  for  his 
services  to  his  country  ;  around  his  brow  clustered  all  the  honors 
which  a  faithful,  upright,  and  wise  administration  of  the  highest 
office  known  to  mortals  could  confer.  Yet,  sir,  for  thirteen  days 
he  was  subjected  to  these  assaults.  During  that  time  the  waves 
of  slaveholding  invective,  detraction,  and  calumny  rolled  and 
dashed  around  him  in  wild  confusion,  until  the  raging  elements 
had  spent  their  force ;  while,  from  the  first  introduction  of  the 
resolution  to  its  final  disposition,  not  one  word  was  uttered  by  a 
Southern  Democrat  indicating  the  want  of  full  constitutional 
powers  to  act  on  the  subject,  without  any  rule  or  law  prescribing 
the  -penalty*  Then,  sir,  Massachusetts  was  on  trial,  and  slave 
holders  were  the  prosecutors.  Now,  sir,  a  son  of  South  Carolina 
is  on  trial  for  a  wrong,  a  crime,  perpetrated  against  the  sovereign 
right  of  Massachusetts.  This  change  of  position  by  slave 
holders  is  very  remarkable." 

Giddings  also  referred  to  the  case  in  which  he 
himself  had  been  censured  and  driven  from  his  seat 
in  the  House  for  offering  resolutions  denying  the 
power  of  Congress  under  the  Constitution  to  involve 
the  people  of  the  Free  States  in  the  support  of  sla 
very  and  the  slave-trade  on  the  high  seas.  No  one 
attempted  to  controvert  the  principles  affirmed  by 
these  resolutions,  but  they  were  offensive  to  slave 
holders,  and  therefore  could  not  be  tolerated.  He 
said,  — 

"  Gentlemen  from  the  Slave  States  did  not  wait  to  inquire  for 
the  prescribed  rule  or  statiite  declaring  the  penalty  attached  to 
the  crime  of  presenting  resolutions.  So  far  from  that,  they  voted 
at  once  to  seal  my  own  lips  and  those  of  my  friends ;  and  with 
out  permitting  me  or  any  friend  of  free  speech  to  say  a  word 
in  my  defence,  the  resolution  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  one  hun 
dred  and  twenty-three  to  sixty-nine.  I  was  condemned  unheard, 
and  driven  from  my  seat.  Sir,  I  spurned  the  tyranny  and 
appealed  to  the  people.  They  hurled  contempt  at  the  efforts 
of  the  slave-power  to  strike  down  the  freedom  of  speech,  to 
extinguish  the  lamp  of  liberty,  which  was  then  flickering  in  its 
socket,  casting  but  a  dim  light  upon  the  legislation  of  Congress. 
They  ordered  me  back  to  my  post,  and  directed  me  to  maintain 


334  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G ID  DINGS. 

the  freedom  of  debate;    AND  AS  THE  LORD  LIVETH,  AND  AS 

MY   SOUL   LIVETH,    I    WILL   NEVER   SURRENDER   IT." 

Giddings  argued  with  clearness  and  force  the  points 
involved  in  the  pretended  defence  of  Brooks,  and  con 
cluded  by  contrasting  the  manners  and  habits  of  the 
people  of  the  Free  States  with  those  of  the  South,  as 
illustrated  by  this  latest  and  desperate  attempt  of  the 
slave-power  to  stamp  out  the  freedom  of  debate. 

On  the  24th  of  July  Giddings  wrote  from  Washing 
ton  the  following  letter  to  Sumner,  who  was  then  at 
Cape  May,  — 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND,  —  When  the  attack  on  you  was  made,  I 
was  on  my  way  home.  I  reached  this  city  on  Monday  follow 
ing.  I  found  our  friends  here  in  a  state  of  great  excitement. 
Much  was  said  about  fighting,  and  I  was  told  that  Wade  and 
Wilson  were  disposed  to  fight.  I  went  to  those  gentlemen  and 
told  them  plainly  that  our  cause  was  one  of  high  moral  char 
acter,  appealing  to  the  conscience,  the  judgment,  and  Christianity 
of  the  age,  and  not  to  the  violence  and  bloodshed  of  a  barbarous 
and  darker  period.  I  insisted  that  if  either  of  those  gentlemen 
should  go  out  and  slay  his  man,  the  political  death  of  the  victor 
would  be  as  certain  as  the  physical  death  of  the  other;  and  this 
view  I  endeavored  to  inculcate  with  all  our  friends. 

With  Mr.  Burlingame  I  had  a  long  conversation,  in  which  I 
stated  these  views.  It  is,  however,  due  to  him  that  I  should  say, 
while  he  approved  my  plan,  he  intimated  that  he  had  made  up  his 
mind  to  a  different  course.  When,  on  Monday  morning,  I  read 
his  card,  I  was  aware  that  a  hostile  meeting  must  ordinarily 
occur.  I  ^was  not  ignorant  of  the  practice  of  the  British  Parlia 
ment,  and  that  it  has  in  one  instance  been  followed  by  our  House ; 
but  in  others  it  has  been  rejected.  I  felt  perfectly  conscious  that 
no  effectual  measure  could  be  adopted  by  our  House  as  it  is  now 
constituted. 

Some  gentlemen  consulted  with  me  as  to  the  measures  for 
preventing  the  meeting  by  an  application  to  the  police.  That 
was,  however,  too  late  to  arrest  Mr.  Burlingame,  who  had  put  out 
that  evening.  Brooks  was  arrested  in  the  morning,  but  Burlin 
game  had  started  for  Canada. 

That  our  cause  has  gained  nothing  by  Mr.  B.'s  coming  down 
to  Brooks's  level  is  very  evident.  The  customs  of  South  Caro 
lina  ought  not  to  be  copied  by  Massachusetts  men. 

I   endeavored  to  express  my  views  of  the  different  state  of 


THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  335 

civilization  in  the  Free  States  from  that  of  the  Slave  States  in 
my  House  speech  on  Brooks's  trial,  a  copy  of  which  I  herewith 
mail  to  your  address. 

I  greatly  sorrow  at  the  length  of  your  indisposition,  and  could 
not  avoid  an  expression  of  my  own  views  in  reply  to  taunts 
thrown  out  by  Brooks's  friends,  which  I  trust  you  will  pardon 
under  the  circumstances. 

Most  truly,  J.  R.  GIDDINGS. 

Giddings  was  a  delegate  to  the  first  nominating 
convention  of  the  Republican  party,  which  assem 
bled  in  Philadelphia  on  the  I7th  of  June  and  nomi 
nated  John  C.  Fremont  for  President.  He  was  also 
a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  which 
prepared  the  platform  afterwards  unanimously  adopted 
by  the  convention.  He  took  an  active  part  in  the 
proceedings,  and  was  especially  prompt  and  decisive 
in  opposing  any  alliance  or  negotiation  with  Know- 
Nothingism,  which  had  now  become  a  vanishing  side 
issue.  By  far  the  most  important  part  of  the  plat 
form  was  written  by  Giddings  in  his  library  at  Jeffer 
son,  and  is  here  copied  :  — 

"Resolved,  That,  with  our  republican  fathers,  we  hold  it  to-be 
a  self-evident  truth  that  all  men  are  endowed  with  the  unalien- 
able  rights  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  and  that 
the  primary  object  and  ulterior  design  of  our  Federal  Govern 
ment  was  to  secure  these  rights  to  all  persons  within  its  exclusive 
jurisdiction ;  that  as  our  republican  fathers,  when  they  had  abol 
ished  slavery  in  all  our  national  territory,  ordained  that  no  person 
should  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property  without  due  process 
of  law,  it  becomes  our  duty  to  maintain  this  provision  of  the 
Constitution  against  all  attempts  to  violate  it  for  the  purpose  of 
establishing  slavery  in  any  Territory  of  the  United  States,  by 
positive  legislation,  prohibiting  its  existence  or  extension  therein. 
That  we  deny  the  authority  of  Congress,  of  a  Territorial  legis 
lature,  of  any  individual  or  association  of  individuals,  to  give 
legal  existence  to  slavery  in  any  Territory  of  the  United  States, 
while  the  present  Constitution  shall  be  maintained." 

Nothing  could  have  been  more  opportune  than  the 
adoption  of  this  resolution  as  the  basis  of  the  new 


336  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GID DINGS. 

party.  It  had  become  the  fashion  of  Southern  poli 
ticians  and  a  growing  number  of  Northern  ones  to 
treat  the  self-evident  truths  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  with  ridicule  and  contempt.  They 
were  branded  as  "self-evident  lies,"  as  "glittering 
generalities,"  or  declared  to  be  applicable  only  to 
superior  races  of  men.  The  logic  of  slavery  made 
this  necessary,  and  it  became  equally  necessary  to 
re-affirm  these  truths  in  laying  the  foundations  of  a 
great  national  party.  The  action  of  the  convention 
in  dealing  with  the  territorial  question  was  not  less 
admirable.  The  Northern  wing  of  the  Democratic 
party,  with  Douglas  as  its  leader,  affirmed  the  right 
of  the  people  of  a  Territory  to  establish  slavery 
therein  if  they  so  desired,  while  the  Democracy  of 
the  South  maintained  that  slaves  are  recognized  as 
property  by  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  demanded 
a  slave  code  for  the  protection  of  such  property  in  all 
our  national  Territories.  These  issues  were  accepted 
by  positively  denying  "the  constitutional  authority 
of  Congress,  of  a  territorial  legislature,  or  of  any 
individual  or  association  of  individuals,  to  give  legal 
existence  to  slavery  in  any  Territory  of  the  United 
States." 

Giddings  rejoiced  at  the  approval  of  these  princi 
ples,  which  he  had  unflinchingly  advocated  during  his 
public  life.  He  rejoiced  especially  at  the  indorsement 
of  the  self-evident  truths  of  the  great  Declaration. 
He  had  made  them  the  burden  of  his  public  speeches 
for  more  than  twenty  years.  They  constituted  his 
religious,  not  less  than  his  political,  faith.  They 
had  never  before  been  incorporated  into  the  creed  of 
any  political  party,  and  he  was  now  quite  as  jubilant 
as  he  had  been  at  the  election  of  Banks  as  Speaker. 

The   first   session  of   the   Thirty-fourth    Congress 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   G  ID  DINGS.  337 

adjourned  on  the  i8th  of  August;  but  an  extra  ses 
sion  was  immediately  called  in  order  to  provide  for 
the  support  of  the  army,  which  had  become  necessary 
in  consequence  of  the  failure  of  the  regular  session 
to  make  provision  therefor.  On  the  3Oth  of  August 
the  special  session  adjourned,  and  Giddings  entered 
upon  the  canvass  of  his  district  for  re-election,  de 
voting  a  portion  of  his  time  to  the  general  canvass 
outside  of  his  district  and  State.  Buchanan  had  been 
unanimously  nominated  for  President  by  the  Demo 
crats  on  the  2d  of  June.  The  platform  adopted  was 
satisfactory  to  the  South,  and  the  issues  were  now 
joined  with  the  Republican  party.  Fillmore  had 
been  nominated  for  the  Presidency  by  the  Know- 
Nothings;  but  the  contest  was  between  Buchanan 
and  Fremont,  and  it  was  pre-eminently  a  conflict  of 
principles.  It  was  a  struggle  between  two  civiliza 
tions,  between  reason  and  brute  force,  between  the 
principles  of  Democracy  and  the  creed  of  absolutism. 
Giddings  entered  into  it  with  his  whole  heart,  and 
never  intermitted  his  labors  till  its  close.  The  tri 
umph  of  Buchanan  was  largely  due  to  the  baleful 
intervention  of  Know-Nothingism ;  but  the  country 
was  not  yet  fully  ripe  for  a  victory  over  the  slave- 
power.  The  canvass  for  Fremont  did  a  great  work  in 
the  education  of  the  people.  He  received  a  popular 
vote  of  1,341,264,  carrying  n  States  and  114  electoral 
votes.  This  was  an  immense  gain  on  the  vote  of 
John  P.  Hale,  four  years  before,  and  was  confidently 
interpreted  as  the  prophecy  of  success  in  1860. 

The  President's  message  and  the  troubles  in  Kansas 
constituted  the  chief  topics  of  discussion  in  the  third 
session  of  this  Congress.  On  the  loth  of  December 
Giddings  spoke  at  length  on  the  Kansas  policy  of 
the  President,  the  principles  of  the  Republican  party, 

22 


338  THE  LIFE    OF  JOSHUA   R.   GID DINGS. 

and  the  position  of  the  Democrats.  Of  this  speech 
Joseph  Medill,  editor  of  the  "Chicago  Tribune," 
wrote  him, — 

"  We  are  much  delighted  with  your  bold,  cogent  talk  to  the 
doughfaces,  Pierce,  and  the  Oligarchy.  That  is  the  only  course 
to  pursue.  Pitch  the  rocks  right  into  them.  Every  man  that 
voted  for  Fremont  sustains  you,  and  thousands  who  supported 
Fillmore  and  Buchanan  admire  your  candor  and  manhood.  The 
people  are  ready  for  stronger  meat  than  the  politicians  suppose." 

In  this  speech  Giddings  also  referred  to  the  ar 
gument  of  Mr.  Stephens  of  Georgia  that  slavery  is 
sanctioned  by  the  Almighty,  and  that  Abraham  was 
a  slaveholder  and  a  slave-dealer.  He  said, — 

"  At  the  same  time  another  distinguished  individual  is  pro 
claiming  in  the  far  West,  among  the  mountains  of  Deseret,  that 
polygamy  was  also  an  institution  of  God.  Brigham  Young,  with 
his  retinue  of  threescore  wives,  vindicated  his  doctrines  by  pre 
cisely  the  same  arguments ;  he  referred  to  Abraham  also.  Both 
he  and  the  gentleman  from  Georgia,  with  great  gusto,  appealed 
to  the  civilized  world,  saying,  '  Have  we  not  Abraham  to  our 
father?'  [Laughter.]  If  Abraham  be  good  authority  in  one 
case,  he  ought  to  be  in  the  other." 

On  the  i /th  of  January,  1857,  while  earnestly  dis 
cussing  a  private  claim,  Giddings  was  suddenly  pros 
trated  by  a  serious  heart-trouble  to  which  he  was 
liable  under  excitement  or  overwork,  and  for  a  time 
life  appeared  to  be  extinct.  But  he  slowly  rallied, 
and  was  able  soon  afterwards  to  return  to  his  home. 
This  circumstance  called  forth  the  following  letter, 
which  fairly  indicated  the  feelings  of  his  many  de 
voted  friends :  — 

WASHINGTON,  Jan.  25,  1857. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND,  —  I  cannot  permit  you  to  leave  this  place 
for  your  home  under  the  existing  circumstances,  without  express 
ing  to  you,  in  this  emphatic  manner,  the  very  great  satisfaction  I 
have  enjoyed  in  your  acquaintance  and  friendship  for  so  many 
years,  and  the  admiration  and  respect  I  entertain  for  the  patience, 
courage,  fidelity,  and  ability  with  which  you  have,  through  your 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  339 

Congressional  life,  maintained  a  just  but  an  unpopular  cause. 
There  are  very  painful  considerations  connected  with  the  neces 
sity,  which  at  this  time  compels  a  suspension,  if  not  a  final  ter 
mination,  of  your  very  valuable  labors  in  the  House,  but  they  are 
not  all  so.  There  is  a  pleasant  and  cheerful  aspect  which  it  pre 
sents  ;  you  or  myself  do  not  believe  that  accidents,  strictly  speak 
ing,  ever  occur,  but  that  the  minutest  incidents  in  the  physical 
world  are  parts  of  that  chain  of  events  by  which  the  natural  and 
spiritual  worlds  are  connected,  and  that  what  men  blindly  call 
accidents  are  the  results  of  laws  fixed  and  unerring  as  those  by 
which  the  universe  moves  in  its  course  through  the  illimitable 
regions  of  space. 

In  the  light  of  such  a  faith  the  highest  wisdom  is  to  learn 
the  teachings  of  every  event.  And  what,  my  dear  sir,  is  the 
palpable  instruction  of  the  severe  teaching  you  have  just  had  ? 
Is  it  not  manifestly  this,  that  God  has  just  now  no  more  work 
for  you  to  do  in  the  particular  field  in  which  you  have  so  long 
labored,  but  that  you  are  to  be  transferred  to  another  and  less 
exciting,  but  not  less  profitable,  sphere  of  action  ?  And  if  there 
has  ever  lived,  since  Paul,  a  man  who,  without  arrogance,  might 
appropriate  to  himself  the  words  of  the  apostle  when  he  de 
clares,  "  I  have  fought  a  good  fight,  I  have  kept  the  faith,"  I 
believe  you  are  the  one.  I  hope  and  trust  that  many  years  of 
physical  and  mental  vigor  may  be  added  to  your  life ;  but 
whether  your  future  years  be  few  or  many,  whether  they  be  years 
of  feebleness  or  strength,  I  have  no  doubt  that  you  will  ever  en 
joy  the  affection  of  many  friends,  the  respect  of  your  opponents, 
and  the  prayers  and  blessings  of  the  unfortunate  and  oppressed, 
in  whose  behalf  you  have  done  so  much.  But  whatever  the  future 
may  have  in  store  for  you,  your  success  in  life  is  no  longer  a  prob 
lem.  You  have  succeeded  ;  for 

"  They  never  fail  who  die 

In  a  good  cause;  the  block  may  lick  their  gore, 

Their  heads  may  sodden  in  the  sun,  their  limbs 

Be  strung  to  city  gates  and  castle  walls,  — 

But  still  their  spirits  walk  abroad,  though  years 

Elapse,  and  others  share  as  dark  a  doom ; 

They  hut  augment  the  deep  and  sweeping  thoughts 

Which  overpower  all  others,  and  conduct 

The  world  at  last  to  freedom." 

Very  sincerely,  your  friend, 

JOHN  P.  HALE. 

On  the  second  day  after  the  inauguration  of  Presi 
dent  Buchanan  the  Dred  Scott  decision  opened  a  new 


340  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

chapter  in  the  struggle  of  the  slave-power  for  absolute 
supremacy.  This  decision  affirmed  that  Congress  had 
no  power  to  prohibit  slavery  in  the  Territories,  and 
that  inferentially,  at  least,  the  Constitution  carried 
with  it  the  right  to  hold  slaves  there,  even  against 
the  will  of  their  people.  It  fully  indorsed,  in  sub 
stance,  the  principles  of  the  Democratic  platform, 
and  utterly  repudiated  both  the  letter  and  spirit  of 
the  self-evident  truths  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence  as  a  guide  in  the  administration  of  the 
government.  The  political  significance  of  this  deci 
sion  was  clearly  indicated  by  the  fact  that  a  com 
mittee  of  the  Senate  at  once  printed  large  editions  of 
it  for  circulation,  which  were  scattered  by  thousands 
throughout  the  Northern  States  under  the  frank  of 
Democratic  members.  All  the  departments  of  the 
government  had  now  openly  joined  hands  in  the  con 
spiracy  to  stay  the  rising  tide  of  freedom  and  nation 
alize  the  curse  of  slavery. 

Giddings  was  not  idle  during  this  Congressional 
vacation.  He  prepared  and  published  a  series  of 
vigorous  and  well-written  letters  to  Chief-Justice 
Taney,  in  which  he  exposed  the  legal  sophistry  as 
well  as  the  inhumanity  of  this  decision.  These  let 
ters  are  largely  historical,  and  embody  much  valu 
able  information  touching  the  rights  of  free  persons 
of  color  under  English  and  Colonial  law,  and  the 
legislation  of  the  States  after  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitution.  He  wrote  articles  on  the  Church  and 
its  relations  to  freedom.  He  delivered  occasional 
speeches  on  current  anti-slavery  topics,  and  wrote 
various  communications  for  the  Press  in  exposition 
of  his  views.  In  the  mean  time,  the  struggle  to  plant 
slavery  in  Kansas  went  forward  as  the  practical  coun 
terpart  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision.  The  Legislature 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   G  ID  DINGS.  341 

of  the  Territory,  which  had  been  chosen  by  the  ruf 
fians  of  Missouri,  provided  for  holding  a  convention 
at  Lecompton  for  the  formation  of  a  constitution, 
with  a  view  to  the  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  State; 
and  the  constitution  framed  by  this  convention  pro 
vided  that  "  the  right  of  property  is  before  and  higher 
than  any  constitutional  sanction,  and  the  right  of  the 
owner  of  a  slave  to  such  slave  and  his  increase  is  the 
same  and  as  inviolable  as  the  right  to  any  other  prop 
erty.  "  No  provision  was  made  for  the  submission  of 
the  constitution  to  the  people,  who  would  thus  be 
obliged  to  accept  it  if  approved  by  Congress.  It  was 
forwarded  on  the  7th  of  November  to  the  President, 
who  transmitted  it  to  Congress  on  the  20th  of  Jan 
uary,  1858.  On  the  2d  of  February  he  sent  a  mes 
sage  to  Congress  fully  committing  himself  to  the 
Lecompton  project,  and  declaring  that  Kansas  was 
as  much  a  Slave  State  as  South  Carolina  or  Georgia. 

The  bill  for  the  admission  of  Kansas  into  the 
Union,  with  this  constitution,  was  called  up  for  ac 
tion  in  the  Senate  on  the  23d  of  March,  when  Mr. 
Crittenden  offered  a  substitute,  providing  for  the 
submission  of  the  constitution  to  the  people  of  the 
Territory,  and  that  if  adopted,  the  President  was 
immediately  to  announce  the  admission  of  Kansas 
by  proclamation;  but  that  if  rejected,  they  might 
choose  delegates  to  a  new  constitutional  convention. 
The  amendment  was  rejected  by  yeas  24  to  nays  34, 
every  Republican  in  the  Senate  voting  for  it,  save 
Durkee  of  Wisconsin.  The  bill  was  then  passed  by 
yeas  33  to  nays  25. 

In  the  House,  on  the  1st  of  April,  Giddings  moved 
to  reject  the  bill;  but  the  motion  was  negatived  by 
a  majority  of  42.  A  crisis  had  now  been  reached  in 
this  momentous  struggle.  A  very  exciting  debate 


342  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   G  ID  DINGS. 

upon  the  question  had  been  carried  on  for  four 
months,  during  which  the  feeling  on  both  sides  had 
steadily  increased  in  intensity.  The  danger  of  ad 
mitting  Kansas  with  her  Lecompton  constitution 
was  now  regarded  by  Republicans  as  imminent. 
Douglas  and  his  friends,  however,  had  rebelled 
against  the  attempt  of  the  Administration  to  force 
Kansas  into  the  Union  against  the  will  of  her  peo 
ple,  and  there  were  now  twenty-three  of  his  followers 
in  the  House,  and  six  slaveholding  members  who  be 
longed  to  the  Southern  Know-Nothing  party,  who 
were  willing  to  oppose  the  Lecompton  Bill,  unless 
the  people  of  Kansas  were  allowed  to  pass  upon  it. 
Under  these  circumstances  Mr.  Montgomery  of 
Pennsylvania  proposed  a  substitute  for  the  Lecomp 
ton  Bill,  which  afterwards  became  known  as  the 
Crittenden-Montgomery  Amendment,  and  was  sub 
stantially  identical  with  the  substitute  offered  by 
Mr.  Crittenden  in  the  Senate.  This  opened  the  way 
for  the  possible  defeat  of  the  Lecompton  Bill,  inas 
much  as  the  Senate  had  already  rejected  the  Critten 
den  Amendment,  and  a  coalition  of  the  Republicans, 
Douglas  Democrats,  and  Southern  Know-Nothings 
would  be  strong  enough  to  carry  it.  The  last, 
however,  demanded  of  the  Republicans  a  pledge  to 
support  the  bill  on  its  final  passage.  This  was  ex 
ceedingly  objectionable,  and  seriously  complicated 
the  question. 

The  situation  was  a  novel  one,  and  to  the  Repub 
licans  exceedingly  perplexing.  They  were  quite 
ready  for  any  manoeuvre  which  promised  the  defeat 
of  the  Lecompton  Bill  without  compromising  their 
well-known  principles;  but  many  of  them  hesitated 
about  becoming  the  followers  of  Southern  Know- 
Nothings  and  Douglas  Democrats,  and  surrendering 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  343 

their  hostility  to  the  principle  of  popular  sovereignty 
in  the  Territories.  The  Senate  might  concur  in  the 
action  of  the  House  on  this  question,  and  then  the 
same  system  of  fraud  and  outrage  which  had  thwarted 
the  will  of  the  people  of  Kansas  before  might  be 
repeated.  Could  Republicans  afford  to  assume  such 
a  responsibility?  Moreover,  the  strife  about  Kansas 
was  only  a  single  fact  in  the  grand  struggle  between 
slavery  and  freedom.  Mr.  Lincoln  declared  that  "  If 
the  earth  had  swallowed  up  all  Kansas,  and  with  it 
all  remembrance  of  the  contest  over  it,  the  struggle 
would  still  have  to  go  on  without  interruption,  be 
cause  the  slavery  question  could  disappear  only  with 
slavery."  The  defeat  of  the  Lecompton  Bill  would 
simply  be  the  repulse  of  the  enemy  at  a  single  point, 
while  the  fight  all  along  the  line  would  have  to  be 
maintained;  and  to  many  Republicans  it  seemed  a 
fatal  mistake  so  to  magnify  a  local  and  incidental 
struggle  as  to  confound  it  with  the  great  cause  whose 
principles  they  had  no  right  to  betray.  They  had  a 
still  further  danger  to  encounter  in  entering  into  the 
proposed  coalition,  and  that  was  that  some  of  its 
members  might  be  swerved  from  their  integrity  by 
the  power  of  Federal  patronage. 

The  Republicans  of  the  House,  however,  finally 
made  the  required  pledge,  and  the  Douglas  Democrats 
also  solemnly  bound  themselves  to  stand  by  the  Crit- 
tenden-Montgomery  Bill  to  the  end.  The  history  of 
this  struggle  constitutes  one  of  the  most  curious  and 
interesting  chapters  in  the  anti-slavery  legislation  of 
Congress.  Giddings  was  sorely  tried  in  facing  the 
tangled  question  of  duty  which  now  confronted  him ; 
and  in  a  diary  which  he  kept  during  the  latter  part 
of  March  a  graphic  account  is  given  of  his  own  ex 
perience  and  of  the  situation  in  the  House  at  this 


344  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

time.     The  importance  of  the  subject  will  justify  me 
in  quoting  his  entries  :  — 

"  March  28.  An  accurate  history  of  current  events  is  due  to 
the  people.  We  have  reached  an  important  period  in  the  pro 
gress  of  our  cause.  Just  at  this  particular  juncture,  when  the 
contending  hosts  of  slavery  and  freedom  are  brought  face  to  face 
upon  the  battle-field,  we  find  various  opinions  prevailing  among 
the  Republicans.  These  different  views  of  policy,  of  principle, 
and  of  duty  have  been  developed  within  the  past  week. 

"  The  Republicans  at  Philadelphia  demanded  the  immediate 
admission  of  Kansas  as  a  Free  State,  and  arraigned  'the  Presi 
dent,  his  advisers,  agents,  supporters,  apologists,  and  accessories, 
either  before  or  after  the  facts,'  for  the  crimes  committed  in  Kan 
sas  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  slavery  therein ;  and  they 
avowed  their  '  fixed  purpose  to  bring  the  perpetrators  to  a  sure 
and  condign  punishment.' 

"  This  solemn  and  all-important  issue  Mr.  Crittenden  proposed 
to  compromise  and  settle  by  sending  this  heathenish  constitution, 
which  declares  the  right  of  property  in  human  flesh  to  be  superior 
to  human  legislation,  back  to  Kansas ;  and  if  the  people  there 
should  vote  for  it,  or  indeed  if  the  border  ruffians  of  Missouri, 
aided  by  the  votes  of  the  United  States  army,  shall  by  fraud, 
intimidation,  and  violence,  obtain  a  reaffirmance  of  it,  the  Presi 
dent  shall  declare  it  a  member  of  the  sisterhood  of  States. 

"  All  our  Republican  Senators  but  one  voted  for  this  compro 
mise  as  an  amendment  to  the  original  bill ;  but  the  amendment 
failed,  and  Messrs.  Bell  and  Crittenden  voted  with  the  Republi 
cans  against  the  passage  of  the  bill. 

"  After  Messrs.  Bell  and  Crittenden  had  so  voted,  we  were 
told  that  six  slaveholders  in  the  House,  called  '  South  Ameri 
cans,'  would  now  vote  with  us  to  lay  the  bill  on  the  table.  This 
cheered  the  Republicans,  and  for  the  first  time  many  of  us  enter 
tained  the  expectation  of  defeating  this  Lecompton  swindle. 

"  I  think  it  was  Tuesday,  the  23d  of  March,  we  were  asked 
if  Republican  members  of  the  House  would  vote  for  substi 
tuting  Crittenden's  amendment  for  the  original  bill.  Some  at 
first  said  they  would  not ;  but  on  consultation  they  gave  up  their 
objections,  as  the  proposed  amendment  was  less  objectionable 
than  the  original  bill,  and  it  was  stated  and  understood  that  all 
the  Republicans  would  vote  for  the  amendment  and  compel  the 
Democrats  to  pass  the  bill  thus  amended,  or  kill  their  own  mea 
sure.  Thus  far  everything  promised  success  to  our  cause. 

"  On  Wednesday,  however,  we  were  told  that  the  South  Ameri 
cans  would  only  vote  for  placing  Crittenden's  amendment  upon 


THE  LIFE    OF  JOSHUA   R,   GIDDINGS.  345 

the  bill  on  condition  that  the  Republicans  would  pledge  them 
selves  to  vote  for  the  bill  thus  amended,  upon  its  final  passage. 

"  Many  Republicans  at  once  in  the  most  emphatic  language 
spurned  the  proposition.  Others  treated  it  with  more  respect, 
and  urged  upon  their  friends  a  calm  and  dispassionate  considera 
tion,  expressing  the  opinion  that  we  should  exercise  the  utmost 
forbearance  and  kindness  towards  each  other. 

"  At  this  point  the  arguments  pro  and  con  commenced.  Some 
urged  the  necessity  of  forming  a  national  party,  declaring  that 
we  never  should  succeed  until  we  could  get  a  party  in  the  Slave 
States.  Others  insisted  that  we  must  unite  the  American  party 
with  the  Republicans  in  order  to  obtain  success.  Others  insisted 
that  we  ought  to  regard  no  platform,  no  avowal  of  principles  here 
tofore  put  forth,  if  we  could  by  the  proposed  union  make  a  Free 
State  of  Kansas  and  defeat  the  Administration.  Others  argued 
that  no  general  principle  could  or  ought  to  guide  our  votes,  but 
we  ought  to  meet  each  question  as  it  shall  be  presented ;  while 
others  insisted  that  the  Republican  party  had  been  founded  upon 
great  and  undying  principles,  always  to  be  kept  in  view,  and  never 
to  be  departed  from ;  that  these  principles  were  fixed  and  eternal, 
embracing  all  men,  in  all  countries,  under  all  forms  of  govern 
ment;  that  the  real  work  of  the  Republican  party  was  to  edu 
cate  the  popular  mind  and  bring  it  up  to  the  maintenance  of 
these  doctrines;  that  the  question  of  slavery  in  Kansas  consti 
tuted  a  mere  incident  in  the  progress  of  our  cause ;  that  the  mere 
political  squabbles  which  constitute  the  highest  thoughts  of  the 
Democratic  party  are  as  far  below  the  great  moral  enterprise  of 
converting  our  nation  and  the  world  to  the  support  of  truth  and 
justice,  as  pandemonium  is  below  heaven. 

"  I  do  not  mention  individuals.  All  of  these  subdivisions  of 
the  Republican  party  appeared  equally  honest,  equally  sincere. 
Those  who  sought  an  alliance  with  the  South  Americans  were 
sincere,  and  appeared  to  regard  such  alliance  as  a  most  impor 
tant  object.  Others  surely  regarded  the  repudiation  of  plat 
forms  as  important.  In  short,  I  must  say  all  were  kind  and 
conciliatory. 

"  On  Friday,  26th,  there  was  much  excitement  among  Republi 
can  members.  Probably  three  fourths  of  the  entire  party  were 
now  willing  to  vote  for  the  bill  on  its  passage,  and  the  minority 
were  urged  and  pressed  to  accept  the  proposition  of  the  South 
Americans.  The  '  Tribune  '  of  Thursday  had  spoken  of  those 
who  refused  the  compromise  as  '  impracticables,'  and  it  was 
said  that  in  some  instances  they  were  threatened  with  expulsion 
from  the  party ;  but  I  heard  nothing  of  that  character.  If  such 
threats  were  made,  they  were  uncalled  for,  as  all  with  whom  I 


346  THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

conversed  disapproved  it.  Outsiders  and  Senators,  with  the  kind 
est  feelings  and  purest  motives,  as  I  believe,  urged  us  to  vote  for 
the  Crittenden  amendment. 

"  Saturday,  the  27th,  I  thought  the  excitement  increased  rather 
than  diminished.  In  my  whole  life  I  had  seen  nothing  so  unac 
countable  as  the  feeling  which  now  pervaded  most  of  the  Repub 
lican  party  in  regard  to  this  matter. 

"  One  man  of  distinction,  not  a  member,  called  me  aside,  told 
me  that  our  friends  were  exceedingly  anxious  to  have  me  vote  for 
Crittenden's  bill,  and  had  desired  him  to  urge  me  to  vote  for  it, 
but  said  that  the  feeling  was  so  strong  that  he  was  unwilling  to 
have  it  known  that  he  agreed  with  me. 

"  On  Saturday  evening  I  attended  a  social  party  at  Dr. 
Bailey's.  I  had  scarcely  got  seated  when  the  subject  of  adopt 
ing  Crittenden's  amendment  was  introduced,  and  the  conversa 
tion  was  kept  up  during  the  entire  evening.  I  met  Governor 
Robinson  of  Kansas  at  this  party,  and  he  made  a  most  solemn 
appeal  to  me  in  behalf  of  the  people  of  that  Territory  to  per 
mit  them  to  repudiate  this  constitution  by  vote,  and  save  them 
from  bloodshed. 

"  On  Monday  I  reached  the  hall  at  ten  o'clock.  Hon.  Francis 
P.  Blair  met  me  there.  He  had  come  from  home  for  the  purpose 
of  seeing  me,  in  order  to  persuade  me  to  consent  to  Crittenden's 
amendment  We  came  to  my  room.  We  had  long  acted  to 
gether,  and  fully  sympathized  in  support  of  the  great  cause.  He 
insisted  that  we  had  by  our  discussions  made  up  a  collateral  issue 
with  the  slave-power  upon  the  fact  that  the  Lecompton  constitu 
tion  was  not  the  voice  of  the  people  of  Kansas,  while  the  Admin 
istration  had  insisted  that  it  was,  and  the  President  had  staked 
the  existence  of  his  party  upon  it ;  that  we  knew  the  people  had 
repudiated  it  by  at  least  thirteen  thousand  votes,  while  not  more 
than  twenty-five  hundred  could  be  found  in  favor  of  it.  He 
insisted  that  we  ought  to  refer  it  to  the  people  of  the  Terri 
tory,  who  would  act  as  the  jury  to  convict  the  President  and  his 
party  of  falsehood  and  tyranny,  and  of  maintaining  a  military 
despotism  in  that  territory  since  its  invasion  by  border  ruffians ; 
that  on  such  conviction  the  people  of  the  United  States  would 
pass  sentence  upon  the  President  and  his  party.  We  should  then 
be  safe  from  Cuban  annexation  and  from  other  outrages. 

"  I  again  went  to  the  House.  Mr.  Morris  of  Illinois  came  to 
my  seat,  said  that  the  Douglas  Democrats  were  to  hold  a  caucus 
within  the  approaching  hour,  and  were  fearful  that  a  number  of 
their  men  would  leave  them  and  go  back  to  the  Democratic 
party  unless  we  agreed  to  vote  for  Crittenden's  amendment; 
that  the  whole  issue  depended  on  my  decision  ;  and  closed 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS.  347 

by  assuring  me  that  it  was  important  that  they  should  know 
my  opinion  before  going  into  caucus. 

"  I  at  once  went  to  the  Senate  and  consulted  with  some  old 
friends  of  experience  who  sympathized  with  me  in  the  cause,  but 
who  were  evidently  unwilling  to  decide  for  me,  or  advise  me 
what  course  to  pursue,  but  left  me  to  rely  altogether  upon  my 
own  judgment. 

"  As  I  reached  the  Hall  of  Representatives  I  met  Senator  Crit- 
tenden  of  Kentucky,  and  Mr.  Davis  of  Maryland.  They  both 
appeared  to  think,  with  me,  that  if  our  friends  had  at  first  con 
sented  to  go  no  farther  than  to  vote  for  amending  the  bill,  the 
South  Americans  would  have  demanded  nothing  more ;  but  that, 
as  it  now  appeared,  both  the  Douglas  men  and  South  Americans 
were  united  in  the  course  which  ought  to  be  pursued,  and  most 
of  the  Republicans  were  with  them,  and  that  it  was  too  late  to 
think  of  changing  the  programme.  Mr.  Davis  spoke  of  his  own 
sacrifice  in  voting  for  us.  Mr.  Crittenden  did  the  same  thing. 
He  also  referred  with  great  feeling  to  old  times  and  old  associa 
tions  ;  spoke  of  the  time  when  he  and  Mr.  Clay  came  from  the 
Senate  Chamber  to  witness  my  departure  from  the  House  of 
Representatives  when  censured  in  1842.  He  thought  an  oppor 
tunity  now  offered  to  act  together  for  the  purpose  of  paralyzing 
the  Administration,  and  rendering  it  harmless  to  the  country  in 
future ;  that  in  this  we  all  felt  a  mutual  interest  and  a  mutual 
desire ;  and  if  we  failed  to  do  it,  we  should  be  responsible  to  the 
country. 

"It  was  under  these  circumstances  that  I  yielded  to  the  judg 
ment  of  friends  and  consented  to  the  arrangement,  but  reserving 
to  myself  the  privilege  of  consulting  some  personal  and  political 
associates  with  whom  I  had  long  acted,  and  abiding  by  their  judg 
ment  if  I  thought  best.  But  without  delay  some  gentlemen  in 
formed  the  Douglas  Democrats  of  my  new  position,  as  they  felt 
it  important  to  do  so  before  that  wing  of  the  Democratic  party 
should  retire  for  their  appointed  caucus.  Many  warm  friends 
came  to  my  seat  and  heartily  thanked  me  for  taking  the  position 
which  I  had  assumed,  as  it  relieved  them  from  embarrassment. 

"  Under  the  excitement  attending  these  movements,  and  the 
responsibility  under  which  I  was  placed,  my  nervous  system  be 
came  affected.  I  found  myself  unable  to  sleep,  and  soon  became 
conscious  of  those  pains  in  the  head  and  in  the  region  of  the 
heart  which  indicated  danger  of  death  at  any  moment.  Friends 
to  whom  I  made  known  these  facts  urged  me  to  leave  the  city, 
and  by  their  anxiety  contributed  to  increase  the  difficulties  sur 
rounding  me. 

"  On  Tuesday,  the  3oth,  some  eight  or  ten  warm  personal  friends 


348  THE  LIFE  OF  JOSHUA  R.   GID DINGS. 

who  had  viewed  the  subject  at  first  as  I  had  done,  invited  me  to 
a  conference.  We  retired  to  a  committee-room,  expressed  our 
opinions  freely,  and  all  but  one  or  two  united  in  consenting  to 
support  the  bill  if  necessary  to  pass  it. 

"  I  was  also  told  that  my  new  position  had  served  to  strengthen 
the  Douglas  men.  Some  warm  anti-slavery  men  expressed  the  fear 
that  associating  with  slaveholders,  South  Americans,  and  Douglas 
men  would  cause  the  Republican  party  to  modify  its  position.  To 
this  I  replied  that  the  people  constituted  the  Republican  party. 
Their  platform  was  written,  known,  and  read  of  all  men,  and  we 
members  of  Congress  could  have  little  effect  upon  it. 

"Near  evening  a  distinguished  Senator  —  with  whom  I  had 
acted  in  former  times  while  he  was  a  member  of  our  body,  on 
some  trying  occasions  —  came  to  the  House,  thanked  me  for  hav 
ing  consented  to  support  the  bill,  and  said  he  thought  nearly 
every  Republican  Senator  concurred  in  my  determination. 

"  On  Wednesday  evening  we  were  informed  that  the  Demo 
crats  had  totally  failed  to  unite,  or  to  agree  upon  any  plan  of 
union. 

"  All  appeared  to  promise  a  united  vote.  At  half-past  eleven 
a  distinguished  statesman  from  Pennsylvania  came  to  my  seat. 
He  had  for  many  years  sympathized  with  me  on  the  subject  of 
slavery,  and  while  a  member  of  Congress  had  voted  with  me.  I 
had  not  met  him  for  some  years,  and  being  both  old  men,  we  were 
pleased  at  meeting  once  more.  I  soon  discovered  that  he  was 
laboring  under  excitement  in  consequence  of  the  Republicans 
indicating  a  disposition  to  vote  for  the  amendment  of  Mr. 
Crittenden. 

"The  House  continued  in  session  until  near  one  o'clock  of 
Thursday,  for  the  purpose  of  closing  the  debate  on  the  Kansas 
bill.  At  eight  o'clock  I  received  my  evening  mail,  which  brought 
me  two  remonstrances  against  our  voting  for  Crittenden's  amend 
ment;  one  was  signed  by  the  Republican  members  of  the  Senate, 
and  the  other  by  those  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  our 
State  Legislature. 

"  Most  of  the  delegation  from  our  State  had  left  the  hall  when 
these  papers  reached  me.  I  at  once  appointed  a  meeting  for  the 
Ohio  delegation,  to  be  held  at  my  room  at  10  o'clock  A.M.  the 
next  morning,  and  took  measures  for  giving  each  absent  mem 
ber  notice,  those  present  being  notified  at  the  time  by  myself 
in  person. 

"  At  the  time  appointed,  Senator  Wade  and  all  the  Republi 
can  members  of  the  House  met,  according  to  appointment.  Mr. 
Campbell,  not  professing  to  be  a  Republican,  did  not  meet  with 
us,  and  E.  Wade  and  Mr.  Horton  had  not  been  notified,  through 


THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  349 

mistake.  On  comparing  views  it  was  easily  discovered  that  argu 
ment  rendered  each  more  firm  and  unyielding  in  his  opinion. 
The  views  of  our  members  of  the  Legislature  were  treated  with 
great  respect,  but  appeared  to  have  changed  the  opinion  of  no 
one.  I  endeavored  to  soothe  the  feelings  of  all,  and  urged  that 
it  was  not  so  important  which  course  was  pursued  as  it  was  that 
the  Republican  party  should  act  together. 

"  With  these  feelings  we  all  repaired  to  the  Capitol,  and  the 
scenes  which  transpired  there  on  the  ist  of  April  will  soon  be 
come  the  subject  of  general  history. 

"  Our  triumph  was  hailed  with  rejoicing  in  all  parts  of  the 
Free  States.  I  was  congratulated  by  friends  upon  our  success, 
but  I  constantly  replied  that  difficulties  remained  for  us  to  en 
counter  ;  and  as  I  saw  in  one  of  the  papers  of  my  district  some 
reflections  upon  me  for  my  unwillingness  to  go  with  my  Republi 
can  friends  in  voting  for  the  amendment,  I  stated  in  a  letter  for 
publication  the  fact  that  I  had  from  the  first  opposed  the  proposi 
tion,  and  only  yielded  for  the  purpose  of  voting  with  my  friends 
and  keeping  the  party  together. 

"The  Senate,  having  disagreed  to  our  amendment,  returned  to 
the  House  a  message  announcing  that  fact.  Now  commenced 
the  anxiety  and  fears  of  those  who  had  advocated  the  adoption 
of  the  amendment.  They  feared  that  some  of  our  men  might 
yield  to  the  influence  and  patronage  of  the  Executive,  and  that 
all  might  yet  be  lost." 

This  ends  the  diary.  It  closed  with  the  ist  of 
April,  when  the  House  voted  on  the  Crittenden- 
Montgomery  Amendment,  which  was  adopted  by  a 
vote  of  yeas  120  to  nays  112.  With  much  reluctance 
and  many  misgivings,  Giddings  supported  it.  His 
true  attitude  would  have  been  to  stand  alone,  as  he 
had  done  on  some  notable  occasions;  but  he  yielded 
his  own  judgment  to  the  persuasions  and  entreaties 
of  his  friends.  Every  Republican  member  of  the 
House  voted  for  the  measure,  as  every  Republican  in 
the  Senate,  with  a  single  exception,  had  done.  But 
they  were  all  wrong.  In  playing  their  game  of  party 
tactics  they  abandoned  their  fundamental  principles 
touching  the  question  of  slavery  in  the  Territories 
and  the  admission  of  more  Slave  States,  and  ac- 


350  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA  R.   GIDDINGS. 

cepted  the  position  of  the  Douglas  Democrats. 
They  unitedly  pledged  themselves  to  the  admission 
of  Kansas  with  the  Lecompton  constitution,  if  the 
people  of  the  Territory  should  favor  it ;  and  this  be 
trayal  of  their  cause  proved  utterly  fruitless  of  good. 
On  the  next  day  after  the  vote  in  the  House  the 
Senate  rejected  the  Crittenden-Montgomery  Amend 
ment  by  a  vote  of  32  yeas  to  23  nays,  and  asked  for 
a  Committee  of  Conference;  thus  forcing  the  two 
Houses  again  to  face  the  necessity  for  some  plan  of 
compromise  by  which  the  freedom  of  Kansas  might 
be  sacrificed.  English  of  Indiana,  who  had  all  along 
opposed  the  Lecompton  Bill,  was  placed  at  the  head 
of  the  House  Committee,  and  the  final  result  of  the 
conference  was  a  bill  denying  to  the  people  of  Kan 
sas  the  right  to  be  heard  on  the  question  of  slavery 
as  completely  as  did  the  Lecompton  Bill,  and  con 
taining  other  provisions  still  more  atrocious.  This 
bill  was  passed  by  the  House  on  the  3Oth  of  April 
by  a  vote  of  yeas  112  to  nays  103;  and  on  the  same 
day  the  Senate  adopted  it  by  a  vote  of  31  against  22. 
Such  was  the  deplorable  outcome  of  the  coalition 
formed  by  the  Republicans  with  Douglas  Democrats 
and  Southern  Know -Nothings  for  the  purpose  of  sav 
ing  Kansas  from  slavery.  The  twenty-three  Douglas 
Democrats  who  had  solemnly  pledged  themselves  to 
stand  by  the  Crittenden-Montgomery  Amendment 
dwindled  to  twelve,  and  thus  justified  the  apprehen 
sion  expressed  by  Giddings  in  the  closing  sentence 
of  his  diary  that  "the  influence  and  patronage  of  the 
Executive  "  might  prove  fatal  to  the  freedom  of  Kan 
sas.  In  spite  of  the  recreancy  of  Congress,  however, 
and  solely  through  the  heroism  of  her  people,  the 
English  Bill  was  repudiated,  and  the  way  thus  left 
open  for  her  final  admission  as  a  Free  State. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  351 

The  action  of  the  Republicans  in  dealing  with 
Kansas  undoubtedly  exerted  a  demoralizing  influence 
upon  their  party.  It  was  followed  by  a  very  formi 
dable  effort  to  stampede  its  members  from  the  prin 
ciples  broadly  affirmed  in  the  national  platform  of 
1856.  The  "New  York  Tribune"  took  the  lead  in 
beating  this  retreat,  openly  favoring  the  disband- 
ment  of  the  Republican  party  and  the  formation  of 
a  combination  against  the  Democrats,  composed  of 
Republicans,  Douglas  Democrats,  Know-Nothings, 
and  Whigs.  The  abandonment  of  Republicanism 
was  likewise  favored  by  such  papers  as  the  "  Cin 
cinnati  Gazette,"  which  pronounced  the  policy  of 
Congressional  prohibition  worthless,  and  openly 
committed  itself  to  the  admission  of  more  Slave 
States  when  demanded  by  a  popular  majority  in  any 
Territory.  The  "Indianapolis  Journal"  and  other 
leading  Republican  organs  spoke  of  Congressional 
prohibition  as  "murdered  by  Dred  Scott."  Accord 
ing  to  many  Republican  leaders,  Republicanism 
simply  meant  opposition  to  the  latest  outrage  of 
slavery,  and  acquiescence  in  all  preceding  ones. 
Fortunately,  this  downward  tendency  was  arrested 
by  the  Republicans  of  Illinois,  who  refused  to  follow 
Douglas,  and  thus  opened  the  way  for  the  memor 
able  debate  between  him  and  Lincoln,  and  the  suc 
cessful  struggle  of  1860,  which  followed. 

The  Kansas  struggle  did  not  divert  the  attention 
of  Giddings  from  other  topics.  On  the  26th  of  Feb 
ruary  he  addressed  the  House  on  "The  Conflict  be 
tween  Religious  Truths  and  American  Infidelity." 
He  said,  — 

"  The  Philadelphia  Convention  will  be  remembered  in  coming 
time  as  first  in  the  history  of  the  political  parties  of  our  nation 
to  make  religious  truths  the  basis  of  political  action,  and  first  to 


352  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

proclaim  the  rights  of  mankind  as  universal,  to  be  enjoyed 
equally,  by  princes  and  people,  by  rulers  and  the  most  humble. 
It  was  the  first  to  proclaim  the  fatherhood  of  God  and  the  broth 
erhood  of  man.  The  result  of  the  Presidential  election  of  1856 
showed  the  advocates  of  oppression  that  there  was  but  one  alter 
native  for  them.  They  were  constrained  to  take  distinct  issue 
with  the  advocates  of  liberty  by  denying  these  religious  truths, 
or  disband  their  party  in  every  Free  State." 

This  was  the  key-note  of  his  speech,  and  he  pro 
ceeded  to  arraign  as  "American  Infidels"  the  men 
who  sought  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
who  justified  the  raid  into  Kansas  for  the  purpose  of 
making  it  a  Slave  State,  who  defended  and  lauded 
the  Dred  Scott  decision,  which  denied  the  right  of 
all  men  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness, 
and  who  even  contended  that  slavery  was  sanctioned 
by  the  Almighty.  The  speech  was  widely  circulated 
and  warmly  welcomed  in  the  Northern  States,  and 
called  forth  from  his  old  friend  Arnold  Buffum  a 
letter,  from  which  I  quote :  — 

"  On  reading  thy  speech  delivered  in  Congress,  exposing  the 
infidelity  of  enslaving  our  fellow-creatures,  I  exclaimed  to  my 
daughter,  '  I  should  like  to  go  into  the  future  or  spirit  world  in 
Joshua  R.  Giddings's  carpet-bag.'  I  felt  an  undoubting  assur 
ance  that  I  should  be  safe.  Oh,  my  dear  friend,  I  rejoice  to  see 
thee  growing  stronger  and  stronger  as  thee  draws  nearer  to  the 
termination  of  thy  earthly  career.  I  do  from  the  bottom  of  my 
heart  approve  every  word  uttered  in  that  speech." 

On  the  7th  of  June  Giddings  addressed  the  House 
upon  the  joint  resolutions  proposing  hostilities  with 
England  on  account  of  her  exercising  the  right  of 
visitation.  He  reviewed  in  detail  the  action  of  the 
Government  in  favoring  or  conniving  at  the  African 
slave-trade,  and  referred  to  the  fact  that  slaves, 
direct  from  Africa,  were  landed  upon  our  Southern 
coast,  and  that  Southern  conventions  had  for  years 
been  publicly  discussing  the  propriety  of  restoring 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   GIDDINGS.  353 

this  traffic,  while  slave-ships  were  being  built  in  our 
own  ports,  under  the  very  eye  of  the  Administration. 
He  also  frequently  took  part  in  incidental  discus 
sions,  and  it  was  while  responding  to  a  question  by 
Marshall  of  Kentucky,  touching  the  Lecompton  Bill, 
on  the  29th  of  April,  that  he  was  suddenly  prostrated 
by  heart  trouble,  as  he  had  been  in  the  preceding 
Congress. 

When  Giddings  returned  to  his  constituents  after 
the  adjournment  of  this  session,  he  found  them  dis 
cussing  the  question  of  his  renomination.  His  friends 
insisted  on  his  making  the  race,  not  on  personal 
grounds,  but  solely  because  his  long  service  in  Con 
gress  eminently  fitted  him  to  represent  the  principles 
of  his  constituents.  They  had  no  doubt  of  his  nomi 
nation,  nor  had  Giddings;  for  he  had  been  unani 
mously  nominated  two  years  before,  and  had  done 
nothing  whatever  to  forfeit  his  standing  in  the  dis 
trict.  The  question,  however,  was  embarrassing. 
He  felt  admonished  by  advancing  years  and  failing 
health  that  he  could  not  much  longer  bear  the  bur 
den  of  his  public  duties;  and  yet  he  had  been  so 
long  in  Congress  and  had  become  so  habituated  to 
his  work  that  he  hesitated  as  to  his  decision.  He 
was  finally  persuaded  to  stand  as  a  candidate  and 
leave  his  constituents  to  decide  the  question  of  his 
final  retirement.  A  great  surprise  awaited  him  and 
his  friends.  The  Congressional  convention  which 
met  on  the  25th  of  August  gave  the  nomination  to 
his  competitor,  John  Hutchins,  of  Warren,  by  one 
majority.  Giddings,  who  was  present,  seemed  to 
find  relief  in  this  solution  of  his  dilemma,  and  cheer 
fully  and  cordially  indorsed  the  action  of  the  conven 
tion  in  an  admirable  speech;  but  his  friends  were 
inexpressibly  disappointed  and  vexed.  They  were 

23 


354  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA  R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

the  victims  of  their  own  over-confidence  and  inac 
tivity;  they  had  taken  his  nomination  for  granted. 

Giddings  himself  made  no  personal  efforts,  and 
would  not,  for  the  reason  that  he  was  thoroughly 
known  to  his  constituents,  who  had  stood  by  him 
faithfully  for  twenty  years,  and  were  abundantly  able 
to  decide  the  question.  In  his  own  county  six  dele 
gates  were  lost  to  him  because  they  considered  his 
nomination  assured  without  their  help,  while  seven 
other  delegates  who  were  well  understood  to  be  his 
friends  had  been  induced  by  the  secret  tactics  of  the 
opposition  to  oppose  him.  All  of  his  old  enemies, 
including  Know-Nothings  and  old  Whigs  who  had 
through  many  long  years  labored  in  vain  for  his 
defeat,  worked  with  all  their  might  for  Mr.  Hutch- 
ins.  They  saw  that  their  opportunity  had  come,  and 
they  used  it.  In  the  disguise  of  friendship  for  Gid 
dings  they  could  plausibly  urge  his  retirement  on 
the  score  of  his  age  and  precarious  health.  The 
unquestioning  confidence  of  his  friends  in  his  suc 
cess  put  them  to  sleep,  and  left  the  field  clear 
for  the  unscrupulous  and  unhindered  tactics  of  his 
foes. 

Mr.  Hutchins  was  a  man  of  character,  who  had 
been  a  member  of  the  old  Liberty  party,  and  was 
as  thoroughly  committed  to  radical  anti-slavery  prin 
ciples  as  Giddings;  but  the  enemies  of  the  latter 
knew  that  in  no  other  way  than  through  the  support 
of  Hutchins  was  there  any  hope  of  their  success. 
Their  fight  was  personal.  Giddings  had  been  stead 
fastly  and  bravely  in  the  right,  and  they  now  hated 
him  because  they  had  wronged  him,  and  were  not 
willing  to  confess  it  by  abandoning  their  opposition. 
These  men  were  reinforced  by  others  whom  Gid 
dings  had  unavoidably  displeased  in  his  disposition 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  355 

of  Federal  patronage  in  the  course  of  his  long  public 
service,  and  by  still  others  whose  ambition  for  his 
place  had  been  or  might  be  thwarted  by  his  continu 
ance  in  office.  One  of  his  most  indefatigable  op 
ponents  was  Jacob  D.  Cox,  since  well  known  to  the 
country  by  his  civil  and  military  services,  and  then 
the  law  partner  of  Mr.  Hutchins.  Another  was  Hon. 
Milton  Sutliff.  Both  these  gentlemen  had  always 
been  supporters  of  Giddings,  and  were  supposed  to 
be  his  friends  till  the  morning  of  the  nominating 
convention.  These  various  forces  operated  against 
him  very  actively  and  quietly.  Their  campaign  was 
a  "still  hunt,"  while  his  friends  rested  in  the  serene 
faith  that  his  nomination  was  a  matter  of  course. 
Had  they  understood  the  situation,  there  would  not 
have  been  the  slightest  doubt  about  his  triumph, 
while  their  disappointment  was  now  aggravated  by 
self-reproach. 

Giddings,  however,  maintained  his  customary  equa 
nimity  and  cheerfulness.  He  did  not  manifest  the 
slightest  ill-will  towards  those  who  had  accomplished 
his  defeat.  He  showed  no  coldness  towards  old 
friends  who  had  deserted  him,  and  no  unwillingness 
to  surrender  the  position  he  had  so  long  honored. 
He  did  not  agree  with  those  of  his  friends  who  felt 
that  he  had  received  a  slight  at  the  hands  of  his 
constituents,  and  was  as  ready  as  ever  to  continue 
his  warfare  against  slavery.  In  a  letter  to  an  old 
friend,  speaking  of  his  early  service  with  John  Quincy 
Adams,  he  said,  — 

"  Many  years  since  that  day  have  come  and  gone.  The  storms 
which  gathered  around  him  while  living,  subsequently  beat  upon 
my  own  political  pathway.  I  have  met  them  as  best  I  could, 
until  their  violence  appears  to  have  been  spent,  the  clouds  are 
breaking,  and  the  sunlight  of  truth  is  arousing  the  nation  to 
action." 


356  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

This  was  his  sufficient  consolation.  The  con 
sciousness  of  having  been  faithful  to  duty,  and 
that  the  great  cause  he  had  served  was  advancing, 
made  him  satisfied,  and  left  no  room  for  personal 
resentments. 

The  slaveocracy  and  its  Northern  allies  were  of 
course  delighted,  and  manifested  their  joy  by  char 
acteristic  demonstrations,  while  the  disappointment 
of  the  friends  of  Giddings  was  by  no  means  confined 
to  his  own  district  or  State.  William  H.  Seward 
wrote  him  from  Auburn,  — 

"  I  shall  have  sbme  curiosity  to  see  the  bold  man  who  is  to 
come  into  your  place  at  Washington.  He  will  come  there  under 
prodigious  responsibilities.  I  sincerely  hoped  that  your  term  of 
service,  protracted  as  it  has  been,  might  not  end  before  my  own. 
But  you  have  nothing  to  regret.  You  have  overcome  resistance 
the  most  prejudiced  and  violent,  and  have  established  for  your 
self  a  name  that  the  friends  of  humanity  will  never  suffer  to 
perish." 

Senator  Wilson  of  Massachusetts  wrote,  — 

"  I  have  just  returned  from  the  battle-field  of  Maine,  and  I 
now  write  to  say  to  you  that  wherever  I  have  been,  the  people 
express  their  surprise  and  deep  regret  at  your  failure  to  be  re- 
nominated.  Here  in  New  England  you  are  dear  to  the  hearts  of 
the  people ;  and  we  indulged  the  hope  that  your  district,  which 
has  honored  itself  so  long,  would  continue  you  in  Congress  as 
long  as  you  could  stand  up  there  on  the  field  of  your  glory  and 
uphold  the  great  cause.  I  have  tried  to  get  reconciled  to  your 
failure  to  be  renominated,  but  I  cannot.  I  do  not  see  how  any 
one  can  be  a  candidate  in  your  district  against  the  veteran  friend 
of  our  cause  who  more  than  any  one  has  the  love  and  respect  of 
our  true  and  tried  friends  all  over  the  country.  This  cannot  be 
right,  and  our  friends  feel  that  it  is  wrong,  —  that  it  is  a  wrong  to 
you,  and  above  all  to  the  cause  by  whose  infancy  you  stood  in 
the  halls  of  Congress." 

His  old  and  devoted  friend,  Dr.  Palfrey,  of  Cam 
bridge,  Massachusetts,  wrote,  — 

"  Permit  me  to  say  in  a  word  how  greatly  I  am  grieved  to 
learn  that  your  public  career  —  for  the  present,  at  least  —  is 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  357 

brought  to  a  close.  Your  services  to  the  public  have  been  so 
important  through  so  many  years  that  when  they  are  withdrawn 
it  seems  as  if  the  whole  mechanism  of  freedom  was  dislocated. 

"  I  will  not  allow  that  I  am  so  much  vexed  as  grieved.  But  I 
am  afraid  I  am  too  much  vexed  for  equanimity.  Your  successor 
is  an  historical  character,  without  fail ;  whatever  he  may  do  or 
forbear  hereafter,  the  future  historian  is  sure  to  erect  a  pillory  for 
him,  as  for  the  man  who  intrigued  —  or,  if  he  did  not  intrigue, 
who  consented  —  to  supplant  the  twenty  years'  champion  of  free 
dom.  If  he  wanted  $3,000  a  year,  he  has  got  it.  If  he  wants  a 
place  in  the  memory  of  man,  he  has  got  that  too,  to  a  certainty, 
such  as  it  is ;  but  Heaven  forbid  that  such  a  place  should  be 
mine  ! 

"  I  trust  and  pray,  my  dear  sir,  that  the  public  loss  may  be  your 
gain ;  that  in  retirement  from  public  cares  your  strength  may  be 
invigorated  and  sustained ;  that  you  may  have  many  happy  years 
before  you  in  which  to  enjoy  the  gratitude  of  good  men  and  the 
testimony  of  an  approving  conscience  for  your  duties  wisely  and 
bravely  discharged ;  and  that  '  serus  in  coelum  redeas.'  God 
bless  you ! " 

Giddings  received  many  messages  of  sympathy  and 
friendship,  of  which  none  was  more  gratifying  than 
the  following:  — 

MONTPELLIER,    FRANCE,    Feb.    I,    1859. 

MY  DEAR  GIDDINGS,  —  The  very  earnest  counsel  of  my  phy 
sicians,  and  the  requirements  of  the  medical  treatment  which  I 
am  still  pursuing,  make  it  more  than  doubtful  if  I  shall  be  in  my 
seat  during  the  present  session  of  Congress.  Reluctantly  I  yield 
to  my  fate,  in  the  full  conviction  that,  by  the  blessing  of  God,  the 
next  session  will  see  my  long  catalogue  of  pains,  aches,  and 
smarts  brought  to  an  end.  But  I  shall  feel  another  then  of  a 
different  kind,  the  anticipation  of  which  adds  to  my  present 
troubles,  in  missing  you  from  that  seat  of  eminent  duty  which 
you  have  so  long  honored. 

I  write  with  great  sincerity,  and  simply  because  I  cannot  help 
it,  to  express  the  emotions  which  your  retirement  is  calculated  to 
produce  in  the  breast  of  those  who  have  at  heart  the  welfare  of 
their  country  and  the  improvement  of  the  great  family  of  man. 

Among  the  reminiscences  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  which  I 
have  ever  guarded  with  profound  respect,  is  one  which  concerns 
yourself.  Pardon  me  if  I  mention  it  now.  I  sat  by  the  bedside 
of  this  veteran  soldier  of  our  cause  not  long  before  that  death 
which  took  him  so  suddenly  from  among  us.  While  I  listened, 


358  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA  R.    GID DINGS. 

he  dwelt  at  length  and  with  especial  satisfaction  upon  your 
public  life,  and  concluded  by  declaring,  with  an  emphasis  that  at 
the  time  penetrated  my  soul  and  still  reverberates  there,  "  Mr. 
Giddings  is  the  most  useful  man  in  Congress."  He  who  uttered 
these  words  knew  well  how  to  measure  the  different  kinds  of  use 
fulness  in  a  public  man ;  he  knew  full  well  how  to  recognize  that 
best  usefulness  which  is  found  in  the  unflinching  support  of  those 
sacred  principles  which  constitute  the  soul  of  society,  which  for 
their  sake  is  not  ashamed  to  bear  reproach  and  contumely,  which 
is  deterred  by  no  menace  or  danger,  and  which,  in  an  assembly 
ruled  by  vulgar  slave-drivers  and  packed  by  their  cowering  ac 
complices,  proclaims  the  rights  of  freedom  and  humanity. 

I  am  no  prophet,  but  I  see  clearly  in  the  future  that  your 
public  career  will  be  enrolled  in  history  for  the  admiration  and 
gratitude  of  mankind. 

I  pray  that,  though  withdrawn  from  active  service,  you  may 
be  long  spared  in  health  to  cheer  by  a  hearty  God-speed  those 
of  us  who  are  left  to  continue  the  battle.  Though  your  voice 
may  not  be  heard,  your  example  will  speak,  saying  constantly,  as 
in  times  past :  "  Be  firm,  and  yield  not ;  have  faith  in  the  justice 
and  dignity  of  your  cause,  and  know  for  certain  that  you  cannot 
fail ! " 

Good  by !  From  my  distant  exile  across  the  sea  I  send  you 
all  best  wishes.  Believe  me  ever  sincerely  yours, 

CHARLES  SUMNER. 

The  Anti-slavery  and  Republican  Press  joined  in 
voicing  the  wide-spread  and  heartfelt  regret  which 
the  unexpected  news  of  this  event  awakened  among 
the  people.  Even  conservative  journals,  which  had 
occasionally  criticised  the  course  of  Giddings  as 
extreme  and  impracticable,  now  deplored  the  dis 
placement  of  the  veteran  leader  of  the  cause  of 
freedom  in  Congress.  As  an  example,  I  quote  the 
following  from  the  "New  York  Evening  Post":  — 

"The  people  of  a  congressional  district  of  course  have  the 
right  to  manage  their  own  affairs  in  their  own  way,  but  people 
elsewhere  have  an  equal  right  to  comment  on  their  doings.  We 
are  not  surprised,  therefore,  at  the  general  disapproval  which  is 
manifested  by  the  Northern  Press  at  the  recent  action  of  the 
Republican  Convention  in  the  Ashtabula  district  of  Ohio  in 
discharging  their  long-tried  and  faithful  representative,  Joshua 
R.  Giddings;  for  we  presume  the  nomination  of  a  successor 


THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  359 

terminates  his  public  career.  Notwithstanding  the  impaired 
condition  of  his  health,  which  unfits  him  for  active  labor,  and 
the  many  subjects  on  which  we  differ  from  him,  we  cannot  help 
concurring  with  the  universal  feeling  expressed  at  the  prospect 
of  his  retirement. 

"  Mr.  Giddings  is  now  the  oldest  member  of  the  House.  For 
twenty-two  years  his  venerable  head  and  stalwart  frame  have 
rendered  him  conspicuous  among  his  associates,  from  whom  he 
was  not  less  distinguished  by  the  peculiarity  of  his  principles  and 
his  bold,  uncompromising  style  of  enforcing  them.  Embodying, 
as  he  did,  in  an  extreme  degree,  the  opinions  of  a  small  and  ex 
ceedingly  unpopular  party,  he  was  for  a  long  time  a  mark  for  the 
fiercest  assaults  of  the  influential  leaders  of  both  the  great  po 
litical  organizations ;  but  the  courage  with  which  he  has  con 
fronted  them  always  won  a  renewed  tribute  of  confidence  from 
his  constituents. 

"  When  John  Quincy  Adams  entered  on  that  career  of  agitation 
for  the  right  of  petition  which  a  friendly  biographer  declares  to 
have  been  the  most  illustrious  and  honorable  period  of  his  life, 
Mr.  Giddings  was  at  his  side,  fighting  the  same  battle,  and  shar 
ing,  without  flinching,  in  its  obloquy.  The  vote  of  censure  in 
1842  passed  upon  him  by  the  House  for  his  temerity  in  offering 
resolutions  commending  the  conduct  of  the  insurgent  slaves  of 
the  '  Creole,'  was  the  most  noted  attempt  to  single  him  out  as  a 
subject  of  intimidation.  He  resigned  his  seat,  and  threw  himself 
upon  his  constituency  only  to  be  immediately  returned  by  a 
largely  increased  majority.  Since  then  his  right  to  free  speech 
has  seldom  been  successfully  questioned ;  and  it  must  be  con 
fessed  he  has  exercised  it,  to  use  a  pertinent  colloquialism,  '  with 
a  vengeance.'  Whenever  the  occasion  arises,  he  is  on  his  feet  to 
protest  against  some  new  attempt  of  the  enemy  to  press  forward, 
openly  or  covertly,  or  to  give  legislative  sanction  to  the  projects 
of  that  institution  which  he  so  abhors.  Just  as  regularly  as  a 
new  Congress  opens,  he  is  up  at  the  first  opportunity  to  deliver 
one  of  his  '  incendiary '  reassertions  of  principles,  reviewing, 
somewhat  on  the  plan  of  Lord  Lyndhurst's  famous  tirades  in 
Parliament,  the  shortcomings  of  the  Government  and  the  prog 
ress  of  the  cause  of  which  he  was  a  representative  ;  and  yet  such 
has  been  his  courtesy  and  regard  for  the  rules  of  order,  and  such 
his  obvious  sincerity,  as  to  command  ultimately  the  respect,  if 
not  the  approval,  of  his  bitterest  foes. 

"  There  is  something,  too,  in  the  boldness  and  independence 
of  Mr.  Giddings,  something  in  that  sympathy  which  he  always 
shows  for  the  weak  and  oppressed,  whether  it  be  the  negro  or 
the  fugitive  Indians  whose  wrongs  he  has  so  faithfully  presented 


360  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

in  his  '  Exiles  of  Florida,'  that  commands  an  instinctive  respect, 
even  from  those  whose  convictions  are  adverse  to  his  own.  His 
mania  is  not  a  restless  itching  for  notoriety,  it  is  a  certain  noble 
rage,  the  overplus  of  an  honest  and  genuine  humanity.  He  has 
not  succeeded  in  popular  estimation  as  a  politician,  but  he  has 
at  last  obtained  a  foremost  place  on  the  good  angel's  book  '  as 
one  who  loved  his  fellow-men ; '  and  we  are  not  displeased  to  find 
that  he  is  even  now  receiving  something  of  the  respect  and 
admiration  with  which  posterity  will  repay  his  unfaltering  and 
unselfish  zeal  for  a  great  and  noble  cause." 

In  speaking  of  the  retirement  of  Giddings  the 
11  Atlantic  Monthly  "  said,  — 

"  A  winter  such  as  rounds  his  days  is  fuller  of  life  and  prom 
ise  than  a  century  of  vulgar  summers.  He  has  won  for  himself 
an  honorable  and  enduring  place  in  the  hearts  and  memories  of 
men  by  the  fidelity  to  principle  and  the  unfaltering  courage  of 
his  public  course.  Among  the  ignoble  hundreds  who  have  flitted 
through  the  Capitol  since  he  first  took  his  place  there,  — 

'  Heads  without  name,  no  more  remembered,' 

his  is  one  of  the  two  or  three  that  are  household  words  on  the 
lips  of  the  nation.  And  it  will  so  remain  and  be  familiar  in  the 
mouths  of  posterity,  with  a  fame  as  pure  as  it  is  noble.  The  ear 
that  hath  not  heard  him  shall  bless  him,  and  the  eye  that  hath 
not  seen  him  shall  give  witness  to  him." 

But  the  retirement  of  Giddings  at  the  close  of  this 
Congress  was  for  the  best.  As  an  anti-slavery  pio 
neer  and  leader  his  mission  was  accomplished.  He 
was  no  longer  a  lone  knight  in  battling  with  the 
armies  of  slavery.  Others  were  now  ready  to  take 
his  place,  as  he  had  been  ready  to  take  up  the  work 
of  John  Quincy  Adams,  when  the  latter  laid  it  down. 
The  great  party  which  was  soon  to  take  possession  of 
the  government  had  openly  espoused  the  principles  for 
which  he  had  so  long  toiled,  while  it  was  abundantly 
supplied  with  leaders,  many  of  them  in  the  prime  of 
their  manhood,  who  were  able  to  marshal  its  forces 
and  direct  their  operations;  and  Giddings  certainly 
had  no  desire  to  "lag  superfluous  on  the  stage." 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  361 

Besides,  with  his  constitutional  heart  trouble,  his 
life  might  be  cut  short  at  any  moment;  it  hung 
upon  a  thread.  The  Thirty-sixth  Congress  was  to 
bring  with  it  the  excitement  and  turbulence  of  civil 
war,  while  his  personal  safety  demanded  tranquillity 
and  rest.  If  his  constituents  had  required  the  sacri 
fice,  he  would  have  remained  in  Congress  while  he 
lived,  and  have  fallen  at  last  at  his  post  of  public 
duty.  This  would  have  seemed  to  his  old  and  de 
voted  friends  the  fit  ending  of  his  long  and  honorable 
career;  but  it  was  ordered  otherwise,  and  he  was 
finally  restored  to  the  endearing  claims  of  home  and 
kindred,  which  had  been  so  long  and  so  painfully 
interrupted  by  the  pressure  of  his  public  duties. 

The  second  session  of  the  Thirty-fifth  Congress 
was  more  orderly  and  less  exciting  than  the  first. 
The  discussions  related  mainly  to  the  foreign  affairs 
of  the  government,  although  the  question  of  slavery 
was  involved.  On  the  I5th  of  January,  in  a  debate 
on  the  codification  of  the  revenue  laws,  Giddings  re 
iterated  his  views  on  the  coastwise  slave-trade  and  the 
obligations  imposed  upon  the  United  States  under 
the  treaty  of  Ghent  to  suppress  that  trade  as  well  as 
the  foreign  traffic.  On  the  2ist  of  the  month  he 
joined  in  the  debate  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  the 
examination  and  payment  of  certain  claims  of  citi 
zens  of  Georgia  and  Alabama  on  account  of  losses 
sustained  by  depredations  of  the  Creek  Indians. 
The  question  of  slavery  was  not  involved,  and  it 
was  strictly  a  legal  argument.  On  the  I2th  of  this 
month  he  delivered  his  last  anti-slavery  speech.  It 
was  a  brief  historical  review  of  the  anti-slavery  con 
flict  in  Congress.  In  speaking  of  the  campaign  of 
1856  and  the  principles  avowed  by  the  two  parties  at 
that  time,  he  said,  — 


362  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

"  To  effect  this  object  I  had  toiled  for  many  years.  I  had,  in 
this  body,  asserted  the  doctrine  of  man's  inalienable  rights,  and 
called  on  gentlemen  of  the  Democratic  party  to  admit  or  deny  it ; 
but  I  had  called  in  vain.  I  had  travelled  and  spoken  in  thirteen 
States ;  I  had  written  essays  and  newspaper  articles  ;  I  had  com 
piled  a  volume  of  romantic  incidents,  showing  the  secret  work 
ings  of  the  slave-power.  These  had  been  gathered  with  great 
labor  from  more  than  two  hundred  documents  reposing  in  our 
library  under  the  accumulated  dust  of  many  years.  To  expose 
this  moral  and  political  infidelity  I  had  encountered  Southern 
opposition  and  Northern  distrust ;  and  I  greatly  rejoiced  to  see 
that  party  compelled  to  avow  its  doctrines,  for  I  well  knew 
that  the  avowal  of  its  principles  would  show  that  its  days  were 
numbered." 

He  concluded  his  farewell  speech  as  follows :  — 

"  Mr.  Chairman,  from  childhood  I  have  mingled  with  the 
people.  I  know  their  love  of  justice,  their  devotion  to  liberty. 
The  great  American  heart  beats  in  sympathy  for  the  oppressed, 
for  justice  to  ourselves  and  to  mankind.  The  popular  voice  de 
mands  the  exercise  of  our  constitutional  powers  to  drive  oppres 
sion  from  our  Territories,  from  our  ships  while  sailing  upon  the 
high  seas,  from  this  District ;  to  exclude  it  from  all  support  by 
Congress,  by  the  Executive,  by  our  courts ;  to  condemn  it  as  an 
outlaw  ;  and  that  the  legitimate  powers  of  government  shall  be 
exerted  for  freedom.  Give  the  people  an  opportunity,  and  they 
will  elect  a  President  and  Vice-President,  a  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives,  pledged  not  merely  to  these  purposes,  but  to 
put  forth  the  moral  influence  of  our  nation  to  drive  oppression 
from  the  earth. 

"  To  the  attainment  of  this  object  my  official  labors  have  long 
been  directed.  Those  labors  are  now  drawing  to  a  close,  and  I 
shall  soon  surrender  the  cause,  so  far  as  I  am  officially  concerned, 
to  other  and  abler  hands.  My  political  pathway  has  been  rugged, 
beset  with  difficulties.  I  have  been  constrained  to  meet  many 
of  my  fellow-members  in  intellectual  conflict,  and  at  times  those 
conflicts  have  been  severe ;  but  I  am  not  conscious  of  having 
assailed  any  man  except  in  self-defence,  and  I  separate  from 
my  opponents  without  a  feeling  of  unkindness.  Indeed,  if  my 
desire,  my  earnest  prayer,  could  avail,  they  should  all  be  just 
and  wise  and  pure  and  happy.  Here  for  many  long  years  I  have 
counselled  with  friends  and  combated  opponents.  The  scenes 
through  which  I  have  passed  rush  upon  the  recollection  as  I  am 
about  to  bid  adieu  to  this  arena  of  my  political  life.  I  shall  leave 
it  with  emotions,  but  not  with  regret.  I  shall  bear  with  me  to 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  363 

private  life  many  interesting  recollections  of  the  great  contest 
which  gives  character  to  the  age  in  which  we  live.  And  I  beg 
to  assure  you,  Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen,  that  whether  in  pub 
lic  or  in  private  life,  in  prosperity  or  in  adversity,  whether  living 
or  dying,  my  heart's  desire  and  prayer  to  God  shall  be  that  every 
human  soul  may  enjoy  that  liberty  which  is  necessary  to  pro 
tect  and  cherish  life,  attain  knowledge,  and  prepare  for  heaven. 
And  when  I  shall  have  passed  away,  let  my  epitaph  announce 
that  /  hated  oppression  and  wrong,  —  that  /  loved  liberty  and 
justice" 

Near  the  close  of  this  session  Giddings  was  made 
the  recipient  of  a  beautiful  testimonial  from  his  fel 
low-members.  It  consisted  of  a  solid  silver  tea-set 
of  six  pieces,  and  a  highly  ornamented  tray,  on  each 
of  which  are  engraved  representations  of  the  tea- 
plant,  water-lilies,  etc.  The  handles  and  spouts  are 
beautifully  wrought  in  scroll  and  leaf  work,  and  on 
each  piece  is  an  ornamented  shield  bearing  the  fol 
lowing  inscription:  — 

PRESENTED    BY    104    MEMBERS    OF   THE   35TH   CONGRESS 

TO    JOSHUA    R.    GIDDINGS, 

AS    A  TOKEN   OF    RESPECT    FOR   HIS    MORAL   WORTH 
AND  PERSONAL   INTEGRITY. 

Accompanying  the  service  of  silver  was  a  walking- 
stick  of  rare  and  beautiful  wood,  mounted  with  a 
massive  gold  head,  which  bears  a  similar  inscription 
to  that  on  the  tea-set. 

Soon  after  the  adjournment  of  Congress  Giddings 
received  another  handsome  present.  It  was  a  gold 
watch,  presented  by  the  colored  people  of  New  York 
and  Brooklyn  as  a  token  of  their  regard  for  him  as 
the  champion  and  defender  of  the  rights  of  their  race 
in  the  United  States,  and  of  the  cause  of  universal 
freedom.  The  gold  of  this  watch  had  been  dug  by 
free  hands  from  the  mines  of  California,  and  the 
works  were  manufactured  in  Waltham,  Massachusetts. 
The  inscription  on  the  watch  was  as  follows :  — 


364  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G ID  DINGS, 

PRESENTED   TO  THE   HONORABLE  JOSHUA    R.    GIDDINGS, 

THE  CHAMPION   OF   AMERICAN    FREEDOM, 

BY  THE  COLORED   PEOPLE  OF   NEW  YORK   AND   BROOKLYN, 
MARCH   28,    1859. 

The  presentation  was  made  by  Rev.  Hiram  Gar 
net,  and  was  accompanied  by  a  large  Family  Bible, 
handsomely  bound  and  beautifully  inscribed,  —  a 
gift  from  the  ladies  of  the  Giddings  and  Joliffe 
Association. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

MARCH,   1859,  TO  MAY,  1864. 

The  "  Exiles  of  Florida."  —  The  John  Brown  Raid.  —  The  Lecture  Field. 

—  Scene  in  the  Chicago  Convention.  —  Campaign  of  1860.  —  Letter 
to  Hon.  Thomas  Ewing.  —  Another  Literary  Venture.  —  Appointed 
Consul-General  to  Canada.  —  Correspondence  with  Sumner.  — Life 
in  Montreal.  —  The  Reciprocity  Treaty.  —  Further  Correspondence. 

—  Declining  Health.  —  "  History  of  the  Rebellion."  —  Death. 

BEFORE  we  follow  Mr.  Giddings  into  his  retire 
ment  it  will  be  proper  to  refer  to  a  topic  which 
had  engaged  his  serious  attention.  Notwithstanding 
his  busy  life  during  the  first  session  of  the  Thirty- 
fifth  Congress,  he  found  time  to  complete  and  pub 
lish  an  interesting  and  valuable  contribution  to  the 
history  of  slavery  in  the  United  States.  It  is  enti 
tled  "The  Exiles  of  Florida;  or,  The  Crimes  com 
mitted  by  our  Government  against  the  Maroons  who 
fled  from  South  Carolina  and  other  Slave  States, 
seeking  Protection  under  Spanish  Laws."  It  opened 
a  new  and  unexplored  field  of  historic  research  bear 
ing  upon  the  question  of  slavery,  and  was  a  surprise 
to  men  of  all  parties  and  sections.  Few  subjects 
have  been  so  little  understood  by  the  great  body  of 
the  people  as  the  genesis  and  character  of  our  Florida 
wars.  The  public  has  been  made  to  believe  that  they 
were  caused  by  the  depredations  of  the  savages  of 
Florida  upon  the  contiguous  States,  and  the  further 
excuse  has  been  urged  that  these  savages  had  made 
this  province  a  refuge  for  fugitive  slaves. 


366  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

The  general  impression  has  also  prevailed  that 
these  slaves  were  recent  fugitives,  whose  real  mas 
ters  were  seeking  their  recovery.  But  the  truth  is 
that  long  before  the  War  of  the  Revolution,  slaves 
fled  to  Florida,  and  that  at  least  three  quarters  of 
a  century  prior  to  the  purchase  of  Florida  by  the 
United  States,  a  colony  of  negroes  had  been  estab 
lished  there,  who  gradually  mingled  and  became 
identified  with  the  Seminole  or  Southern  Creek  In 
dians,  who  had  also  made  it  their  refuge  from  Caro 
lina  slavery.  These  negroes  and  Indians  inter 
married,  lived  happily  together,  planted  and  hunted 
as  friendly  allies,  and  enjoyed  the  fruits  of  their 
toil  in  peace.  They  were  in  all  respects  free  citi 
zens  of  the  Spanish  Crown,  and  were  permitted  to 
occupy  lands  upon  the  same  terms  as  other  subjects 
of  Spain.  When  they  passed  away,  their  children 
took  their  places,  and  were  in  turn  followed  by  their 
grandchildren  and  their  descendants ;  and  although 
the  founders  of  the  colony  had  fled  from  slavery,  they 
and  their  descendants  were  as  free  in  this  province 
of  Spain  as  the  thousands  of  slaves  who  from  time  to 
time  found  an  asylum  in  Canada. 

But  the  slaveholders  of  Georgia  did  not  relish  this 
spectacle  of  a  free  and  independent  community  of 
Indians  and  negroes  in  an  adjoining  province.  They 
dreaded  its  influence  on  their  cherished  institution, 
and  determined  to  break  it  up  by  a  vigorous  slave- 
hunt.  They  claimed  these  exiles  as  their  property, 
and  the  Federal  Government  espoused  their  cause. 
The  exiles  determined  to  fight  for  their  liberty,  and 
the  army  of  the  United  States  was  employed  for  their 
subjugation.  Native  citizens  of  the  province  and 
subjects  of  the  king  of  Spain  who  had  been  free  for 
generations  were  reduced  to  hopeless  bondage  in  fur- 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  367 

therance  of  the  claims  of  imaginary  owners.  More 
than  five  hundred  persons,  some  of  them  recent  fugi 
tives,  but  generally  natives  of  the  province,  and  all 
of  them  free  on  Spanish  soil,  were  made  slaves,  at 
a  cost  to  the  United  States  of  forty  million  dollars, 
or  eighty  thousand  dollars  for  each  pretended  fugitive 
reclaimed. 

The  Government  at  last  became  weary  of  its  bar 
barous  and  unprofitable  work,  and  determined  upon 
the  removal  of  the  Seminoles  to  the  Cherokee  lands 
west  of  Arkansas.  Under  the  solemn  pledge  of  the 
nation  that  they  should  be  settled  in  villages  sepa 
rate  from  the  Creeks,  and  protected  by  the  Govern 
ment,  they  removed  to  their  new  home.  Relying  on 
its  good  faith,  they  built  their  huts,  planted  their 
ground,  and  entered  upon  the  work  of  providing  for 
their  wants,  when  two  hundred  armed  Creek  war 
riors,  stimulated  by  the  offer  of  a  slave-dealer  of  one 
hundred  dollars  for  each  exile  captured  and  deliv 
ered,  pounced  upon  them;  and  although  they  were 
repulsed,  they  seized  a  portion  of  the  exiles,  carried 
them  to  their  employer,  and  received  the  price  stipu 
lated  for  their  services.  The  prisoners  were  taken 
before  an  Arkansas  judge,  who,  in  violation  of  ex 
press  treaty  stipulation,  and  in  utter  defiance  of  law, 
ordered  them  to  be  delivered  to  the  slave-dealer,  who 
sold  them  in  the  Southern  market.  The  exiles  now 
clearly  saw  that  no  reliance  could  be  placed  upon 
the  plighted  faith  of  the  Government,  and  those  of 
them  who  had  successfully  resisted  the  crusade  of 
hireling  Creeks,  resolved  to  seek  an  asylum  in  Mex 
ico,  where  slavery  did  not  exist.  They  took  up 
their  march  by  night,  holding  themselves  in  readi 
ness  for  an  attack.  They  were  pursued  by  the 
Creeks,  who  were  repulsed,  leaving  their  dead  upon 


368  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   G  ID  DINGS. 

the  field;    and   these   hunted  victims  at   last   found 
a  home  on  foreign  soil. 

Such,  in  the  fewest  words,  is  the  story  of  these 
exiles.  Giddings  tells  it  at  length,  and  in  all  its 
horrid  details.  It  is  the  story  of  a  war  waged  by 
a  great  nation  against  unoffending  negroes  and  In 
dians,  whose  heroism  in  defending  their  liberty  must 
forever  challenge  the  admiration  of  the  world.  It 
was  a  war  instigated  by  Carolina  and  Georgia  slave 
holders, —  not,  in  fact,  for  the  recapture  of  fugitive 
slaves,  but  for  the  enslavement  of  men  and  women 
who  were  free,  and  whose  example  menaced  the  secu 
rity  of  slave  property;  and  nearly  every  Administra 
tion  of  the  government,  from  Washington's  to  Folk's, 
both  inclusive,  was  an  accessory,  either  before  or  after 
the  fact,  to  this  national  crime  against  a  brave  and 
helpless  people.  Giddings  found  the  facts  which 
support  his  statements  buried  in  the  archives  of  the 
government,  and  often  disguised  or  perverted  by  the 
officials  who  played  their  part  in  the  shameful  busi 
ness;  but  through  great  labor  and  patience  in  ran 
sacking  the  musty  records,  he  compelled  them  to 
yield  up  their  secrets,  which  he  exposed  to  the  gaze 
of  the  world  in  this  book.  No  such  indictment  of 
the  slaveocracy  had  ever  been  framed,  nor  had  the 
nation  ever  been  so  solemnly  arraigned  before  the 
judgment-seat  of  history  for  its  cold-blooded  treach 
ery  to  freedom  and  humanity. 

In  a  notice  of  this  work  soon  after  its  publication, 
the  "Atlantic  Monthly"  (then  edited  by  James  Rus 
sell  Lowell)  said,  — 

"  It  is  full  of  pathetic  and  tragic  interest,  and  melts  and  stirs 
the  heart  at  once  with  pity  for  the  sufferers,  and  with  anger,  that 
sins  not,  at  their  mean  and  ruthless  oppressors.  Every  Ameri 
can  citizen  should  read  it ;  for  it  is  an  indictment  which  recites 
crimes  which  have  been  committed  in  his  name,  perpetrated  by 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G1D DINGS.  369 

troops  and  officials  in  his  service,  and  all  done  at  his  expense. 
The  whole  nation  is  responsible  at  the  bar  of  the  world  and  be 
fore  the  tribunal  of  posterity  for  these  atrocities,  devised  by 
members  of  its  Cabinets  and  its  Congress,  directed  by  its  Presi 
dents,  and  executed  by  its  armies  and  its  courts/' 

In  a  letter  to  the  publishers  the  venerable  Josiah 
Quincy  said  of  this  work,  — 

"  It  opens  new  and  painful  views  of  the  sufferings  of  these 
exiles,  and  casts  a  glorious  light  on  their  principles  and  persever 
ance.  It  is  a  sad  and  humiliating  fact  that  Americans  —  men 
boasting  of  their  freedom,  with  the  flag  of  our  Union  waving  over 
them,  with  liberty,  law,  and  religion  in  their  mouths  —  were  their 
oppressors  and  persecutors.  The  work  illustrates  with  great 
power  and  unquestionable  truth  the  inherent  spirit  of  the  slave 
holder,  —  his  pride,  his  cupidity,  his  disregard  of  the  rights  of 
nature,  of  the  feelings  of  humanity,  and  the  extinction  of  the 
moral  sense  in  every  bosom  in  which  the  spirit  of  masterdom 
predominates.  It  ought  to  enkindle  in  the  Free  States  a  feeling, 
a  will,  and  a  resolve  to  relieve  the  Union  of  this  incubus,  which 
depresses  our  hopes  of  the  preservation  of  our  free  institutions, 
disgraces  our  character,  and  while  it  brutalizes  one  portion  of 
our  population,  demoralizes  and  makes  callous  another." 

The  style  of  the  book  is  admirable.  The  story  is 
told  as  simply  and  naturally  as  if  the  facts  narrated 
had  been  every-day  occurrences ;  and  yet  they  are  so 
thrilling  and  tragic  as  to  give  the  work  the  charm 
of  a  romance.  Giddings  indulges  in  no  exaggeration 
or  distortion,  and  uses  none  of  the  indignant  rhet 
oric  which  we  find  in  his  Congressional  speeches. 
Fie  writes  with  elegant  simplicity  and  perfect  cool 
ness,  and  the  reader  is  thus  left  to  form  his  own 
opinions  and  find  expression  for  his  own  emotions. 
This  enhances  the  effect  of  his  statements.  It  was 
a  new  and  startling  revelation  of  the  cruelty  and 
rapacity  of  slavery  and  its  lordship  over  the  National 
Government,  while  it  created  one  of  the  great  moral 
currents  which  finally  united  in  sweeping  the  curse 
from  the  land ;  and  it  earned  for  the  writer  the  thanks 
and  praise  of  coming  generations. 

24 


3/0  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

We  have  seen  that  Giddings  was  in  correspondence 
with  John  Brown  in  1856  respecting  the  troubles  in 
Kansas.  Brown  afterwards  visited  Jefferson,  where 
he  addressed  the  people  on  the  same  subject,  and  was 
assisted  by  Giddings  in  raising  funds  for  his  relief, 
having  lost  all  his  property  in  Kansas  by  border-ruf 
fian  outrages,  and  being  now  poor.  After  the  famous 
raid  into  Virginia  the  champions  of  slavery  and  their 
allies  at  once  attempted  to  involve  the  Republican 
party  in  the  transaction.  An  election  was  pending 
in  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  and  members  of  the 
Democratic  party,  believing  that  great  odium  would 
attach  to  those  who  sympathized  with  Brown,  charged 
Giddings  with  having  stimulated  him  to  invade  Vir 
ginia  and  give  freedom  to  her  slaves.  While  wounded 
and  a  prisoner,  Brown  was  visited  by  Senator  Mason 
of  Virginia  and  Hon.  C.  L.  Vallandigham  of  Ohio, 
who  endeavored  to  draw  from  him  facts  that  would 
implicate  Republicans.  Their  conversations  with 
him  were  published,  and  purported  to  involve  Gid 
dings.  He  at  once  replied  in  a  card  published  in 
Philadelphia,  where  he  happened  to  be  on  business, 
declaring  that  the  murder  of  Brown's  son  in  Kansas, 
and  the  barbarities  exercised  there  under  Democratic 
influence,  had  impelled  Brown  to  make  his  raid  into 
Virginia.  He  also  addressed  an  immense  audience 
in  that  city,  frankly  stating  his  acquaintance  and  rela 
tions  with  Brown,  and  disavowing  any  knowledge  of 
his  movement  in  Virginia  till  he  heard  of  it  through 
the  newspapers.  In  response  to  these  statements  an 
advertisement  appeared  in  the  papers  published  at 
Richmond,  Virginia,  offering  a  bounty  of  ten  thou 
sand  dollars  to  any  one  who  w.ould  bring  Giddings  to 
that  city  alive,  or  five  thousand  dollars  for  his  head. 
A  committee  of  Democrats,  who  had  been  appointed 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  371 

in  New  York  to  ascertain  and  report  the  facts  con 
cerning  Brown's  invasion,  made  a  report  asserting 
in  substance  that  John  P.  Hale,  Gerrit  Smith,  and 
Joshua  R.  Giddings  were  involved ;  but  on  receiving 
official  notice  that  they  would  be  called  to  account  in 
an  action  for  libel,  they  acknowledged  their  error, 
paid  the  costs  and  counsel  fees,  and  legal  proceedings 
against  them  were  discontinued. 

Mr.  Giddings  left  Congress  a  poor  man.  The 
congressional  salary  during  his  long  term  of  service 
was  much  less  than  it  is  at  present,  and  having  a 
large  family,  it  was  only  by  the  strictest  economy  that 
he  was  able  to  save  anything  from  his  earnings.  The 
methods  by  which  members  of  Congress  have  grown 
rich  in  later  years  were  wholly  unknown  to  him;  and 
as  he  was  now  too  old  to  resume  his  professional 
labors,  he  determined  to  enter  the  lecture  field.  He 
prepared  an  address  on  the  trial  of  John  Quincy 
Adams,  and  delivered  it  at  various  points  during  the 
winter  of  1859-1860.  This  brought  him  face  to  face 
with  multitudes  of  his  friends  and  admirers,  while  it 
gratified  the  long-established  bent  of  his  mind  to 
wards  politics,  and  pleasantly  occupied  his  thoughts 
with  the  old  familiar  question. 

As  the  time  for  another  Presidential  election  ap 
proached,  Giddings  critically  watched  the  political 
signs  of  the  times.  He  saw  and  deplored  the  dis 
position  of  a  portion  of  the  Republican  leaders  to 
abandon  the  broad  ground  on  which  the  party  had 
planted  itself  at  Philadelphia  in  1856.  He  was  anx 
ious,  if  possible,  to  check  this  evil  tendency;  and  to 
this  end  his  friends  made  him  a  delegate  to  the  Chi 
cago  Convention,  which  met  on  May  15,  and  nomi 
nated  Lincoln  and  Hamlin.  He  did  not  attend  the 
convention  as  the  champion  of  any  particular  candi- 


3/2  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

date,  but  as  the  representative  of  the  principles  of  the 
party;  and  he  so  declared  to  his  friends  on  reaching 
Chicago.  In  the  hope  that  he  could  do  something 
to  prevent  the  threatened  retreat  from  these  princi 
ples,  he  asked_the  delegates  from  his  State  for  a  place 
on  the  Committee  on  Resolutions;  but  the  old  con 
servative  Whigs  in  the  delegation  were  strong  enough 
to  prevent  this.  These  men  belonged  to  a  faction 
described  by  Giddings  as  still  believing  in  the  prin 
ciples  and  policy  of  the  Whig  party,  but  who  joined 
the  Republicans  to  avoid  isolation  from  political  life; 
and  they  now  wished  to  change  the  Republican  creed 
rather  than  admit  that  they  had  been  wrong  in  their 
past  action. 

When  the  platform  was  reported,  Giddings  listened 
to  its  reading  with  anxiety  and  apprehension.  In  the 
main  it  was  an  admirable  declaration  of  principles, 
clearly  setting  forth  the  practical  issues  of  the  can 
vass  which  the  course  of  events  had  produced ;  but  it 
failed  to  re-affirm  the  self-evident  truths  of  the  Dec 
laration  of  Independence,  as  embodied  in  the  plat 
form  of  1856.  Giddings  obtained  the  floor  and  moved 
to  amend  the  first  resolution  by  adding  the  omitted 
words,  making  an  earnest  speech  in  support  of  his 
motion.  Hon.  David  K.  Cartter  of  Ohio  opposed  the 
amendment,  declaring  that  it  was  "  all  gas  "  that  had 
been  expended  by  his  colleague  on  the  amendment, 
and  that  "we  might  as  well  insert  the  Golden  Rule  as 
the  Declaration  of  Independence."  Mr.  Eli  Thayer, 
delegated  from  Oregon,  said  that  "  many  great  truths 
have  been  left  out  of  the  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence.  For  one,  I  believe  in  the  Ten  Commandments, 
but  I  do  not  desire  to  see  them  embodied  in  the  plat 
form."  Mr.  Oyler  of  Indiana  said  "it  would  be  as 
proper  to  put  in  the  Bible,  from  the  first  chapter  to 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  373 

the  last."  No  member  of  the  convention  came  to 
the  support  of  Giddings,  and  in  the  general  eager 
ness  for  a  vote,  and  the  prevailing  opinion  that  the 
platform  was  substantially  sufficient,  the  amendment 
was  voted  down.  Giddings  was  sorely  disappointed, 
and  left  the  convention  for  his  lodgings,  followed  by 
sympathizing  friends,  who  deplored  this  break  in  the 
harmony  of  the  proceedings,  and  urged  him  to  return. 
On  his  way  out,  George  William  Curtis,  one  of  the 
delegates  from  New  York,  and  then  a  young  man, 
asked  him  where  he  was  going,  and  he  replied :  "  I 
see  that  I  am  out  of  place  here."  In  giving  an 
account  of  this  affair  afterwards,  Mr.  Curtis  says: 
"  It  seemed  to  me  that  the  original  impulse  of  the 
party  was  leaving  the  convention  in  his  person,  and 
I  begged  him  to  remain,  saying  that  I  would  try  the 
amendment  again."  While  the  friends  of  Giddings 
were  persuading  him  to  remain  in  the  convention, 
Curtis  mounted  upon  his  seat,  and  having  caught  the 
eye  of  the  president,  moved  to  amend  the  second  reso 
lution  by  adding  thereto  the  prelude  to  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  —  being  substantially  the  amend 
ment  which  the  convention  had  rejected.  Mingled 
applause  and  disapprobation  followed,  and  Mr.  Cart- 
ter  made  the  point  of  order  that  the  convention  had 
already  voted  down  the  amendment,  which  was  there 
fore  out  of  order.  The  president,  George  Ashmun 
of  Massachusetts,  a  conservative  old  Whig  who 
defended  Webster's  7th  of  March  speech,  was  evi 
dently  displeased  with  this  motion,  and  promptly 
sustained  the  point  of  order.  Frank  Blair  of  Mis 
souri  instantly  rose  to  his  feet,  and  so  energetically 
addressed  the  president  that  he  was  obliged  to  see 
him.  Blair  urged  the  point  that  the  amendment 
offered  by  Mr.  Curtis  was  to  the  second  resolution 


3/4  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

of  the  platform,  and  therefore  in  order.  The  presi 
dent  reluctantly  acknowledged  this;  and  Mr.  Curtis 
was  awarded  the  floor.  He  said,  - 

"  I  have  to  ask  the  convention  whether  they  are  prepared  to  go 
upon  the  record  before  the  country  as  voting  down  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence  ?  I  rise  simply  to  ask  gentlemen  to  think 
well  before,  upon  the  free  prairies  of  the  West,  in  the  summer  of 
1860,  they  dare  to  wince  and  quail  before  the  assertions  of  the 
men  in  Philadelphia  in  1776, — before  they  dare  to  shrink  from 
repeating  the  words  that  these  great  men  enunciated." 

This  speech  took  the  convention  by  storm,  and 
a  scene  of  the  wildest  excitement  followed.  The 
amendment  was  unanimously  adopted,  and  Giddings 
returned  to  his  seat,  while  ten  thousand  voices 
swelled  into  a  roar  so  deafening  that  for  several 
minutes  every  effort  to  restore  order  was  in  vain. 
It  was  a  magnificent  victory  for  the  gifted  young 
orator  and  his  venerable  friend.  In  a  recent  letter, 
Mr.  Murat  Halsted,  who  was  present,  says,  - 

"  It  was  a  great  scene,  and  as  I  think  of  it  every  feature  of  it 
comes  vividly  before  me.  I  had  very  often  seen  Mr.  Giddings 
in  Congress,  but  never  saw  him  when  his  figure  appeared  so 
stately  and  his  snowy  head  so  lofty  as  on  this  occasion;  and 
the  play  of  emotions  in  his  face,  visible  to  the  whole  conven 
tion,  was  as  frank  as  a  child's." 

This  was  not  merely  a  great  personal  triumph  for 
Giddings,  and  as  gratifying  to  his  hosts  of  friends  as 
to  himself,  but  it  was  a  triumph  of  courage  over 
timidity,  of  principle  over  policy.  The  cowardly 
fear  of  abolitionism  was  rebuked.  The  trimmers 
and  time-servers  in  the  party,  who  had  for  years  la 
bored  so  energetically  and  yet  so  stealthily  to  lower 
the  Republican  standard,  could  not  fail  to  see  that 
their  rank  in  the  grand  army  of  freedom  was  hence 
forward  to  be  that  of  subordination,  and  not  of 
leadership. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  375 

The  defeat  of  the  Giddings  amendment  would  have 
been  a  deplorable  blunder,  and  he  was  bravely  right 
in  turning  his  back  upon  the  convention.  It  would 
have  been  a  scheme  of  salvation  by  suicide.  Gid 
dings  understood  the  timely  significance  of  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  In  his 
earlier  years  he  had  sat  at  the  feet  of  John  Quincy 
Adams,  and  caught  the  spirit  of  his  solemn  appeal 
to  the  people  at  the  Jubilee  of  the  Constitution,  in 
1839.  Said  he,  - 

"  Lay  up  these  principles  in  your  hearts  and  in  your  souls. 
Bind  them  for  signs  upon  your  hands,  that  they  may  be  as  front 
lets  between  your  eyes.  Teach  them  to  your  children,  speaking 
of  them  when  sitting  in  your  homes,  when  walking  by  the  way, 
when  lying  down,  and  when  rising  up.  Write  them  upon  the 
doorplates  of  your  houses  and  upon  your  gates.  Cling  to  them 
as  to  the  issues  of  life  ;  adhere  to  them  as  to  the  cords  of  your 
eternal  salvation." 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  as  religiously  devoted  to  these 
principles  as  were  Adams  and  Giddings.  In  speak 
ing  of  those  who  cavil  at  them  as  "  glittering  gen 
eralities,"  he  had  declared  in  a  published  letter  a 
few  months  before  that  "  they  are  the  vanguards,  the 
sappers  and  miners,  of  returning  despotism."  "All 
honor  to  Jefferson,"  said  he,  "to  the  man  who,  in 
the  concrete  struggle  for  national  independence  by 
a  single  people,  had  the  coolness,  forecast,  and 
capacity  to  introduce  into  a  merely  revolutionary 
document  an  abstract  truth  applicable  to  all  men 
and  all  times,  and  so  to  embalm  it  there  that  to-day 
and  in  all  coming  days  it  shall  be  a  rebuke  and  a 
stumbling-block  to  the  harbingers  of  reappearing 
tyranny  and  despotism."  Mr.  Giddings  was  verily 
right  in  declaring  himself  "out  of  place"  in  the  con 
vention  when  it  refused  to  voice  the  words  of  Jeffer 
son  and  the  fathers  in  its  declaration  of  fundamental 


376  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R    GIDDINGS. 

principles;  and  posterity  will  honor  him  for  the  hero 
ism  and  unflinching  fidelity  which  averted  a  deadly 
peril. 

Immediately  after  Mr.  Lincoln's  nomination  Gid- 
dings  addressed  to  him  a  friendly  note  congratulating 
him  on  his  success,  confidently  predicting  his  tri 
umph  in  November,  and  expressing  himself  with 
much  warmth  as  an  old  friend.  To  this  Lincoln 
made  a  brief  and  characteristic  reply:  — 

SPRINGFIELD,  ILL.,  May  21,  1860. 
Hon.  J.  R.  GIDDINGS  : 

MY  GOOD  FRIEND,  — Your  very  kind  and  acceptable  letter  of 
the  1 9th  was  duly  handed  me  by  Mr.  Tuck.  It  is,  indeed,  most 
grateful  to  my  feelings  that  the  responsible  position  assigned  me 
comes  without  conditions,  save  only  such  honorable  ones  as  are 
fairly  implied.  I  am  not  wanting  in  the  purpose,  though  I  may 
fail  in  the  strength,  to  maintain  my  freedom  from  bad  influences. 
Your  letter  comes  to  my  aid  in  this  point  most  opportunely.  May 
the  Almighty  grant  that  the  cause  of  truth,  justice,  and  humanity 
shall  in  no  wise  suffer  at  my  hands !  Mrs.  L.  joins  me  in  sincere 
wishes  for  your  health,  happiness,  and  long  life. 

A.  LINCOLN. 

In  this  memorable  canvass  it  was  simply  impossi 
ble  for  Mr.  Giddings  to  be  idle  or  indifferent.  Not 
withstanding  the  precarious  condition  of  his  health, 
he  felt  impelled  to  take  the  stump,  and  his  labors 
extended  into  different  States.  He  was  everywhere 
greeted  by  large  and  enthusiastic  audiences,  and  in 
every  direction  he  saw  unmistakable  signs  of  victory. 
To  him  the  campaign  was  a  sort  of  jubilee,  and  he 
probably  enjoyed  it  more  than  any  in  which  he  had 
ever  participated.  All  the  cherished  principles  for 
which  he  had  so  long  labored  were  now  embodied  in 
the  creed  of  a  great  party,  which  he  had  done  as  much 
as  any  man  in  the  Union  to  create  and  inspire;  and 
no  man  had  a  clearer  title  to  its  leadership  and  its 
honors  than  himself. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  377 

Towards  the  close  of  this  canvass  Hon.  Thomas 
Ewing  made  a  remarkable  speech  at  Chillicothe, 
Ohio,  which  invited  the  particular  attention  of  Mr. 
Giddings.  Ewing  was  an  old  Whig,  who  had  thus 
far  opposed  the  Republican  party,  and  whose  choice 
for  the  Presidency  was  John  Bell  of  Tennessee;  but 
as  there  was  no  hope  of  his  election,  and  as  Ewing 
had  satisfied  himself  that  Lincoln  would  succeed, 
he  determined  to  support  him,  with  the  evident 
purpose  of  influencing  his  Administration.  At  the 
Chillicothe  meeting  he  clearly  defined  his  position 
as  a  conservative  and  an  inveterate  hater  of  Repub 
lican  principles.  He  argued  that  the  Republican 
party  arose  out  of  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com 
promise,  and  that  when  that  compromise  should  be 
restored,  the  mission  of  the  party  would  be  ended; 
that  in  the  present  or  early  part  of  the  coming  year 
its  destiny  would  be  fulfilled,  unless  it  placed  itself 
on  a  basis  of  substantial  national  policy,  while  it 
could  not  possibly  sustain  itself  as  a  general  anti- 
slavery  party;  that  it  had  fallen  under  the  control  of 
"men  of  extreme  opinions,  Abolitionists,  higher- 
law  and  irrepressible-conflict  men,  all  shades  and 
degrees,"  and  could  not  hope  to  succeed  without  the 
inspiration  and  guidance  of  the  conservative  Whig 
masses;  that  the  eighth  resolution  of  the  platform, 
declaring  that  "the  normal  condition  of  all  the 
territory  of  the  United  States  is  that  of  freedom," 
is  not  true  in  fact,  and  should  not  have  been  incor 
porated;  that  the  adoption  of  that  portion  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  which  embodies  its 
self-evident  truths  was  not  in  "good  taste,"  and  that 
it  is  only  "true  in  the  vague  and  general  sense  in 
which  it  was  used  by  the  framers  of  the  Declaration, 
who  were,  three  fourths  of  them,  slaveholders,"  and 


378  THE   LIFE   OF  JOSPIUA    R.    GI DOINGS. 

that  Mr.  Lincoln,  with  his  political  training  as  an 
old  Whig,  "from  the  first  to  the  last,  in  his  inaugural 
address,  in  which  words  will  be  things,  and  in  his 
final  message,  will  show  himself  the  President  of  the 
nation,  and  not  of  a  section  or  a  party."  Ewing  also 
arraigned  the  Republican  Legislature  of  Ohio  for 
its  refusal  to  enact  a  law  to  prohibit  the  fitting  out 
of  marauding  expeditions  against  sister  States,  and 
Governor  Dennison  for  refusing  to  surrender  fugi 
tives  from  justice  charged  with  offences  not  made 
criminal  by  the  laws  of  Ohio. 

Mr.  Ewing  was  a  man  of  great  ability,  and  had 
been  a  power  in  the  politics  of  Ohio  in  the  days  of 
the  Whig  party.  He  was  elected  to  a  seat  in  the 
United  States  Senate  in  1830.  He  held  the  office 
of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  the  Cabinet  of  Gen 
eral  Harrison,  and  that  of  Secretary  of  the  Interior 
under  General  Taylor.  In  his  prime  he  was  every 
where  recognized  as  one  of  the  great  party  leaders  of 
his  day.  When  such  a  man  attempted  to  persuade 
the  Republican  party  to  belie  its  principles  and 
record  and  commit  the  fortunes  of  the  people  to  the 
leadership  of  old  Whigs,  it  was  not  to  be  expected 
that  Giddings  would  remain  silent.  It  was  for  the 
relegation  of  such  men  as  Ewing  to  private  life,  and 
for  the  inauguration  of  a  new  dispensation  in  the  in 
terest  of  the  people,  that  the  Republican  party  had 
been  formed;  and  there  was  something  strikingly  akin 
to  effrontery  in  this  effort  of  an  incorrigible  political 
Bourbon  to  restore  a  dead  party  to  life  and  to  per 
suade  a  live  one  to  commit  suicide.  Although  Gid 
dings  could  not  fail  to  see  that  this  speech  was  aimed 
at  just  such  men  as  himself,  he  did  not  find  time  to 
notice  it  till  early  in  November,  when  he  addressed 
Mr.  Ewing  a  public  letter  in  reply.  This  letter  is 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  379 

not  without  a  certain  historic  value  as  an  exposition 
of  the  Republican  creed  and  a  sign  of  Republican 
progress,  while  it  shows  the  skill  of  the  writer  in  the 
way  of  argument  and  retort.  It  also  illustrates  the 
amazing  diversity  of  opinion  which  prevailed  among 
those  who  united  in  the  election  of  the  first  Repub 
lican  President.  It  is  as  follows:  — 

SIR,  —  I  have  read  your  speech  delivered  at  Chillicothe  with 
interest.  That  interest  was  excited  from  the  circumstance  that  it 
was  made  after  you  became  satisfied  that  Mr.  Lincoln  would  be 
elected  ;  the  whole  speech  also  showing  it  was  not  made  to  pro 
mote  his  election,  but  to  guide  his  action  and  the  action  of  his 
Administration  after  he  should  come  into  power.  I  was  also 
aware  that  other  gentlemen  who  have  united  with  us,  probably 
for  similar  reasons,  are  endeavoring  to  bring  influences  to  bear 
upon  the  President-elect  that  would  lead  him  to  disregard  the 
doctrine  on  which  he  has  been  elected,  in  order  to  re-establish  the 
old  Whig  party,  and  be  guided  by  the  counsels  of  men  who  have 
long  since  been  weighed  in  the  balance  and  found  wanting.  For 
this  purpose  we  are  informed  by  the  public  Press  that  a  member 
of  one  of  the  past  Executive  Cabinets  visited  Mr.  Lincoln  before 
he  was  elected,  and  then  assured  his  friends  at  Washington  that 
the  incoming  Executive  would  enforce  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law, 
which  the  people  of  the  Free  States  hold  in  contempt.  Repub 
licans  who  have  labored  for  ten,  fifteen,  or  twenty  years,  —  spent 
their  fortunes  to  establish  the  principles  of  that  party,  have  given 
existence,  power,  and  energy  to  the  organization  that  has  elected 
Mr.  Lincoln,  —  quietly  confide  in  the  pledge  he  has  given  the 
country  to  support  the  platform  on  which  all  have  agreed  to 
stand.  Those  doctrines  are  clearly  expressed  and  well  under 
stood,  and  it  were  an  insult  to  ask  him  to  violate  them ;  no 
honorable  man  will  do  it. 

There  is  but  one  real  issue  between  the  Republican  party  and 
those  factions  who  stand  opposed  to  it.  That  is  the  question  of 
slavery.  There  is  really  no  other  issue  formed.  The  Republi 
cans  are  pledged  to  exert  the  constitutional  powers  of  govern 
ment  in  favor  of  liberty  against  oppression  and  slavery  wherever 
it  holds  exclusive  jurisdiction ;  and  if  they  exert  those  powers  to 
sustain  slavery  or  the  slave-trade,  at  any  time  or  in  any  place, 
they  will  bring  upon  themselves  the  same  displeasure  of  the 
people  that  the  Whig,  the  Democratic,  and  the  Bell-Everett 
parties  have  brought  upon  their  organizations. 


380  THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

Now,  sir,  I  do  not  doubt  your  patriotic  intentions  when  you 
advise  the  incoming  Administration  to  adopt  the  policy  and 
follow  the  example  of  the  Whig  party ;  but  I  cannot  forget  the 
fact  that  you  have  assisted  to  inaugurate  two  Whig  Administra 
tions,  you  being  a  member  of  the  Cabinet  in  each  instance; 
that  these  Cabinets  dissolved,  and  the  party  substantially  dis 
banded,  before  the  close  of  the  first  session  of  Congress  that 
assembled  under  them.  I  cannot  suppose  these  signal  failures 
will  very  strongly  commend  your  policy  to  Mr.  Lincoln  or  to 
any  Republican.  Indeed,  every  intelligent  man  must  be  aware 
that  subserviency  to  the  slave-power,  which  you  recommend,  has 
destroyed  all  former  factions;  while  manly  resistance  to  that 
power,  and  steady  adherence  to  the  doctrines  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  and  of  the  Constitution,  has  given  the  Repub 
licans  influence,  and  control  of  the  national  government.  If  we 
fail  to  profit  by  example,  if  we  disregard  the  lessons  of  history, 
if  we  remain  stupid  in  spite  of  experience,  our  Republican  or 
ganization  must  also  fail  at  no  distant  day. 

But,  sir,  I  desire  to  correct  you  in  regard  to  historical  facts. 
You  say,  "  The  Republican  party  arose  out  of  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise."  If  this  assertion  pass  into  history  as 
true,  it  will  place  on  Mr.  Douglas  responsibilities  which  you 
ought  to  share  with  him.  The  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com 
promise  was  but  an  incident  in  the  progress  of  the  slave-power, 
which  by  a  series  of  despotic  acts  extending  through  many  years, 
gave  rise  to  the  Republican  party,  and  doomed  the  other  parties 
to  premature  graves.  You  and  I  certainly  ought  to  understand 
the  circumstances  out  of  which  the  Republican  party  arose. 

The  winter  of  1841  found  Mr.  Adams  and  myself  struggling 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  against  gag-rules  and  in  favor 
of  the  right  of  petition  and  the  freedom  of  debate.  We  had 
labored  for  the  election  of  Mr.  Harrison,  were  zealous  Whigs, 
expecting  that  the  President-elect  and  his  Cabinet,  of  which  you 
were  one,  would  lend  their  influence  to  maintain  the  constitu 
tional  right  of  petition  and  free  debate.  After  due  consultation, 
I  prepared  a  speech  upon  the  Florida  War,  by  which  I  intended 
to  expose  the  despotism  of  slavery  and  of  the  gag-rules.  It  was 
delivered  on  the  9th  of  February,  A.  D.  1841,  about  the  time  of 
the  President's  arrival,  as  well  as  yours,  in  the  city  of  Wash 
ington.  In  that  speech  I  shadowed  forth  the  doctrine  that  Con 
gress  possessed  no  constitutional  power  to  involve  the  people  of 
the  Free  States  in  a  war  for  the  recovery  of  fugitive  slaves ;  that 
our  Federal  Government  had  no  authority  to  maintain  or  abolish 
slavery  in  the  States.  It  excited  much  indignation  with  slave- 
holding  members,  one  of  whom  publicly  insulted  me  at  the  time. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G ID  DINGS.  381 

He  was  soon  appointed  to  a  foreign  mission,  and  at  the  end  of 
four  years  retired  with  a  fortune,  although  he  had  not  even  voted 
for  General  Harrison  ;  while  I,  having  labored  zealously  for  that 
object,  received  from  the  Executive  unmistakable  evidence  of  his 
displeasure.  And  as  you  intimate  what  you  think  Mr.  Lincoln's 
inaugural  address  will  contain,  you  may  perhaps  recollect  that 
General  Harrison's  inaugural,  as  it  was  originally  prepared,  con 
tained  a  paragraph  severely  condemning  those  who  in  Congress 
were  agitating  the  subject  of  slavery,  and  that  this  offensive 
paragraph  was  stricken  out  at  the  suggestion  of  Mr.  Clay,  to 
whom  the  address  was  submitted.  I  do  not  know  that  you  were 
conversant  with  this  fact;  though  I  then  supposed  you  were,  and 
still  presume  you  must  have  been  consulted  in  regard  to  it.  I 
speak  upon  the  authority  of  one  whose  name  shall  be  given  you 
if  desired.  To  Mr.  Adams,  more  than  to  any  other  man,  are  we 
indebted  for  the  reiteration  of  our  Republican  doctrines;  but  you 
and  the  country  are  aware  that  the  practical  application  of  those 
doctrines  as  the  basis  of  political  organization  was  put  forth  by 
the  humble  individual  who  now  addresses  you.  It  was  the  sur 
render  of  the  Whig  party  to  the  slave-power  during  the  Twenty- 
seventh  Congress,  and  the  efforts  of  a  Whig  President  to  involve 
our  nation  in  the  crime  and  disgrace  of  supporting  an  execrable 
commerce  in  human  flesh,  that  induced  me  to  present  to  the  con 
sideration  of  the  House  of  Representatives  a  series  of  resolutions 
denying  the  authority  of  the  Federal  Government  to  involve  our 
nation  in  a  war  to  support  the  coastwise  slave-trade.  These 
resolutions  embodied  the  essential  doctrines  on  which  the  Re 
publican  party  is  now  based.  For  thus  expressing  my  own  con 
victions,  for  this  assertion  of  the  rights  of  the  Free  States,  I  was 
arraigned,  censured,  and  driven  from  my  seat  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  by  a  vote  of  125  to  69,  —  that  body  having  a 
Whig  majority  of  twenty  members,  and  acting  under  an  Admin 
istration  which  you  had  assisted  to  inaugurate,  and  which  you 
now  hold  up  as  an  example  worthy  to  be  followed  by  Republi 
cans.  I  believe  the  country  will  award  to  both  you  and  myself 
the  merit  or  demerit  of  adhering  to  our  doctrines  and  policy.  I 
continue  to  maintain  the  duty  and  policy  of  separating  the  Fed 
eral  Government  from  the  support  of  slavery,  and  leaving  that 
institution  entirely  with  the  several  States.  On  this  point  I  stood 
entirely  alone  in  that  body  for  some  years,  Mr.  Adams  refusing 
to  admit  that  the  Federal  Government  might  not,  under  some 
circumstances,  abolish  slavery  in  the  States. 

When  you  were  again  selected  as  a  Cabinet  officer  for  the 
purpose  of  inaugurating  a  second  and  last  Whig  Administration, 
you  found  me  still  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  associated 


382  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

with  seven  as  good  and  true  men  as  ever  served  the  cause  of 
freedom.  We  were  united  upon  the  doctrines  which  now  con 
stitute  the  basis  of  the  Republican  party.  You  continued  to 
maintain  the  Whig  policy,  under  which  that  party  disbanded  and 
forever  disappeared  from  the  theatre  of  political  power.  I  and 
my  friends  continued  to  maintain  these  doctrines;  you  retired  to 
private  life.  The  advocates  of  liberty  increased  in  number  and 
influence  until,  at  Philadelphia  in  1856,  a  convention  of  as  high 
moral  character  as  any  that  ever  convened  on  this  continent 
assembled.  I  penned  the  second  resolution  of  that  platform, 
which  asserts  the  rights  of  all  men  to  life,  liberty,  and  happi 
ness  ;  that  the  primal  object  and  ulterior  design  of  our  Federal 
Government  was  to  protect  all  persons  under  its  exclusive  juris 
diction  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  rights.  These  fundamental  prin 
ciples  were  reasserted  by  the  Chicago  Convention.  You  say  such 
insertion  was  in  "  bad  taste."  I  deny  your  criticism.  You  say 
these  doctrines  are  true  "  in  a  vague  and  general  sense."  I  do 
not  understand  "  vague  "  truths.  Our  fathers  called  those  "  self- 
evident  "  which  you  term  "vague."  You  fear  to  admit,  but  dare 
not  deny  them.  This  timidity  is  not  consistent  with  that  indeli 
cacy  which  prompts  you,  uninvited,  to  thrust  your  opinions  upon 
a  party  to  which  you  have  ever  been,  and  still  are,  opposed. 

When  you  hold  up  to  the  Republicans  the  humbug  of  "  disso 
lution,"  you  detract  from  the  dignity  of  your  own  manhood ; 
none  but  cowards,  none  but  unvirile  minions  of  the  slave-power, 
will  be  alarmed  at  it. 

In  assailing  the  Legislature  and  people  of  our  State,  you  as 
sume  a  self-importance,  you  evince  an  arrogance,  seldom  united 
with  great  moral  worth.  You  censure  Governor  Dennison  for 
adhering  to  a  practice  that  has  been  followed  by  Executives  of 
both  Slave  and  Free  States  for  more  than  thirty  years ;  and  in  a 
note  contained  in  a  pamphlet  edition  of  your  speech  you  half 
apologize,  saying  the  heresy  had  its  origin  ten  years  since,  when 
you  were  engaged  in  official  duties,  and  did  not  notice  it.  You 
next  read  a  lecture  to  the  people  of  our  State  for  not  electing  a 
judge  whose  opinions  they  disliked,  while  you  always  approved 
them  ;  and  then  condemn  the  Legislature  of  our  State  for  not 
passing  a  law  to  protect  slavery,  by  prohibiting  the  organizing  of 
a  military  force  in  Ohio  for  the  purpose  of  invading  other  States. 
No  such  organization  has  ever  occurred  in  our  State,  nor  have 
our  people  ever  invaded  any  other  State.  But  while  our  State 
has  been  often  invaded  by  armed  forces  from  other  States,  while 
innocent  men  have  been  barbarously  shot  down  upon  our  soil, 
our  citizens  driven  by  armed  force  from  other  States,  and  free 
men,  born  under  our  laws,  have  been  kidnapped  and  carried  to 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  383 

slavery,  you  do  not  ask  protection  for  them.  But  the  electors 
of  our  State  have  responded  to  your  attacks  in  language  more 
emphatic  than  I  can  use. 

You  speak  sneeringly  of  "  irrepressible-conflict  men,"  of 
"  extreme  opinions,"  of  "  Abolitionists,"  of  "  higher-law  men." 
Epithets  are  not  arguments.  They  are  adapted  to  minds  that 
revolve  in  a  certain  sphere  of  thought,  but  are  seldom  uttered  by 
statesmen  or  philosophers.  You,  however,  are  understood  as 
referring  to  men  who  are  your  peers,  —  to  men  whose  states 
manship,  whose  integrity,  will  not  suffer  by  a  comparison  with 
yours ;  to  men  who  will  not  shrink  from  the  judgment  of  the 
present  or  coming  generation.  I,  sir,  believe  in  that  "higher 
law  "  of  the  Creator  which  holds  the  sun  in  mid-heavens,  guides 
the  planets  in  their  courses,  gives  action  to  your  throbbing  heart 
and  heaving  lungs,  which  inspires  you  with  a  love  of  life,  a  thirst 
for  happiness,  a  consciousness  that  liberty  is  yours,  impresses 
you  to  acquire  knowledge,  and  removes  you  to  another  sphere  at 
the  close  of  this  life.  You  sneer  at  these  doctrines;  a  cold 
atheism  pervades  your  speech.  In  it  there  is  no  recognition  of 
right,  of  enduring  principle,  of  God,  his  attributes  or  laws.  You 
evidently  hold  that  human  governments  possess  the  same  power 
to  legislate  for  the  murder  of  innocent  men  and  women  which 
they  have  to  protect  human  life,  —  the  same  power  to  enslave  men 
which  they  have  to  protect  liberty.  Republicans  hold  with  the 
fathers  that  governments  are  instituted  to  secure  the  enjoyment 
of  life  and  liberty ;  that  the  murder  or  enslavement  of  the  hum 
blest  of  the  human  family  is  not  merely  unjust,  but  criminal j 
that  all  enactments  by  Congress,  authorizing  or  proposing  to 
authorize  one  man  to  hold  another  in  bondage,  to  flog  him,  rob 
him  of  his  labor,  his  wife,  his  children,  his  intelligence,  his  man 
hood,  are  not  only  despotic,  but  barbarous,  and  in  direct  violation 
of  that  clause  in  our  Federal  Constitution  which  declares  that 
"  no  person  shall  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property  without 
due  process  of  law,"  —  that  is,  without  trial  before  a  court  of 
competent  jurisdiction,  by  a  jury  of  his  peers. 

For  the  establishment  and  maintenance  of  these  views  I  have 
labored  long  and  steadily.  You  have  labored  long  and  just  as 
steadily  to  oppose  them.  We  have  lived  to  see  an  overwhelm 
ing  expression  of  the  American  people  in  their  favor.  They 
have  elected  a  President  pledged  to  their  support.  Will  he 
redeem  that  pledge  ?  I  believe  he  will.  Time  will  solve  the 
problem. 

Very  respectfully, 

J.    R.    GlDDINGS. 

JEFFERSON,  O.,  Nov.  7,  1860. 


384  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G1DDINGS. 

Giddings  now  ventured  upon  a  new  task.  Soon 
after  his  retirement,  Senator  Wilson  of  Massachusetts 
advised  him  to  write  a  history  of  the  anti-slavery  con 
flict  in  Congress.  He  urged  him  to  do  this,  as  did 
other  influential  friends,  on  account  of  his  peculiar 
qualifications  for  the  work,  and  the  demand  for  it  as 
an  important  contribution  to  the  history  of  the  coun 
try.  Giddings  had  thought  of  undertaking  it  before; 
and  notwithstanding  his  age  and  declining  health,  he 
now  entered  upon  the  task,  devoting  such  time  to  it 
as  he  could  .spare  during  the  winter  of  1860-1861. 
During  this  period,  however,  he  closely  watched  the 
course  of  events  in  Washington,  and  strongly  con 
demned  the  compromising  policy  of  the  Republican 
leaders  near  the  close  of  the  Thirty-sixth  Congress. 

In  the  spring  Mr.  Lincoln  tendered  him  the  posi 
tion  of  Consul-General  to  Canada,  which  he  accepted. 
This  was  not  a  laborious  position,  and  it  afforded 
him  the  leisure  he  desired  for  the  prosecution  of  his 
History.  He  was  now  in  a  foreign  country,  but  he 
did  not  forget  his  own,  nor  the  great  question  which 
had  so  long  occupied  his  thoughts.  This  will  appear 
in  the  following  letter,  dated  Montreal,  April  2 : 

DEAR  SUMNER,  —  I  write  for  advice.  Some  two  years  since 
I  wrote  D.  Appleton  &  Co.  that  Benton  had  grossly  perverted 
facts  touching  the  slave  question  in  the  "Abridgment  of  Con 
gressional  Debates,"  which  they  were  publishing.  In  reply  they 
assured  me  that  the  error  should  be  avoided  in  their  further  vol 
umes.  I  have  just  examined  the  four  last  volumes  published, 
and  never  was  there  more  gross  injustice  perpetrated  in  any 
standard  work  than  has  been  done  in  this  towards  Mr.  Adams 
and  all  those  statesmen  who  from  1840  to  1850  maintained  the 
doctrines  of  the  Republican  party. 

Now,  sir,  what  becomes  your  duty  and  mine  in  this  matter? 
Are  we  bound  to  expose  facts,  to  make  them  known  to  the  world  ? 
I  have  written  Messrs.  Appleton,  complaining  of  this  garbling  of 
the  historic  record,  and  giving  examples.  But  what  say  you  ?  Pray 
advise  me.  .  .  .  Very  sincerely,  J.  R.  GIDDINGS. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  385 

To  this  Mr.  Sumner  replied  on  the  28th  of  April : 

MY  DEAR  CONSUL-GENERAL,  —  On  my  return  to  Boston  after 
a  long  detention  in  Washington,  I  found  your  favor  of  April  2d. 

I  have  not  examined  the  "  Abridgment  of  Debates,"  but  am  not 
surprised  at  what  you  say.  You  will  remember  it  was  made  in 
great  haste,  and  I  suppose  it  may  be  said  with  truth  that  Colonel 
Benton,  with  all  his  great  merits,  had  no  real  sympathy  with  the 
anti-slavery  cause,  —  certainly  in  those  early  struggles  where  you 
and  Mr.  Adams  bore  a  conspicuous  part. 

But  surely  you  are  right  in  making  your  protest  against  the 
injustice  done.  To  render  this  effective,  there  should  be  a  proper 
statement,  drawn  up  by  yourself,  the  living  witness  of  the  truth, 
which  the  publishers  ought  to  print  and  bind  with  the  volumes  in 
question. 

From  your  distant  retreat  I  doubt  not  that  you  watch  the 
great  events  of  to-day  with  intense  interest.  Only  a  short  time 
ago  it  seemed  as  if  there  must  be  a  separation  ;  but  this  generous 
and  mighty  uprising  of  the  North  seems  to  menace  defeat  to  the 
rebels,  and  the  extinction  of  slavery  in  blood.  How  does  it  look 
to  you  ? 

I   hope  you  are  enjoying  your  new  position ;    but  I   cannot 
reconcile  myself  to  your  not  being  at  Washington.     Good-by. 
Ever  sincerely  yours, 

CHARLES  SUMNER. 

Giddings  answered  thus  on  the  3Oth :  — 

DEAR  SUMNER,  —  Thanks  for  your  kind  advice.  I  wrote  a 
communication  to  the  Appletons,  stating  the  general  injustice 
done  to  those  who  were  early  engaged  in  the  anti-slavery  cause, 
and  then  gave  two  of  the  most  striking  instances  as  examples, 
and  was  about  to  mail  it  when  I  began  to  entertain  doubts,  and 
concluded  to  write  you  for  advice. 

I  have  an  intense  anxiety  now  to  be  at  Washington.  Never 
was  my  desire  to  be  there  so  strong  as  at  this  time.  But  you 
know  I  am  always  hopeful,  and  never  were  the  political  heavens 
more  bright  or  auspicious.  The  first  gun  fired  at  Fort  Sumter 
rang  out  the  death-knell  of  slavery.  But  the  promptness,  the 
unity  and  zeal  of  the  people  of  our  Free  States  must  excite  the 
admiration  of  all  nations ;  and  should  we  come  out  of  the  contest 
without  stain  upon  our  honor,  our  government  will  in  future  be 
regarded  as  more  permanent  and  efficient  than  ever  before. 

All  honor  to  Massachusetts !  She  has  borne  herself  worthy 
of  her  ancient  fame.  The  iQth  of  April  should  be  remembered 
and  observed  by  her  people  as  the  day  of  her  proudest  achieve 
ment.  .  .  .  With  great  respect, 

J.  R.  GIDDINGS. 

25 


386  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

These  letters  show  that  while  Giddings  was  abroad, 
his  heart  was  constantly  at  home.  We  read  between 
the  lines  how  intense  must  have  been  his  longing  to 
be  among  his  fellow-citizens  in  the  struggle  that  was 
then  stirring  the  nation  to  its  depths,  and  which  was 
the  outcome  of  the  great  conflict  to  which  he  had 
devoted  his  public  life.  There  were  probably  mo 
ments  when  his  life  in  Montreal  seemed  to  him  a 
cruel  exile;  but  his  prevailing  hopefulness  and  philo 
sophic  temper  reconciled  him  to  the  situation.  The 
work  of  his  office  occupied  a  portion  of  his  time,  and 
during  the  remainder  he  continued  his  labors  upon 
his  History.  The  question  of  reciprocity  with  Canada 
was  then  an  exciting  one,  and  it  naturally  led  to  a  cor 
respondence  with  Mr.  Sumner,  then  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  in  the  Senate.  On 
the  7th  of  April,  1862,  Giddings  wrote,  - 

DEAR  SUMNER,  —  I  notice  there  appears  to  be  much  hos 
tility  to  our  reciprocity  treaty  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 
I  think  it  unfounded.  Our  former  treaties  with  England  admitted 
us  to  the  British  markets  ;'  upon  the  same  terms  as  the  most  fa 
vored  nations."  The  reciprocity  gave  to  us  and  to  the  people  of 
Canada  mutual  extension  of  our  fishing  privileges.  It  gave  us 
the  privilege  of  navigating  the  canals  of  Canada,  the  British  of 
Lake  Michigan,  and  then  exempted  certain  articles  named  in  the 
schedule  from  duty  when  taken  from  Canada  to  the  United  States, 
or  from  the  States  to  Canada. 

There  was  no  attempt  to  change  the  duty  on  any  goods ; 
those  made  free  were  the  only  subjects  of  negotiation.  But 
it  is  objected  that  the  Canadian  Government  raised  three  or 
four  times  as  much  revenue  from  dutiable  goods  imported  from 
the  United  States  the  year  after  this  treaty  went  into  operation, 
as  they  had  previously  done  in  the  same  length  of  time,  —  that  is, 
we  exported  to  Canada  more  goods  on  which  duties  were  paid 
than  ever  before.  But  how  the  increase  of  our  exports  of  duti 
able  goods  should  operate  against  the  treaty  is  not  so  obvious. 
The  treaty,  however,  could  have  had  no  other  effect  than  that 
which  naturally  arose  from  more  unrestricted  commercial  rela 
tions  of  the  two  Governments,  and  that  must  be  certainly  favor 
able  to  the  treaty. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  387 

But  an  objection  still  more  extraordinary,  if  possible,  is  raised 
against  the  treaty.  It  is  said  that  by  a  proper  construction  the 
articles  enumerated  in  this  schedule  are  not  only  admitted  to  the 
States  free  of  duty,  but  after  they  are  in  the  United  States  can 
not  be  subjected  to  direct  taxation,  tolls,  or  assessments,  to  which 
the  same  articles  of  American  growth  are  subjected.  How  such 
a  forced  construction  can  be  given  to  the  treaty  is  incompre 
hensible  to  me.  I  have  made  inquiry  of  the  members  of  the 
Board  of  Trade,  of  the  president  of  that  association,  and  of  com 
mercial  men  here,  all  of  whom  say  they  never  heard  nor  thought 
of  such  a  construction.  The  anthracite  coal  of  Pennsylvania  and 
the  bituminous  coal  of  Ohio  are  now  used  to  some  extent  in  Que 
bec,  to  a  much  greater  extent  here,  and  perhaps  I  may  say,  ex 
tensively  in  Canada  West ;  but  I  cannot  find  that  any  man  ever 
supposed  that  this  coal  was  not  subject  to  all  local  assessments, 
taxes,  and  license  that  Canadian  productions  are  subjected  to. 

But,  as  we  are  informed,  coal  has  been  exempted  from  direct 
taxation  in  the  States  for  the  reason  that  the  article  imported 
from  Halifax  and  New  Brunswick  cannot  be  taxed  under  the 
treaty  ;  and  if  our  own  coal  were  taxed  it  would  give  foreign  coal 
a  preference  in  the  market.  This  exemption  of  the  coal  from 
Pennsylvania  and  Ohio  is  not  only  wrong,  but  is  most  important. 
In  my  opinion  a  proper  tax  on  that  article  would  increase  the 
revenue  $50,000,000  annually.  Flour,  furs,  and  some  other  arti 
cles  are  said  to  be  exempt  from  duty  on  the  same  grounds.  I  am 
sure  you  will  look  to  the  matter  and  see  that  no  errors  of  the 
kind  are  committed  by  the  Senate. 

Thanks,  a  thousand  thanks,  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia  !     Thanks  also  for  sending  the  President's 
views  in  regard  to  emancipation  in  the  States. 
Very  faithfully, 

J.  R.  GIDDINGS. 

Among  his  correspondence  a  characteristic  letter 
was  found  from  Horace  Greeley,  dated  June  29,  1862, 
relating  to  the  speech  of  Lord  Palmerston  in  the 
British  Parliament  on  General  Butler's  famous  mili 
tary  order  concerning  the  rebel  women  of  New  Or 
leans.  This  was  one  of  the  darkest  periods  of  the 
war,  and  Mr.  Greeley,  as  will  be  seen,  shared  with 
many  others  the  most  gloomy  apprehensions :  — 

MY  DEAR  MR.  GIDDINGS,  —  I  wrote  an  expose  of  Palmer- 
ston's  malignity  the  very  night  we  received  the  news  of  it,  and 


388  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

published  it  next  morning.  The  old  scoundrel  knows  better,  and 
it  would  be  folly  to  waste  explanation  on  him.  But  it  is  idle  to 
hope  for  justice  from  the  British  governing  classes.  They  are 
bent  on  our  destruction,  and  imbecility  and  lack  of  earnestness 
here  will  enable  them  to  attain  their  end.  We  are  going  to  ruin. 
McClellan  is  certainly  a  fool,  probably  a  traitor,  and  Halleck  is 
no  better.  We  are  doomed. 

Yours,  sadly,  HORACE  GREELEY. 

During  this  year  the  utterances  of  Mr.  Seward 
touching  the  management  of  our  foreign  affairs  were 
much  criticised  by  the  more  radical  members  of  the 
Republican  party.  On  December  i,  Giddings  wrote 
to  Sumner,  — 

"  I  am  dissatisfied  with  Seward's  view  of  the  French  mediation. 
Is  it  possible  that  he  intends  saving  the  institution  of  slavery  ? 
Pray  let  me  know.  The  British  Government  and  Press  and 
people  are  rapidly  coming  round  to  our  position,  and  our  ex 
ample  in  this  important  crisis  is  to  have  an  immense  influence 
on  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

"  What  does  the  political  horoscope  indicate  to  you  ?  " 

On  July  26,  1863,  Mr.  Sumner  wrote,  — • 

MY  DEAR  GIDDINGS,  —  I  am  anxious  about  your  health. 
Pray,  how  are  you  ?  Let  me  know  by  a  word  from  yourself 
that  you  are  well.  You  must  live  to  see  slavery  die,  —  as  die  it 
will  very  soon.  God  bless  you,  who  have  done  so  much  good 
work  to  prepare  and  guide  our  country  ! 

Ever  sincerely  yours, 

CHARLES  SUMNER. 

To  this,  Giddings  replied  on  the  3Oth,  - 

MY  DEAR  SUMNER,  —  Thanks  for  your  kind  wishes  !  Be  as 
sured  I  am  not  unhappy.  My  regrets  are  that  I  am  unable  to 
do  more  in  the  cause  on  which  the  labors  of  my  life  have  been 
bestowed. 

My  constitution  is  giving  way  under  these  repeated  attacks  of 
atrophy,  two  of  which  came  upon  me  before  leaving  Congress. 
The  fifth  was  on  the  ist  of  June,  at  Montreal.  It  was  the  most 
severe.  From  it  I  shall  not  probably  recover.  For  a  while,  both 
mental  and  physical  powers  were  suspended.  Slowly  but  gradu 
ally  have  I  improved.  My  memory  is  yet  imperfect,  and  you 
would  think  the  decrepitude  of  age  had  suddenly  befallen  me, 


THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  389 

were  you  to  see  me.  My  physicians  say  the  next  will  probably 
be  final.  I  am  sure  it  must  disqualify  me  for  usefulness,  and  am 
therefore  not  unwilling  that  the  prophecy  may  prove  true.  Judg 
ing  from  the  best  data  that  I  have,  I  think  it  probable  that  I  may 
remain  some  months,  possibly  a  year.  But  while  I  continue,  my 
hopes,  my  anxious  prayer,  will  be  for  the  destruction  of  oppres 
sion  and  crime  from  our  country  and  the  world. 

I  flatter  myself  that  the  extensive  enlistment  of  soldiers  from 
the  colored  population  is  the  beginning  of  the  end.  It  will  elevate 
the  negro,  teach  him  the  value  of  freedom  and  the  only  mode  of 
defending  it ;  and  my  readings  of  the  book  of  future  events  assure 
me  that,  as  soon  as  the  death  of  slavery  shall  take  place,  the 
nation's  life  will  commence. 

From  the  British  Government  we  have  nothing  to  hope,  except 
a  fear  of  war,  which  must  prove  disastrous  to  them.  The  feeling 
of  hostility  which  existed  among  the  aristocracy  at  the  close  of 
the  Revolution  has  long  been  suppressed  and  silent,  but  to-day  is 
the  same,  only  more  intensified.  The  anti-slavery  and  laboring 
portion  of  the  British  people  are  very  decidedly  with  us ;  and  if 
our  diplomatic  relations  be  properly  managed,  Great  Britain  will 
never  again  be  involved  in  a  war  with  the  United  States. 

On  looking  over  the  whole  field  I  am  to-day  as  confident  and 
hopeful  as  at  any  former  time.  I  fully  believe  our  nation  will 
come  out  of  this  conflict  the  freest  and  purest  government  of 
earth.  In  life  and  in  death, 

Your  friend,  JOSHUA  R.  GIDDINGS. 

Although  Giddings  was  now  fully  conscious  of  his 
failing  faculties,  and  though  his  physician  told  him 
that  the  next  attack  of  atrophy  would  be  the  last,  he 
maintained  his  usual  cheerfulness,  as  is  shown  in  the 
following  extract  from  a  letter  to  his  wife  of  the  3ist 
of  May :  — 

"  You  and  the  family  and  friends  should  prepare  your  minds 
for  the  separation  which  must  come,  and  you  should  not  be 
surprised  to  hear  that  I  have  taken  my  departure  at  any  time. 
It  is  a  matter  of  gratitude  that  I  have  lived  so  long,  that  I 
have  enjoyed  life  so  much,  that  the  future  looks  so  pleasant, 
that  my  hopes  are  so  buoyant.  Let  me  say  that  so  far  as  I  am 
myself  concerned,  I  would  not  even  ask  delay.  I  live  not  for 
myself,  conscious  that  the  sooner  I  depart,  the  sooner  shall  I 
leave  the  infirmities  which  now  beset  me,  the  sooner  shall  I  be 
free  from  the  evils  which  surround  me,  the  sooner  shall  I  meet 
with  dear  friends  from  whom  I  have  long  been  separated." 


390  THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

On  the  1 5th  of  September  he  wrote  from  Jefferson : 

DEAR  SUMNER,  —  I  have  just  received  your  lecture  at  Cooper 
Institute.  That  production  excites  in  my  heart  the  deepest  grati 
tude  and  the  highest  pleasure.  When  John  Quincy  Adams,  our 
venerated  friend,  lay  upon  what  he  supposed  his  death-bed,  —  or, 
to  use  his  own  expressive  language,  when  he  was  "  on  the  verge 
of  eternity,"  —  I  was  sitting  by  him.  His  mind  was  absorbed  in 
the  subject  of  reforming  the  government,  when,  looking  me  full 
in  the  face,  he  said,  "  I  have  more  hope  from  you  than  from  any 
other  man." 

Feeling  myself  unworthy  of  the  high  compliment,  I  have 
never  repeated  the  language  till  now,  for  the  first  and  the  last 
time.  I  say,  "  I  have  more  hope  from  you  than  from  any  other 
man."  With  the  highest  respect, 

Your  friend,  JOSHUA  R.  GIDDINGS. 

On  October  9  following  he  wrote,  - 

MY  DEAR  SUMNER,  —  I  am  anxious  to  see  whether  Earl 
Russell  has  attempted  to  answer  your  argument,  or  merely  to 
avoid  an  answer  by  declamation.  I  judge  that  he  has  taken  the 
same  line  of  defence  that  his  supporters  have  done,  —  that  they 
did  all  they  could  under  their  "Foreign  Enlistment  Act,"  —  a 
matter  of  which  we  know  nothing  and  care  less.  But  I  have 
never  been  able  to  make  a  real  Englishman  understand  that  we 
were  not  bound  by  their  enlistment  law.  They  cannot  compre 
hend  that  we  are  only  authorized  to  judge  the  nation  and  Gov 
ernment  by  its  acts,  or  that  a  ship  leaving  an  English  port  must 
be  regarded  as  an  English  ship  until  registered  under  some  other 
Government;  that  the  "  Alabama,"  having  sailed  from  an  English 
port,  where  she  was  built,  is  regarded  as  English  until  she  enters 
some  port  of  some  other  Government,  and  by  sale  is  transferred 
and  registered  under  such  Government,  thereby  becoming  identi 
fied  with  such  other  nation.  But  I  am  anxious  to  see  the  cor 
respondence  between  Mr.  Adams  and  Lord  John. 

I  am  glad  to  assure  you  that  events  are  fast  tending  to  the 
separation  of  these  provinces  from  the  mother-country.  I  have 
never  been  in  favor  of  the  annexation  of  the  Canadas,  but  as  a 
philanthropist  I  have  long  entertained  the  opinion  that  the  inde 
pendence  of  these  provinces  would  serve  to  develop  their  own 
statesmen  and  promote  the  happiness  of  the  people  both  of  the 
mother-country  and  of  the  provinces.  The  change  of  opinion 
here  has  been  most  marked  during  the  last  six  months.  I  intend 
placing  a  pamphlet  copy  of  your  Cooper  Institute  speech  in  the 
hands  of  the  principal  members  of  the  Canadian  Parliament. 

Ever  truly  your  friend,  JOSHUA  R.  GIDDINGS. 


THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.   G  ID  DINGS.  391 

In  addition  to  his  regular  consular  duties,  Giddings 
also  devoted  a  portion  of  each  day  to  the  completion 
of  his  book,  which  he  entitled  a  "History  of  the  Re 
bellion:  its  Authors  and  Causes."  He  was  most  anx 
ious  to  live  long  enough  to  finish  it.  In  reference  to 
this  book  he  had  written  to  his  daughter  Laura  early 
in  the  year,  - 

"  My  mission  has  been  performed ;  and  when  I  shall  have 
placed  the  story  on  paper  and  can  see  it  in  print,  I  shall  feel 
that  my  work  has  been  accomplished.  I  therefore  devote  my 
time  and  energies  to  that  object,  and  intend  to  continue  until  it 
is  finished.  I  shall  then  leave  my  vindication  to  posterity,  though 
I  think  I  have  already  been  vindicated  pretty  well." 

On  the  1 5th  of  May,  1864,  he  was  able  to  write  to 
his  wife:  "I  have  employed  a  clerk.  I  think  it  best 
for  my  health  to  be  rather  indolent,  and  take  the  world 
easy.  Since  finishing  my  book  I  am  quite  a  man  of 
leisure."  The  book  was  then  in  the  hands  of  his 
publishers,  and  it  fortunately  happened  that  the 
proof-sheets  reached  him  on  the  day  of  his  death, 
so  that  he  was  able  to  give  them  a  hasty  exami 
nation.  It  is  mainly  devoted  to  the  Congressional 
debates  on  the  slavery  question  and  an  exposition 
of  the  action  of  the  Government  relative  thereto.  It 
is  not  so  much  a  history  as  a  contribution  to  history, 
and  as  such  it  will  be  found  valuable.  Its  compila 
tion  was  a  work  of  much  labor  and  detail,  and  it  is 
to  be  regretted  that  owing  to  his  failing  memory  and 
the  lack  of  a  careful  revision,  occasional  inaccuracies 
are  to  be  found  in  the  matter  of  dates  and  names. 
The  work  is  in  the  public  libraries  of  the  country. 

Our  Reciprocity  Treaty  with  Canada  continued  to 
be  an  exciting  topic  during  the  progress  of  the  Civil 
War.  Giddings  recurred  to  it  in  a  letter  to  Sumner, 
dated  February  8,  while  on  a  visit  to  his  home:  — 


392  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS. 

MY  DEAR  SENATOR,  —  While  in  Washington  I  was  told  that 
the  Colonial  Secretary  had  transmitted  to  the  Treasury  Depart 
ment  certain  statistics  (not  yet  published)  touching  the  Reci 
procity  Treaty.  Of  these  statistics  I  cannot  of  course  judge,  not 
having  seen  them  ;  but  I  shall  not  make  my  report  on  the  subject 
until  I  can  obtain  the  proper  statistics. 

But  there  are  prominent  facts,  of  which  you  and  I  are  con 
scious.  For  instance,  coal  must  constitute  a  large  item  of  export 
to  the  Canadas.  Most  of  this  coal  is  of  the  anthracite  kind, 
which  gives  out  no  smoke  by  which  a  steamer  can  be  discovered 
at  a  great  distance.  Large  quantities  of  this  coal,  on  reaching 
Montreal  or  Quebec,  are  shipped  to  Nassau,  and  then  sold  to 
blockade-runners,  to  enable  them  to  enter  rebel  ports  with  arms, 
ammunition,  and  clothing  for  the  use  of  the  rebels.  One  house 
in  the  city  of  Montreal  furnished  four  hundred  tons  of  this  coal 
to  a  steamer  bound  to  Nassau  in  September  last,  while  she  car 
ried  bituminous  coal  for  her  own  use.  This  is  but  one  case ;  yet 
I  doubt  not  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  were  injured  by 
this  one  cargo  of  coal  more  than  they  have  been  benefited  by 
the  whole  of  our  Canadian  commerce  for  the  last  year. 

Another  item.  Wheat  must  form  one  of  the  principal  articles 
of  export.  This  is  furnished  by  Ohio,  Michigan,  Indiana,  Illi 
nois,  and  Wisconsin,  and  is  to  some  extent  beneficial  to  those 
States.  But  the  wheat  is  manufactured  into  flour  mostly  in 
Canada,  while  our  own  millers  might  as  well  enjoy  the  benefits 
of  that  process ;  and  it  is  transported  to  Europe  in  British  bot 
toms,  while  our  own  shipowners  ought  to  have  the  benefit  of 
transportation,  —  and  this  is  done  while  the  British  pirates  are 
driving  our  commerce  from  the  ocean.  Thus  is  almost  the  whole 
of  our  Canadian  commerce  benefiting  our  enemies  and  actually 
injuring  ourselves.  Very  truly, 

JOSHUA  R.  GIDDINGS. 

His  interest  in  the  question  of  reciprocity  seems 
never  to  have  been  intermitted.  He  resumed  its 
discussion  in  the  following  letter,  dated  Montreal, 
April  5,  in  which  the  subject  of  annexation  is  also 
referred  to  :  — • 

DEAR  SUMNER,  — The  Canadas  have  no  minister  to  represent 
them  at  Washington.  Lord  Lyons  does  not  and  cannot  know 
their  wants.  If  he  did,  he  would  be  bound  to  act  against  them. 

On  reaching  this  city  I  at  once  found  myself  under  more  in 
teresting  circumstances  than  I  expected.  The  feeling  in  favor 
of  continuing  the  Reciprocity  Treaty  is  far  more  intense  than  I 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  393 

expected.  The  new  Ministry  expects  to  retain  power  by  continu 
ing  or  renewing  it.  They  are  from  the  high  Tory  party,  and  are 
most  bitter  opponents,  but  are  ready  to  bow  low  enough  to  obtain 
their  objects. 

I  presume  that  you  fully  appreciate  the  object  which  as  philan 
thropists  and  statesmen  we  have  in  view.  Indeed,  there  would 
be  the  same  propriety  in  a  son's  adhering  to  his  father  for  counsel 
and  direction  at  the  age  of  forty  that  there  is  in  Canada's  looking 
to  Great  Britain  for  a  governor  and  for  advice.  They  are  now 
constrained  to  look  to  us  for  favors.  They  are  conscious  of  this 
fact,  but  have  no  idea  that  the  more  dependent  they  are  on  us, 
the  sooner  they  must  separate  from  England.  But  this  I  may 
not  say  to  them.  I  therefore  think  we  should  cherish  every  mea 
sure  which  identifies  their  prosperity  with  ours.  .  .  .  That  policy 
(annexation)  is  now  openly  talked  of  by  business  men,  who  de 
clare  they  must  have  the  favor  of  the  United  States,  even  if  it  be 
obtained  by  annexation.  Such  remarks  two  years  ago  would 
have  been  regarded  as  treasonable.  But  to-day  if  an  end  were 
put  to  the  Reciprocity  Treaty  the  whole  business  population  of 
Canada  here  and  west  of  this  city  would  vote  for  annexation.  I 
speak  from  what  I  see  and  hear  and  learn  from  others ;  but  it 
were  safe  to  say  that  such  is  the  tendency  of  the  business  popu 
lation.  And  we  are  now  thrown  into  the  position  that  in  doing 
good  to  the  people  of  Canada  we  are  constrained  to  assume  a 
position  of  firmness,  and  an  apparent  determination  to  deal  out 
to  them  retributive  justice. 

I  entertain  no  doubt  as  to  the  ability  of  your  report  on  the  Reci 
procity  Treaty  ;  but  I  know  you  will  excuse  me  for  saying  that 
I  greatly  desire  that  in  it  you  will  not  be  too  delicately  inclined. 
There  are  no  statesmen  in  Canada,  and  never  will  be  under  her 
present  position.  They  think  the  thoughts  of  England,  and  when 
Earl  Russell  takes  snuff,  they  sneeze.  I  hope  you  will  in  your 
report  presume  that  the  provinces  will  seek  their  best  interest,  de 
velop  their  own  resources,  protect  their  own  labor,  and  elevate 
their  own  people.  For  they  now  live,  move,  and  have  their  being 
for  the  benefit  of  Her  Majesty  and  her  minister.  But  I  think  it 
also  prudent  to  say  that  Canada  can  and  must  do  this  for  herself, 
without  relying  on  the  United  States  or  any  other  power.  This  is 
one  of  the  difficulties  which  we  have  to  meet.  They  have  an 
idea  that  we  want  them  to  be  annexed  to  the  United  States.  / 
do  not  think  that  best  for  them  or  for  us.  Independence  of 
thoiight,  of  action,  of  policy,  is  the  first  step  which  I  wish  to  see 
Canada  take.  I  believe  it  better  for  them,  for  England,  for  us, 
that  Canada  should  govern  herself.  I  speak  very  freely  to  you, 
for  it  seems  necessary  that  Canada  should  act  on  this  subject,  — 


394  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

and  indeed  the  Executive  cannot  act  upon  it,  except  secretly.  I 
shall,  however,  communicate  unofficially  to  the  Department  of 
State  more  fully.  Very  truly, 

J.  R.  GlDDINGS. 

During  the  spring  of  this  year  the  letters  of  Mr. 
Giddings  to  different  members  of  his  family  and  to 
personal  friends  all  breathe  the  most  kindly  and 
cheerful  spirit,  but  they  indicate  the  gradual  weak 
ening  of  his  powers  and  the  near  approach  of  the 
end.  On  the  22d  of  May  he  wrote  to  his  son: 

"  I  find  that  I  no  longer  possess  that  firmness  and  determina 
tion  of  purpose  which  once  characterized  my  action.  I  am  also 
well  aware  that  when  I  give  up  business  I  shall  die  soon  ;  yet  I 
cannot  find  energy  enough  to  withstand  these  infirmities.  I  write 
to  say  that  you  had  better  make  your  calculations  to  come  here 
at  a  moment's  notice  and  close  up  business.  I  hope  I  may  con 
tinue  here  for  the  present  quarter,  but  it  is  not  certain  that  I 
shall  remain  a  week.  Indeed,  if  I  continue  in  as  much  pain  as  I 
now  suffer,  I  shall  leave  in  less  than  a  week." 

His  physician,  Dr.  Ross,  became  alarmed  about 
him  on  May  21.  Said  he,  - 

"  On  that  day  Mr.  Giddings  sent  for  me  about  eight  in  the 
evening,  and  told  me  he  felt  that  the  end  was  rapidly  approach 
ing,  and  that  he  had  written  several  letters,  which  he  wished  me 
to  keep  in  my  possession  until  his  death,  and  that  he  was  con 
vinced  it  was  close  at  hand.  I  did  all  I  could  to  encourage  him 
and  rally  him  from  his  despondency.  I  left  him  about  twelve,  in 
seemingly  better  spirits.  On  Sunday  and  Monday  he  appeared 
to  improve  under  the  treatment  I  prescribed  for  him.  On  Wed 
nesday  he  began  to  write  an  essay  on  private  claims  (at  the  urgent 
request  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury)  to  the  Hon.  Mr.  Wash- 
burne,  of  the  House  of  Congress.  After  he  had  finished  he  wished 
me  to  read  it  to  him;  and  what  struck  me  very  forcibly  was  that 
in  several  places  he  remarked  that  he  felt  convinced  that  his 
death  was  close  at  hand.  He  seemed  to  be  fully  impressed  with 
the  fact  of  his  near  departure.  He  often  said  to  me  that  he  had 
not  the  least  fear  of  death,  and  was  prepared  for  the  change  when 
it  should  come.  He  said  he  wished  to  die  in  harness,  like  his 
old  friend  John  Quincy  Adams." 

On  the  evening  of  Friday,  the  2/th,  he  joined  some 
friends  at  a  game  of  billiards.  This  was  his  favorite 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  395 

mode  of  exercise,  and,  indeed,  the  only  available  one, 
in  view  of  his  growing  infirmities  and  heavy  frame. 
He  had  played  one  game,  and  while  engaged  in  an 
other,  in  good  spirits,  he  was  suddenly  prostrated  by 
another  attack  of  heart  trouble,  and  died  in  about 
eight  minutes,  at  a  little  after  ten  o'clock.  His 
elder  daughter  was  with  him,  and  arrangements  were 
at  once  made  for  taking  his  remains  to  Jefferson. 
The  newspapers  of  Montreal,  in  noticing  the  event, 
eulogized  the  character  of  Mr.  Giddings  and  sketched 
his  public  career.  A  meeting  of  the  most  respectable 
and  influential  citizens  of  Montreal  was  held  in  Me 
chanics'  Hall,  presided  over  by  the  Mayor  of  the 
city,  at  which  appropriate  resolutions  were  adopted, 
expressive  of  their  respect  for  the  memory  of  Mr. 
Giddings,  and  tendering  to  his  family  their  sincere 
sympathy.  Similar  resolutions  were  adopted  by  the 
New  England  Society  of  Montreal,  while  the  Press 
of  the  Northern  States,  with  remarkable  unanimity, 
gave  eloquent  expression  to  the  gratitude  and  love 
of  the  people  for  the  veteran  anti-slavery  leader  and 
champion  of  free  speech  in  Congress. 

His  remains  reached  Ashtabula  on  Sunday  after 
noon,  the  29th  of  May,  where  a  large  concourse  of 
people  were  in  waiting.  A  procession  was  formed, 
and  proceeded  to  Jefferson  the  same  evening.  The 
funeral  was  on  Monday,  at  one  o'clock,  when  a  brief 
discourse  was  delivered  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Conklin,  of 
the  Congregational  Church;  but  owing  to  the  unex 
pected  detention  of  his  daughter  Laura  and  her  hus 
band  on  their  journey  from  Washington,  the  burial 
did  not  occur  till  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening,  just  as 
the  sun  was  sinking  in  the  west. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

CHARACTERISTICS. 

Personal  Traits.  —  Devotion  to  Family.  —  Friendships.  —  Fondness  for 
Athletic  Sports. —  Religious  Principles. —  Political  Foresight. — 
Moral  Earnestness. —  Practical  Qualities  as  a  Reformer. —  His 
Place  in  History. 

THE  story  of  the  public  life  of  Mr.  Giddings, 
which  I  have  endeavored  to  tell  in  the  fore 
going  chapters,  has  afforded  some  glimpses  of  his 
private  life  and  personal  traits.  These,  however, 
demand  a  more  particular  notice  in  concluding  my 
task. 

The  strong  language  so  frequently  found  in  his 
anti-slavery  speeches  led  many  to  regard  him  as  harsh 
and  turbulent  in  his  temper.  This  was  a  total  mis 
conception  of  his  character.  It  was  contradicted  by 
the  tones  of  his  voice  and  the  benignity  of  his  face. 
His  nature  was  singularly  tender.  His  denunci 
ations  of  slavery  were  severe,  because  his  sense  of 
justice  was  keen  and  his  hatred  of  every  form  of 
oppression  intense;  but  he  was  wholly  free  from 
malignity,  and  above  the  meanness  of  hating  his 
fellow-men.  The  struggles  and  conflicts  which  gen 
erally  impart  a  certain  sadness  and  sternness  to  the 
character  could  not  sour  his  temper  or  cloud  the 
sunshine  of  his  inborn  kindliness.  He  was  remark 
able  for  the  uniform  buoyancy  of  his  spirits,  and  his 
mind  continued  young  in  his  old  age.  His  cheerful- 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS.  397 

ness  was  perennial.  During  the  last  months  of  his 
life,  when  his  physician  told  him  that  the  end  was 
probable  at  any  moment,  he  looked  death  in  the  face 
with  serenity,  and  steadily  prosecuted  his  daily  task. 
His  constitutional  hopefulness  has  been  referred  to 
in  previous  chapters.  It  reinforced  the  courage  and 
strength  he  needed  in  the  great  work  of  his  life.  His 
faith  in  the  omnipotence  of  justice  was  absolute.  He 
never  despaired  for  a  moment,  even  in  the  darkest 
days  of  the  anti-slavery  struggle,  when  others  fal 
tered  or  fell.  He  believed  in  God,  and  was  filled 
with  the  enthusiasm  of  humanity. 

His  love  of  home  was  a  passion,  and  his  devotion 
to  his  family  perfect.  The  burdens  and  cares  of  his 
public  life  were  constantly  aggravated  by  the  neces 
sity  which  compelled  him  to  live  apart  from  the 
household  of  his  love.  This  is  abundantly  revealed 
in  his  correspondence  with  his  family.  In  a  letter 
to  his  wife  in  1856  he  says,  — 

"  I  want  to  be  at  home.  I  want  to  cheer  you  and  the  chil 
dren,  to  make  you  all  happy,  and  render  the  pathway  of  life  pleas 
ant  and  beautiful,  so  that  in  future  we  may  not  only  meet  the 
loved  ones  who  have  gone  before  us,  but  that  we  may  all  there 
constitute  a  family  circle,  where  parting  and  gloom  shall  be  no 
more." 

His  letters  to  different  members  of  his  family 
breathe  the  same  spirit.  They  show  a  loneliness 
and  longing  for  home  which  bordered  on  heart-sick 
ness.  In  his  correspondence  with  his  younger  chil 
dren  and  his  grandchildren,  he  took  time  from  his 
other  duties  to  print  the  letters  in  Roman  text,  in 
order  that  they  might  read  them.  The  most  trifling 
matters  connected  with  the  family  interested  him, 
not  excepting  his  favorite  Newfoundland  dog,  Rover, 
that  had  been  taught  to  carry  groceries  and  the  mail 
for  the  family.  In  his  letters  from  Canada  he  fre- 


398  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

quently  inquired  about  the  dog  and  his  deportment, 
and  was  kept  duly  informed  in  regard  to  him.  When 
he  was  at  home  Rover  always  went  with  him  to  the 
village  church,  and  sometimes  added  his  dissonant 
howl  to  the  music  of  the  organ,  — for  which  he  was 
promptly  but  quietly  reproved. 

Gidclings  was  deeply  interested  in  the  political 
training  of  his  boys,  and  in  1844,  when  the  country 
was  agitated  by  the  question  of  the  annexation  of 
Texas,  he  wrote  to  one  of  them, — 

"  Let  me  beseech  you  not  to  play  the  craven.  Although  you 
are  a  boy,  if  you  are  ever  at  another  public  meeting  where  no  one 
dares  to  speak  of  liberty  and  in  contempt  of  slavery,  speak  your 
self,  with  firmness,  and  with  perfect  sincerity  and  calmness." 

He  kept  his  family  well  informed  of  his  part  in  the 
debates  of  the  House,  and  found  evident  pleasure  in 
reporting  his  successes,  but  was  always  careful  to 
guard  them  against  any  apprehension  of  trouble  on 
his  account.  When  he  had  his  encounter  with  Black 
of  Georgia  in  1845,  he  promptly  wrote  his  son  a  de 
tailed  account  of  it,  concluding,  — 

"  Now,  I  suppose  there  will  be  all  sorts  of  stories,  as  usual, 
and  perhaps  your  mother  may  be  alarmed ;  but  you  can  assure 
her  that  I  view  the  matter  coolly,  and  that  there  is,  in  fact,  no 
danger  whatever.  Do  not  let  her  know  anything  of  it,  unless  it 
reaches  her  by  the  papers." 

Nearly  allied  to  the  qualities  I  have  named  were 
his  friendships.  Nothing  could  have  been  more 
honorable  to  him  than  his  relations  to  Adams  and 
Sumner.  His  love  for  them  was  as  perfect  as  ever 
existed  between  men,  and  it  was  fully  reciprocated. 
His  friendship  for  Hon.  John  A.  Bingham  of  Ohio 
was  equally  admirable.  They  served  together  in 
Congress  for  years,  and  usually  occupied  the  same 
quarters.  Bingham  was  a  most  genial  companion, 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  399 

a  fascinating  speaker,  a  lover  of  poetry,  and  an  ex 
tensive  reader  of  books.  The  tones  of  his  voice, 
which  were  winning,  became  musical  when  he  ad 
dressed  "Father  Giddings."  He  loved  him  as  de 
votedly  as  any  son  could  love  his  own  father;  and 
no  one  could  witness  the  amenities  of  their  inter 
course  without  thinking  better  of  his  kind. 

Giddings  was  remarkably  fond  of  athletic  sports, 
his  favorite  game  being  base-ball;  and  nothing  but 
physical  inability  led  him  to  discontinue  it.  The 
summer  adjournment  of  Congress  was  always  the 
signal  at  Jefferson  for  the  opening  of  the  base-ball 
season,  and  the  ground  was  generally  ready  by  the 
time  he  reached  home.  The  first  afternoon  was  sure 
to  open  the  season.  The  game  was  then  played  with 
a  soft  ball,  which  was  thrown  at  the  player  while  on 
the  run.  Being  left-handed,  Giddings  usually  took 
the  boys  at  a  disadvantage,  as  they  could  not  calculate 
upon  his  motions,  and  the  ball  often  came  where  it 
was  not  looked  for.  He  used  to  play  with  perfect 
abandon,  and  it  was  hard  to  tell  which  was  the  most 
boyish,  he  or  those  with  whom  he  played,  who  gen 
erally  ranged  from  fifteen  to  twenty-five,  "without 
distinction  as  to  race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of 
servitude."  When  the  game  was  over,  he  was  the 
representative  of  his  district  till  the  next  afternoon, 
when  the  Congressman  again  gave  way  to  one  of  the 
nine.  The  habits  of  Mr.  Giddings  were  almost  Arca 
dian  in  this  relation.  He  was  also  a  great  shot,  and 
when  there  was  game  in  the  country,  was  no  ordinary 
hunter.  He  was  very  fond  of  music.  He  purchased 
the  first  piano  that  came  to  Jefferson,  and  frequently 
joined  his  family  in  singing  favorite  selections. 

Giddings  had  his  religious  training  in  the  school 
of  New  England  Congregationalism.  For  more  than 


400  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS. 

forty  years  he  was  a  member  of  the  Congregational 
Church;  but  as  his  zeal  in  the  cause  of  freedom  in 
creased,  and  the  indifference  or  hostility  of  nearly  all 
religous  denominations  to  the  anti-slavery  movement 
became  more  and  more  pronounced,  his  views  re 
specting  creeds  and  sectarian  agencies  were  modified. 
He  was  not  less  religious,  but  his  faith  in  ecclesias 
tical  machinery  was  seriously  impaired.  In  a  letter 
to  the  "Anti-slavery  Standard,"  published  in  1857, 
he  thus  presents  his  views:  — 

"  The  Reformers  struck  at  some  of  the  prominent  errors  of  the 
Church  both  in  faith  and  practice,  but  they  advanced  no  funda 
mental  truths  on  which  all  men  claiming  Christianity  must  agree. 
The  Reformers  themselves  held  to  the  divine  right  of  kings  to 
bear  civil  rule  over  their  fellow-men,  to  establish  privileges  for 
one  class  and  impose  heavy  burdens  on  others  ;  that  the  Church 
held  the  same  rule  over  the  conscience  and  the  faith  of  mankind. 
They  were  intolerant,  persecuted  those  who  disagreed  with  them. 
Calvin  himself  advised,  nay,  caused,  the  burning  of  Servetus  for 
uttering  the  honest  sentiments  of  his  own  heart.  No  one  then 
dared  avow  the  right  of  all  men  to  think  for  themselves,  to  decide 
upon  their  own  form  of  faith,  to  proclaim  the  equal  rights  of  all 
men  to  civil,  religious,  and  spiritual  freedom.  Luther's  ninety- 
five  propositions  were  aimed  at  the  sale  of  indulgences  under 
the  papal  rule.  Those  propositions  are  of  little  interest  to  the 
'present  age.  Calvin's  five  points  of  theology  are  far  less  inter 
esting  to  the  present  generation  than  are  the  practical  duties  of 
doing;  unto  others  as  we  would  have  them  do  unto  ^ts.  The  Re 
formers  of  that  age  sought  to  control  the  thoughts,  to  guide  the 
faith,  of  mankind  by  metaphysical  theories  and  abstract  dogmas 
but  little  understood  by  the  people  or  divines.  Hence  the  great 
number  of  sects  of  the  present  age,  each  holding  to  some  doc 
trine,  some  article  of  faith,  which  distinguishes  it  from  others. 
Yet  all  reflecting  Christians  now  hold  that  the  great  object  of 
human  existence  is  the  instruction,  the  elevation,  the  unfolding 
of  each  and  every  moral  being,  preparing  him  or  her  for  useful 
ness  here  and  for  enjoyment  here  and  hereafter,  in  just  such 
degree  as  the  moral  faculties  are  developed." 

After  stating  his  well-known  views  respecting  the 
equal  rights  of  all  men  as  derived  from  their  Creator 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    G  ID  DINGS,  401 

and  the  duty  of  the  Government  to  protect  them,  ho 
says,  — 

"  I  think  the  time  has  arrived  when  some  modern  Luther  or 
Calvin  should  erect  the  standard  of  a  higher,  a  purer  theology,  — 
a  theology  in  harmony  with  the  laws  of  justice,  of  God ;  a  the 
ology  in  harmony  with  the  teachings  of  the  gospel ;  a  theology 
approved  by  the  philosophy,  the  judgment,  of  enlightened  men  ; 
a  theology  that  acknowledges  and  proclaims  the  primal  truths 
that  life,  that  civil,  religious,  and  spiritual  freedom  are  the  gifts 
of  God;  that  every  member  of  the  human  family  has  received 
from  the  Creator  an  equal  and  inalienable  right  to  enjoy  them  ; 
that  such  enjoyment  is  necessary  to  develop  the  intellect,  ele 
vate  the  soul,  and  prepare  the  individual  for  usefulness,  for 
happiness  here  and  hereafter ;  that  every  attempt  to  limit  the 
sphere  of  human  thought,  or  to  hold  the  mind  or  the  body  of  one 
man  in  subjection  to  the  views  or  the  will  of  another,  or  to  pre 
vent  the  enlargement  of  the  immortal  mind,  or  the  full  and  perfect 
development  of  any  human  soul,  constitutes  a  crime  with  which, 
by  the  laws  of  Nature  and  of  Nature's  God,  the  appropriate  pen 
alty  is  inseparably  connected,  while  every  act  in  harmony  with 
those  laws  necessarily  elevates  the  individual  and  prepares  him 
for  higher  attainments. 

"  For  the  protection  of  these  rights  and  the  encouragement  of 
these  duties  all  governments  and  associations  should  be  adapted. 
Of  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  ours  is  the  most  favorably  situated 
for  carrying  forward  this  great  reformation.  Our  government 
was  founded  upon  these  truths,  and  most  of  our  people  believe 
them.  The  reformation  has  commenced,  is  in  rapid  progress. 
In  all  parts  of  the  country  men  are  awaking  to  the  necessity  of 
a  more  practical  theology.  The  open  and  undisguised  infidelity 
recently  avowed  in  the  Presbyterian  General  Assembly,  that 
'there  is  no  such  thing  as  eternal  right  and  wrong,'  has  awak 
ened  the  most  thoughtless.  Men  see  that  mere  theories,  bald 
forms  of  sectarian  faith,  are  impotent  and  useless.  Our  old  or 
ganizations  are  becoming  inert,  inefficient,  worn  out.  Men  long 
to  lay  them  aside,  to  disconnect  themselves  from  these  theoreti 
cal  technicalities,  which  retard  the  union  of  hearts  upon  those 
great  and  vital  truths  which  elevate  mankind.  Many  of  our  min 
isters  have  caught  the  inspiration  of  these  truths.  They  are  giv 
ing  utterance  to  the  solemn  convictions  of  their  own  judgment, 
unfettered  by  sectarian  prejudices.  The  sea  of  human  thought, 
which  has  remained  quiet  for  a  hundred  and  fifty  years,  is 
troubled.  Its  waters,  nearly  stagnant  from  long  repose,  are  now 
ploughed  by  many  keels.  Discussion  is  stirring  its  deep  founda- 

26 


402  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA  R.    GIDDINGS. 

tions.  The  billows  of  agitation  are  rolling,  and  I  trust  the  storm 
will  continue  until  false  theories  and  infidelity,  the  love  of  oppres 
sion,  of  tyranny,  violence,  polygamy,  and  slavery,  shall  be  over 
whelmed,  and  their  broken  wrecks  cast  upon  the  sterile  coast  of 
political  and  religious  conservatism." 

These  extracts  not  only  show  the  theological  change 
of  front  of  Mr.  Giddings,  as  the  result  of  his  labors 
for  the  slave,  but  the  general  trend  of  thought  among 
intelligent  anti-slavery  men.  William  Lloyd  Garri 
son,  Gerrit  Smith,  Beriah  Green,  and  other  anti-sla 
very  leaders  turned  away  from  the  Puritan  doctrines 
in  which  they  had  been  bred,  when  they  found  them 
proclaimed  by  churches  and  hierarchies  which  took 
the  side  of  the  oppressor.  They  were  theologically 
reconstructed  through  their  unselfish  devotion  to  hu 
manity  and  the  recreancy  of  the  churches  to  which 
they  had  been  attached.  They  were  less  Orthodox, 
but  more  Christian.  Their  faith  in  the  fatherhood 
of  God  and  the  brotherhood  of  man  became  a  living 
principle,  and  compelled  them  to  reject  all  dogmas 
which  stood  in  its  way.  The  venerable  Dr.  Furness, 
of  Philadelphia,  is  credited  with  saying  that  the  anti- 
slavery  struggle  in  this  country  taught  him  more  about 
the  essential  nature  of  the  Gospel  than  he  had  learned 
in  any  other  way.  "  It  was  felt  to  be  something  more 
than  the  attempt  to  apply  the  beatitudes  and  parables 
to  a  flagrant  case  of  inhumanity, —  it  was  regarded  as 
a  new  interpretation  ot  religion,  a  fresh  declaration  of 
the  meaning  of  the  Gospel,  a  living  sign  of  the  purely 
human  character  of  a  divine  faith,  an  education  in 
brotherly  love  and  sacrifice. "  l  It  solemnized  the  mar 
riage  of  ethics  and  religion,  which  thus  became  one. 

In  a  letter  to  his  wife,  dated  March  14,  1856, 
Mr.  Giddings  touchingly  reveals  the  triumph  of  his 
humanity  over  the  creed  of  his  church :  — 

1  Frothingham's  Recollections  and  Impressions,  p.  49. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  403 

"  I  am  alone  in  my  room.  Bingham  has  gone  home.  I  feel 
lonely.  The  House  has  adjourned  over  to  Monday.  I  have 
labored  hard,  and  almost  brought  up  my  correspondence.  In  my 
easy-chair  I  have  thought  back  to  the  days  of  our  youth,  our 
early  acquaintance,  our  more  solemn  association,  our  parents; 
the  time  when,  in  the  innocence  of  youth  and  the  ignorance  of 
that  day,  we  attended  church  and  listened  to  sermons  that  uttered 
now  would  cause  any  hearer  to  recoil  from  them.  What  an  age, 
and  what  a  people  !  Yet  all  were  sincere  and  honest ;  but  oh, 
what  thoughts  of  God,  of  heaven,  of  the  relation  between  us 
and  the  Creator  of  the  universe  !  Ah,  pains  and  bitter  regrets 
attended  every  thought  of  death,  which  now  appears  so  comely 
and  beautiful.  What  terrible  thoughts  of  the  danger  of  eternal 
fires !  Who  ean  paint  the  emotions  I  felt  when  I  wept  at  the 
grave  of  a  beloved  sister,  who  was  mild  and  lovely  and  virtuous 
and  beautiful  ?  What  ideas  then  passed  through  my  mind  !  " 

These  words  voice  the  experience  of  many  an  ear 
nest  man  and  woman.  In  laboring  for  the  emancipa 
tion  of  the  slave,  Giddings  emancipated  himself  from 
the  bondage  of  sectarian  theology,  and  realized  that 
Christianity  does  not  consist  in  creeds  or  forms,  but 
in  uprightness  of  life  and  devotion  to  human  welfare. 

Giddings  was  gifted  with  unusual  political  fore 
sight.  He  was  a  close  student  of  facts,  and  knew 
h'^w  to  penetrate  their  meaning.  In  dealing  with 
the  tactics  of  the  slave-masters  the  truth  of  this 
statement  was  frequently  illustrated.  He  mastered 
the  philosophy  of  their  movements.  In  a  speech 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  on  July  14,  1846, 
he  said,  — 

"  We  have  seen  the  leading  policy  of  the  nation  changed  as 
often  as  the  views  of  Southern  men  have  altered.  At  the  bidding 
of  the  slave-power  we  have  fostered  banks,  and  at  the  dictation  of 
the  same  influence  we  have  discarded  and  opposed  them.  When 
bidden  by  the  potent  voice  of  the  South,  we  have  imposed  heavy 
duties  upon  imported  manufactures  in  order  to  encourage  do 
mestic  labor ;  and  then  again,  under  the  same  guidance,  has  our 
policy  been  changed  so  as  to  approximate  free-trade.  In  short, 
sir,  for  fifty  years  we  have  constantly  shifted  our  sails  upon  the 
ship  of  state  in  order  to  catch  the  changing  Southern  breeze." 


404  THE   LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

It  was  in  the  light  of  these  facts  that  he  made  his 
notable  speech  on  the  Oregon  question.  In  referring 
to  President  Polk  and  his  Cabinet,  he  said,  - 

"  With  the  same  degree  of  confidence  that  I  have  in  my  own 
existence,  I  declare  that  they  will,  before  the  nation  and  the 
world,  back  out  from  their  avowed  policy,  and  will  surrender  up 
all  that  portion  of  Oregon  north  of  the  forty-ninth  parallel  of 
latitude." 

For  this  utterance  he  was  ridiculed  by  some  and 
denounced  by  others;  but  he  was  right.  He  knew 
that  a  war  with  England  would  threaten  the  life  of 
slavery,  and  that  the  Democratic  party  would  be 
compelled  by  the  South  to  retreat  from  its  position. 

Again,  on  May  21,  1844,  he  warned  the  country 
that  the  annexation  of  Texas  would  result  in  the 
repeal  of  the  tariff  of  1842.  He  told  the  Democrats 
of  Pennsylvania,  who  were  deluded  into  the  support 
of  Polk,  that  "our  tariff  would  be  held  at  the  will  of 
Texan  advocates  of  free  trade."  This  statement  was 
verified  on  July  2,  1846,  when  the  tariff  of  1842  was 
repealed  by  a  vote  of  one  majority  in  the  Senate, 
both  the  Senators  from  Texas  voting  in  the  affirma 
tive.  Giddings  claimed  no  gift  of  prophecy,  but 
reasoned  from  the  fact  that  slavery  ruled  the  gov 
ernment,  and  would  take  counsel  only  of  its  own 
interest. 

His  foresight  was  also  shown  in  his  judgment  of 
Winthrop,  in  December,  1847.  In  that  judgment, 
as  we  have  seen,  he  stood  almost  alone,  and  by  it  he 
invoked  the  relentless  hostility  of  the  party  with 
which  he  had  acted  up  to  that  time ;  but  his  forecast 
of  Winthrop's  action  and  his  estimate  of  the  latter's 
character  were  perfectly  justified  by  facts.  He  took 
the  true  measure  of  the  man,  and  saw  clearly  that 
while  his  party  trusted  him,  Winthrop  was  not  strong 
enough  to  face  the  emergency  in  which  he  was  placed. 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GTDDINGS.  405 

Still  another  illustration  may  be  cited.  In  a  speech 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  nine  years  before 
Lincoln  issued  his  Proclamation  of  Emancipation, 
Giddings  uttered  words  which  now  seem  prophetic. 
The  champions  of  slavery  then  desired  a  war  with 
Spain  for  the  acquisition  of  Cuba  and  the  more 
complete  ascendency  of  their  power  over  the  gov 
ernment.  Giddings  reminded  them  that  in  such  a 
struggle  the  enemy  would  strike  at  our  weakest 
point,  and  might  "bring  the  war  into  this  American 
Africa,  and  rear  the  standard  of  freedom  on  our  own 
soil."  He  warned  them  that  in  such  a  contest  the  war 
power  of  the  government  could  interpose  for  the  lib 
eration  of  every  slave  in  the  Union.  Said  he,  - 

"  When  that  contest  shall  come  ;  when  the  thunder  shall  roll 
and  the  lightnings  flash  ;  when  the  slaves  of  the  South  shall  rise 
in  the  spirit  of  freedom,  actuated  by  the  soul-stirring  emotion 
that  they  are  men,  destined  to  immortality,  entitled  to  the  rights 
which  God  bestowed  upon  them ;  when  the  masters  shall  turn 
pale  and  tremble ;  when  their  dwellings  shall  smoke,  and  dismay 
sit  on  each  countenance,  —  then,  sir,  I  do  not  say  we  shall  laugh  at 
your  calamity  and  mock  when  your  fear  cometh,  but  I  do  say, 
the  lovers  of  our  race  will  then  stand  forth  and  exert  the  legiti 
mate  powers  of  this  government  of  freedom.  We  shall  then 
have  constitutional  power  to  act  for  the  good  of  our  country,  and 
to  do  justice  to  the  slave.  WE  WILL  THEN  STRIKE  OFF  THE 
SHACKLES  FROM  HIS  LIMBS.  The  Government  will  then  have 
power  to  act  between  slavery  and  freedom  ;  and  it  can  best  make 
peace  by  giving  liberty  to  the  slaves.  And  let  me  tell  you,  Mr. 
Speaker,  that  time  hastens /  the  President  is  exerting  a  power  that 
will  hurry  it  on ;  and  I  shall  hail  it  as  the  approaching  dawn  of 
that  millennium  which  I  know  must  come  upon  the  earth." 

These  illustrations  could  readily  be  multiplied,  and 
they  show  how  his  devotion  to  a  great  cause  anointed 
his  vision  and  made  him  a  discerner  of  the  signs  of 
the  times. 

But  the  dominating  fact  in  the  life  of  Giddings  was 
his  moral  earnestness.  He  was  by  no  means  wanting 


406  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

in  other  qualities  which  his  anti-slavery  leadership 
demanded.  He  had  an  abundance  of  pluck,  perti 
nacity,  and  courage.  He  had  readiness,  prudence, 
vigilance,  and  self-possession.  He  had  audacity 
when  the  occasion  demanded  it,  and  contempt  for 
base  personal  assaults.  But  his  earnestness  was  the 
master-key  to  his  character,  and  the  real  source  of 
his  power.  It  inspired  and  invigorated  all  his  facul 
ties.  The  people  saw  that  he  had  dedicated  his  life 
to  the  service  of  the  truth,  and  therefore  they  trusted 
and  followed  him.  They  saw  that  he  possessed  the 
absolute  courage  of  his  convictions.  He  could  say 
with  Sumner,  "  The  slave  of  principles,  I  call  no  party 
master,"  and  he  illustrated  this  by  his  solitary  vote 
against  a  resolution  of  thanks  to  General  Taylor  for 
his  services  in  the  Mexican  War.  He  defied  all  men 
aces,  and  spurned  all  suggestions  of  compromise.  He 
faced  political  and  social  ostracism  and  personal  vio 
lence  without  flinching.  When  Slade  of  Vermont 
and  Gates  of  New  York  left  Congress,  and  Adams 
was  bending  under  the  weight  of  years  and  infirmi 
ties,  Giddings  was  obliged  to  bear  the  brunt  of  the 
unequal  struggle,  and  he  did  it  with  an  undaunted 
spirit.  Whether  standing  alone  or  supported  by 
allies,  he  never  wearied  in  his  warfare  against  sla 
very,  nor  lost  an  opportunity  to  smite  it.  When 
others  faltered  he  pressed  forward.  He  had  a  ge 
nius  for  persistency,  and  never  relaxed  his  purpose 
to  keep  the  great  conflict  at  the  front,  whether  it 
related  to  the  horrors  of  the  Florida  War,  the  sup 
pression  of  the  freedom  of  debate,  the  demand  of 
payment  for  slaves,  the  support  of  the  internal  slave- 
trade,  the  abolition  of  the  traffic  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  or  conspiracies  for  the  extension  of  sla 
very.  All  obstacles  yielded  to  his  rare  singleness  of 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  407 

purpose.  This  was  the  secret  of  his  power,  and  it 
entitles  him  to  the  foremost  place  in  history  among 
all  the  famous  leaders  of  the  anti-slavery  cause  in 
Congress. 

The  lesson  of  such  a  life  is  invaluable.  He  was 
wholly  wanting  in  genius.  He  was  deficient  in  im 
agination  and  the  graces  of  rhetoric.  There  are  pas 
sages  in  his  speeches  which  rise  to  the  height  of 
eloquence,  but  as  a  rule  they  are  merely  the  compact 
statements  of  a  man  of  strong  convictions  and  com 
mon-sense,  whose  ruling  purpose  was  to  impress 
others  with  his  opinions,  and  whose  profound  ear 
nestness  made  him  indifferent  to  literary  art.  He 
was  always  bravely  himself.  He  was  well  aware 
that  his  whole  life  had  been  handicapped  by  the 
trials  and  privations  of  his  earlier  years,  while  his 
native  diffidence  and  love  of  peace  would  have  lured 
him  into  the  walks  of  private  life;  but  his  warfare 
with  slavery  was  the  travail  of  his  soul,  and  he  prose 
cuted  it  with  unfaltering  faith  and  unquenchable 
zeal.  He  could  not  do  otherwise.  It  was  sufficient 
for  him  that  his  conscience  commanded  him,  and  he 
succeeded  by  the  strength  of  a  great  moral  purpose 
which  found  an  answering  throb  in  the  hearts  of  the 
people,  and  at  last  made  him  their  prophet. 

But  the  zeal  of  Giddings  in  the  anti-slavery  conflict 
was  not  without  knowledge.  No  man  was  more  clear 
sighted  respecting  methods  of  action.  He  was  emi 
nently  practical.  His  desire  to  serve  the  cause  made 
him  all  the  more  anxious  to  find  the  most  direct  and 
effective  way  of  doing  it.  When  he  first  entered 
Congress  he  devoted  himself  to  the  mastery  of  the 
parliamentary  manual.  He  knew  the  inestimable 
value  of  this  knowledge,  and  how  potent  it  had  been 
in  the  practised  hands  of  Southern  members  in  secur- 


408  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

ing  the  advantage  over  representatives  from  the  Free 
States,  who  were  generally  retained  in  their  places 
for  a  brief  term  only,  and  succeeded  by  men  equally 
inexperienced.  His  continuance  in  Congress  con 
stantly  added  to  his  parliamentary  resources,  while 
no  man  in  either  House  was  so  thoroughly  equipped 
on  the  question  of  slavery.  These  were  great  advan 
tages.  They  gave  him  confidence  in  himself,  and 
commanded  the  respect  of  his  fellow-members.  In 
debating  his  favorite  question  he  was  perfectly  at 
home,  and  was  never  disconcerted  by  questions.  He 
invited  them,  and  nothing  pleased  him  better  than 
the  attempts  of  Southern  members  to  badger  him. 
They  were  always  the  losers  in  these  encounters, 
as  the  Congressional  Records  will  show;  and  this 
gradually  led  them  to  decline  such  ventures,  and 
sometimes,  as  we  have  seen,  to  play  the  blackguard 
and  the  bully.  The  power  of  such  a  leader,  reso 
lutely  exerted  through  many  years,  and  combining 
perfect  devotion  to  his  cause  with  great  ability  to 
defend  it,  cannot  be  computed. 

Giddings  was  not  less  practical  and  sensible  in 
dealing  with  the  relations  of  slavery  to  the  Federal 
Government.  He  was  not  diverted  from  his  work  by 
any  far-fetched  constitutional  theory,  or  any  political 
vagaries,  but  always  took  counsel  of  his  common- 
sense.  In  the  matters  of  taxation,  representation, 
and  the  return  of  fugitive  slaves,  the  Federal  Con 
stitution  involved  the  people  of  the  Free  States  in 
the  guilt  of  upholding  slavery.  Giddings  made  no 
denial  of  this,  and  admitted  that  the  obvious  remedy 
for  it  was  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution;  but 
this  was  wholly  unattainable,  as  shown  by  Mr.  Adams 
and  himself  in  their  masterly  report  on  the  subject 
in  1844.  Equally  futile  was  the  hope  of  meeting  the 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  409 

difficulty  by  the  remedy  of  disunion.  The  people 
loved  the  Union  more  than  they  hated  slavery,  and 
could  not  be  rallied  under  any  revolutionary  banner; 
moreover,  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  would  leave 
the  slave  in  his  chains.  The  power  of  slavery  had 
to  be  wrestled  with  by  some  other  method,  while  the 
people  of  the  Free  States  could  only  escape  their 
complicity  with  the  evil  by  leaving  the  country. 
Giddings  did  not  feel  called  upon  to  do  this,  but 
believed  it  to  be  the  duty  of  all  good  citizens  to  lay 
hold  of  such  powers  as  they  possessed  in  reforming 
the  administration  of  the  government.  He  therefore 
favored  a  plan  of  operations  under  the  Constitution, 
and  in  strict  conformity  with  its  provisions. 

When  he  entered  Congress,  in  1838,  the  people  of 
the  South,   with  great  unanimity,   avowed   the  prin 
ciple  that  slavery  was  a  State  institution,  with  which 
the  Federal   Government   had   no   rightful    authority 
to  intermeddle  either  to  support  or  abolish  it.     As 
shown  in  a  previous  chapter,  he  proposed  to  hold  the 
South  to  the  logical  consequences  of  this   position. 
If  slavery  borrowed  its  life  from  State  law,  and  could 
only  exist  within  State  boundaries,   its  existence  in 
the   District  of  Columbia  was  national  slavery,   and 
therefore  forbidden   by  the  Constitution;  for  Mary 
land  and  Virginia  had   relinquished   their    rights  in 
the  territory  comprising  this  district  by  ceding  it  to 
the  General  Government.      The  same  principle  ap 
plied  to  the  Act  of  Congress  authorizing  and  regu 
lating   the   coastwise   slave-trade   in   vessels    sailing 
under  the  national  flag.      It  was  legislation  for  the 
support  of  slavery,  and  therefore  unwarranted  by  the 
Constitution.      So  all   compensation  for  the   loss   of 
slaves    captured   by  the  enemy  in  a  foreign  war,   or 
made  free  by  landing  on  British  soil,  was   likewise 


410  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

forbidden.  The  spread  of  slavery  over  our  national 
Territories  and  the  admission  of  new  slaveholding 
States  were  of  course  unconstitutional,  as  finally 
declared  in  the  resolution  drafted  by  Giddings  and 
incorporated  into  the  Republican  platform  of  1856. 
In  other  words,  while  all  the  compromises  of  the 
Constitution  were  to  be  faithfully  observed,  the  Fed 
eral  Government,  in  all  other  respects,  was  bound  to 
see  to  it  that  no  man  outside  of  the  Slave  States,  and 
under  its  exclusive  jurisdiction,  should  be  deprived 
of  life,  liberty,  or  property  without  due  process  of 
law.  Slavery  was  to  have  its  pound  of  flesh,  but  not 
one  drop  of  blood. 

Such  was  the  fundamental  principle  which  was  to 
be  the  starting  point  of  organized  political  action 
against  slavery ;  and  the  measure  of  its  scope;  and 
"to  Giddings,"  says  Von  Hoist,  "more  than  to  any 
other  person  belongs  the  credit  of  having,  with  full 
consciousness,  made  it  the  constitutional  basis  of  his 
entire  warfare  against  the  slaveocracy,  and  of  having 
applied  it  with  a  consistency  never  before  attained  to 
all  questions  to  which  it  was  pertinent."  On  this 
principle  thevFree-Soil  party  of  1848  planted  itself, 
as  did  the  Republican  party  eight  years  afterwards. 
On  the  lines  indicated  by  this  principle  the  political 
battle  with  slavery  was  to  be  fought,  and  Giddings 
foresaw  the  victory  of  the  Free  States,  and  that  it 
would  be  final  and  decisive.  He  saw  clearly  that 
slavery  could  only  maintain  its  ascendency  and  pro 
long  its  life  by  usurpation,  as  it  had  done  in  the  past ; 
and  that  without  infringing  any  of  its  constitutional 
rights,  and  by  strictly  constitutional  methods,  this 
usurpation  could  be  arrested  and  the  curse  driven 
into  the  last  ditch.  Time  has  amply  vindicated  his 
sagacity;  and  if  any  man  can  justly  be  singled  out 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS.  41  I 

as  the  father  of  the  Republican  party,  it  is  he.  If  his 
anti-slavery  policy  had  been  espoused  by  the  people  of 
the  Northern  States  in  season,  the  peaceful  abolition 
of  slavery  would  have  been  possible ;  and  to  him  must 
be  accorded  the  honor  of  having  prosecuted  this  policy 
with  such  unflinching  pertinacity  and  tireless  zeal  that 
the  contagion  of  his  example  brought  the  people  to  his 
support  before  the  absolute  supremacy  of  slavery  had 
been  established  on  the  ruins  of  the  Constitution. 

The  great  moral  leaders  of  the  anti-slavery  struggle 
did  their  work  outside  of  politics.  They  played  their 
grand  part  in  creating  an  anti-slavery  public  opinion, 
and  to  this  extent  they  reinforced  the  work  of  legisla 
tion.  But  this  was  not  enough.  An  anti-slavery  pub 
lic  opinion  could  not  execute  itself.  It  needed  some 
available  method  of  action;  and  the  lack  of  this  was 
the  great  stumbling-block  in  the  way  of  anti-slavery 
effort.  The  old  question,  "What  has  the  North  to 
do  with  slavery  ?  "  had  to  be  answered ;  and  the  answer 
of  Giddings  inevitably  made  the  conflict  a  political 
one.  In  the  very  nature  of  things  it  had  to  be  fought 
out  in  Congress.  It  was  here,  indeed,  that  the  work 
of  moral  agitation  itself  was  largely  carried  on.  "  One 
good  Congressman,"  said  James  G.  Birney,  "can  do 
more  for  the  cause  than  a  hundred  lecturers.  He  has 
almost  daily  occasion  for  agitation,  and  he  speaks  to 
the  whole  people.  We  can  reach  the  South  through 
no  other  means.  The  slaveholders  gain  their  advan 
tages  in  national  politics  and  legislation,  and  should 
be  met  in  every  movement  they  make." 

It  was  absolutely  necessary  thus  to  meet  them.  It 
was  in  Congress  that  the  project  was  conceived  and 
finally  matured  of  transforming  the  government  into 
a  slave-owning  and  slave-trading  oligarchy.  It  was 
here  that  cowardly  and  compromising  statesmen  of 


412  THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GIDDINGS. 

the  Free  States,  during  a  period  of  more  than  forty 
years,  surrendered  the  rights  of  free  men  at  the  bid 
ding  of  their  Southern  overseers.  It  was  here  that 
Giddings  and  his  faithful  allies  sounded  the  cry  of 
danger  in  the  ears  of  the  nation,  and  made  the  Con 
gressional  debates  the  vehicle  of  anti-slavery  truth  in 
every  section  of  the  Union,  and  the  seed-plot  of  a 
constantly  growing  anti-slavery  opinion.  And  it  was 
here  that  the  slave-masters  were  at  last  overborne.  It 
is  true  that  anti-slavery  action  in  Congress  was  half 
hearted,  reluctant,  and  compromising.  No  man  saw 
this  more  clearly  than  Giddings,  or  labored  more  val 
iantly  or  effectively  to  inspire  it  with  courage.  It  is 
also  true  that  slavery  perished  by  the  madness  of  its 
champions  in  attempting  to  save  its  life  by  the  de 
struction  of  the  Union;  but  this  madness  was  itself 
provoked  by  the  victory  of  the  Free  States  on  the 
issue  of  "  Freedom  national,  slavery  sectional,"  which 
rang  the  knell  of  its  ascendency  and  foreshadowed 
its  doom.  If  political  action  was  to  be  condemned 
on  the  score  of  its  tardiness  and  inefficiency,  the 
moral  warfare  against  slavery  could  be  assailed  on 
the  same  ground.  This  victory  was  won  in  spite  of 
the  halting  and  reactionary  element  in  the  Republi 
can  party,  and  by  it  freedom  made  a  very  narrow 
escape;  for  if  slavery  had  triumphed,  its  domination 
over  the  government  would  have  been  prolonged 
through  indefinite  years,  if  not  permanently  estab 
lished.  It  is  in  the  light  of  these  facts  that  the 
labors  of  Giddings  in  Congress  must  be  estimated. 

The  time  has  not  yet  come  to  write  the  final  his 
tory  of  slavery  in  the  United  States.  When  we 
shall  be  farther  from  the  thrilling  events  of  the 
great  struggle  for  its  overthrow,  and  the  passions 
and  prejudices  which  it  engendered  shall  have  died 


THE  LIFE   OF  JOSHUA   R.    GID DINGS.  413 

away,  the  story  will  be  told,  and  justice  will  be  done 
to  all.  The  chief  actors  in  the  world-famous  move 
ment  will  be  assigned  to  their  true  positions;  and 
whether  they  shall  be  judged  by  their  fidelity  to  a 
great  cause  in  the  face  of  all  dangers  and  tempta 
tions,  or  by  the  results  of  their  labors  in  hastening 
the  final  consummation  of  their  grand  purpose,  the 
rank  of  Giddings  will  be  second  to  none.  It  will 
amply  justify  the  prophetic  lines  of  James  Russell 
Lowell,  written  fifty  years  ago:  — 

"Giddings,  far  rougher  names  than  thine  have  grown 

Smoother  than  honey  on  the  lips  of  men  • 
And  thou  shalt  aye  be  honorably  known, 

As  one  who  bravely  used  his  tongue  and  pen, 
As  best  befits  a  freeman,  even  for  those 

To  whom  our  Law's  unblushing  front  denies 
A  right  to  plead  against  the  life-long  woes 

Which  are  the  negro's  glimpse  of  freedom's  skies. 
Fear  nothing  and  hope  all  things,  as  the  right 

Alone  may  do  securely;  every  hour 
The  thrones  of  ignorance  and  ancient  Night 

Lose  somewhat  of  their  long-usurped  power, 
And  freedom's  lightest  word  can  make  them  shiver 
With  a  base  dread  that  clings  to  them  forever." 


APPENDIX. 


PACIFICUS: 

THE  RIGHTS  AND  PRIVILEGES  OF  THE  SEVERAL 
STATES    IN    REGARD    TO    SLAVERY. 

BEING   A   SERIES   OF  ESSAYS  PUBLISHED   IN  "THE  WESTERN  RESERVE 
CHRONICLE  "    (OHIO),   AFTER   THE   ELECTION    OF    1842. 

BY   A    WHIG    OF   OHIO. 


INTRODUCTION. 

To  THE  EDITOR  OF  THE  CHRONICLE, — 

THE  election  is  past,  and  our  opponents  have  triumphed. 
They  are  now  charged  with  the  responsibility  of  adminis 
tering  our  State  government.  This  being  the  case,  we  may  ex 
pect  the  election  of  a  Senator  to  Congress  who  will  vote  to  repeal 
the  tariff  and  to  abandon  the  protection  of  the  free  labor  of 
the  North.  We  must  expect  the  election  of  such  a  man  as  will 
exert  his  influence  against  our  harbor  improvements  and  a  com 
pletion  of  the  Cumberland  road,  and  who  will  oppose  the  dis 
tribution  of  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands.  We  must  look 
for  the  election  of  a  man  who  will  vote  for  the  annexation  of 
Texas  to  this  Union,  and  who  will  lend  his  influence  generally 
to  the  slaveholding  interests.  The  State  will  be  so  districted 
as  to  elect  the  greatest  possible  number  of  representatives  in 
Congress  who  will  sustain  the  same  policy,  and  who  will  vote 
for  John  C.  Calhoun  to  the  office  of  President  in  1844,  should 
the  election  devolve  upon  the  House  of  Representatives. 

Had  the  friends  of  Northern  rights  united  their  political 
efforts  at  the  recent  election,  these  consequences  would  have 
been  avoided ;  but  we  were  divided,  and  of  course  were 


41 6  APPENDIX. 

conquered.  Crimination  and  recrimination  will  not  extricate 
us  from  the  difficulties  into  which  our  unhappy  divisions  have 
precipitated  us.  Future  triumph  can  only  be  secured  by 
future  union ;  we  should,  therefore,  profit  by  experience. 
Let  us  search  out  the  rock  on  which  we  have  split,  that  we 
may  avoid  it  hereafter.  If  there  be  any  political  or  moral 
principle  involved  in  the  controversy,  let  us  understand  what 
it  is.  Let  it  be  developed  and  placed  before  the  people,  that 
we  may  all  distinctly  understand  it.  In  order  to  do  this,  it  is 
the  intention  of  the  writer  to  enter  into  an  examination  of 
this  subject.  He  will  endeavor  to  do  so  with  such  plainness 
and  sincerity  as  the  subject  demands  ;  no  false  delicacy  shall 
deter  him  from  a  full,  fair,  and  candid  expression  of  truth, 
nor  shall  feelings  of  excitement  induce  him  to  use  terms  or 
epithets  that  may  offend  the  sincere  inquirer  after  truth, 
whether  he  lives  in  a  Free  or  Slave  State,  or  belongs  to  the 
Whig,  the  Democratic,  or  the  Liberty  party. 

In  order  to  be  distinctly  understood,  your  readers  may 
expect  an  examination  of  the  subject  in  the  following 
order :  — 

1.  He   will   inquire   into  the   rights  and  privileges  of  the 
several  States  in  regard  to  slavery. 

2.  The  encroachments  upon  these  rights,  of  which  the  anti- 
slavery  men  complain. 

3.  The   remedy  which  I  think   all   will   agree   should   be 
adopted. 

The  whole  will  occupy  several  columns  of  your  paper,  and 
will  be  furnished  as  the  writer  finds  leisure  to  communicate 
with  your  readers. 

PACIFICUS. 

November  I,  1842. 


NUMBER  I. 

RIGHTS    AND     PRIVILEGES    OF    THE     SEVERAL    STATES 
CONCERNING     SLAVERY. 

MR.  EDITOR,  —  For  the  purpose  of  fixing  in  the  mind  a 
definite  idea  of  our  rights  and  privileges  respecting  slavery  it 
becomes  necessary  to  look  back  to  the  time  of  forming  the 


APPENDIX. 


417 


Constitution.  At  that  period  the  spirit  of  universal  liberty 
pervaded  the  minds  of  our  people  generally,  particularly  those 
of  New  England  and  the  Northern  States.  The  sages  and 
patriots  of  1776  had  put  forth  the  undying  truth  that  man  is 
born  free,  as  a  self-evident  fact.  In  obedience  to  this  declar 
ation,  Massachusetts,  ever  forward  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  by 
a  similar  assertion  of  the  rights  of  man  had  stricken  the 
shackles  from  every  slave  within  her  territories.  The  soil  of 
Vermont  had  never  been  contaminated  with  the  footsteps  of  a 
slave.  Pennsylvania,  and  indeed  nearly  all  of  the  Northern 
States,  had  commenced  a  system  of  gradual  emancipation. 
The  delegates  from  the  North  carried  with  them  a  strong  pre 
disposition  in  favor  of  universal  liberty.  While  in  convention 
they  spoke  of  slavery  with  deep  abhorrence  and  the  most 
irreconcilable  hatred.  Not  so  with  the  Southern  States. 
They  regarded  slavery  as  necessary  to  their  prosperity.  They 
refused  to  enter  into  the  constitutional  compact  upon  any 
terms  that  would  subject  that  institution  to  the  control  of  the 
General  Government.  Up  to  this  period  each  State  had  acted, 
in  regard  to  slavery,  according  to  the  dictates  of  its  own  will. 
Each,  for  itself,  held  supreme,  indisputable,  and  uncontrolled 
jurisdiction  over  that  institution  within  its  own  limits.  This 
entire  power  was  reserved  to  itself  by  each  State,  and  no 
portion  of  it  was  delegated  to  the  General  Government ;  and 
to  place  the  subject  in  such  plain  and  palpable  light  that  it 
should  never  be  questioned  or  disputed,  Article  10  of  the 
Amendments  was  subsequently  adopted,  by  which  it  was 
declared  that  the  powers  not  delegated  by  the  Constitution 
were  reserved  to  the  several  States.  It  is  therefore  plain  that 
the  General  Government  has  now  no  more  power  over  the 
institution  of  slavery  than  it  had  prior  to  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitution.  The  people  of  the  Southern  States  hold  that 
institution  as  independently  of  the  Federal  Government  as 
they  did  under  the  old  Confederation. 

Precisely  to  the  same  extent  do  the  people  of  the  Free 
States  hold  and  enjoy  the  blessings  of  personal  liberty.  They 
delegated  to  the  Federal  Government  no  more  power  to  in 
volve  them  in  slavery  than  the  South  did  to  involve  them  in 
its  abolition.  The  rights  of  the  States  on  this  subject  were 
mutual  and  perfectly  reciprocal.  Those  States  that  desired 

27 


41 8  APPENDIX. 

to  do  so  could  continue  the  institution  of  slavery ;  and  those 
that  desired  to  be  free,  and  entirely  exempt  from  the  expense, 
the  disgrace,  and  the  guilt  of  it,  reserved  to  themselves  the 
full  and  indisputable  right  to  remain  altogether  separate  from, 
and  unconnected  with,  its  evils.  The  sons  of  the  Pilgrims 
regarded  slavery  as  a  violation  of  the  will  of  Heaven  and  a 
flagrant  transgression  of  the  law  of  God.  They  would  no 
sooner  have  been  prevailed  upon  to  involve  themselves  in  its 
moral  turpitude  than  they  would  in  that  of  piracy  or  murder. 
The  people  of  the  Free  States,  therefore,  secured  to  them 
selves  the  absolute  right  of  remaining  free  from  the  guilt,  the 
disgrace,  and  the  expense  of  slavery,  by  withholding  from  the 
Federal  Government  all  constitutional  power  in  regard  to  that 
institution ;  while  the  Slave  States  secured  to  themselves  an 
equal  privilege  to  enjoy  the  benefits  (as  they  supposed)  result 
ing  from  a  continuance  of  slavery. 

These  doctrines  are  not  new,  they  are  as  old  as  the  Con 
stitution.  They  are  not  local,  for  they  have  been  substantially 
asserted  in  Congress,  and  both  in  the  North  and  the  South. 
They  are  not  anti-slavery,  for  they  have  been,  for  half  a  cen 
tury,  the  declared  doctrines  of  the  Slave  States.  If  any  anti- 
slavery  man  claims  for  the  Free  States  any  further  rights  in 
regard  to  slavery  than  those  expressed  above,  he  is  requested 
to  make  them  known.  If  any  Whig  or  Democrat  of  Ohio  is 
willing  to  deny  to  the  people  of  the  Free  States  the  rights  above 
set  forth,  he  is  invited  to  express  his  views,  in  order  that  the 
public  mind  may  be  informed  upon  this  important  subject. 

If  these  be  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  Free  States,  all 
will  agree  that  they  should  be  maintained  and  supported. 
On  this  point  it  would  appear  impossible  that  Whigs  and  anti- 
slavery  men  should  disagree.  I  therefore  submit  the  question 
to  our  editors,  and  the  conductors  of  the  public  Press  gener 
ally,  whether  they  ought  not  to  speak  out  boldly  and  temper 
ately  upon  this  subject?  Ought  they  not  to  urge  forward  our 
State  and  national  legislators  to  maintain  and  defend  the  rights 
of  the  Free  States  as  assiduously  as  they  do  those  of  the  Slave 
States?  The  question  is  also  submitted  to  the  members  of 
our  State  Legislature,  and  to  our  members  of  Congress,  whether 
they  are  not  as  much  bound  by  their  oath  of  office  to  preserve 
the  Free  States  from  all  participation  in  the  guilt,  the  disgrace, 


APPENDIX.  419 

and  the  expense  of  slavery,  as  they  are  to  preserve  the  Slave 
States  from  the  abolition  of  that  institution  by  Congress? 
Ought  they  not  to  put  forth  their  influence  to  separate  and 
wholly  divorce  the  Federal  Government  from  all  support  of 
slavery,  and  to  bring  it  back  to  the  position  in  which  the  Con 
stitution  placed  it  in  relation  to  that  institution? 

Having  thus  stated,  generally,  the  rights  of  the  States,  I 
shall,  in  my  next  communication,  examine  the  subject  of 
fugitive  slaves,  which  has  sometimes  been  urged  as  an  excep 
tion  to  the  general  principle  that  we  of  the  Free  States  are 
constitutionally  unconnected  with  slavery. 

PACIFICUS. 


NUMBER   II. 

FUGITIVE     SLAVES. 

MR.  EDITOR,  —  The  convention  that  framed  our  Federal 
Constitution  met  with  no  trifling  difficulty  in  fixing  the  rights 
of  the  people  of  the  different  States  in  regard  to  fugitive  slaves. 
By  the  common  law  and  the  law  of  nations  "  a  slave  became  ab 
solutely  free  by  entering  the  territory  of  a  free  state  or  govern 
ment"  whether  he  did  so  by  consent  of  his  master,  or  by 
escaping  from  his  master's  custody.  It  was  foreseen  that 
if  this  principle  of  the  common  law  remained  in  force,  self- 
emancipation  would  deprive  the  Slave  States  of  an  institution 
which  they  regarded  as  important  to  their  prosperity.  A 
member  from  South  Carolina  moved  an  amendment  to  the 
Constitution,  requiring  "fugitive  slaves  and  servants  to  be  de 
livered  up  like  criminals"  This  was  objected  to  by  members 
from  Pennsylvania  and  Connecticut,  for  the  reason  that  it 
would  involve  the  people  of  the  Free  States  in  the  expense 
of  slavery.  (Vide  3d  volume  Madison  Papers,  1447.)  An 
amendment  was  subsequently  adopted,  in  the  form  in  which 
it  is  now  found  in  the  last  clause  of  the  first  section  of  the 
Fourth  Article,  which  provides  that  "  no  person  held  to  service 
or  labor  in  one  State,  under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into  an 
other,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation  therein, 
be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor"  etc.  By  this  pro- 


420  APPENDIX. 

vision  the  common  law,  as  it  then  stood,  was  changed  so  far 
as  the  United  States  were  concerned,  so  that  a  slave  ESCAPING 
to  a  Free  State  did  not  thereby  become  free. 

Under  this  provision  Congress  passed  the  law  of  1793, 
requiring  certain  officers  of  the  State  and  Federal  Govern 
ments  to  act  when  fugitive  slaves  were  brought  before  them ; 
and  it  was  supposed  by  our  people  generally  that  we  were  bound 
to  aid  the  master  in  recapturing  his  fugitive  slave.  This  has 
led  many  of  our  people  to  believe  the  subject  of  fugitive  slaves 
to  form  an  exception  to  the  doctrine  laid  down  in  my  first 
number.  But  the  subject  came  before  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States  at  their  last  session,  in  the  case  of  Prigg  vs. 
The  Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania ;  and  it  was  decided,  on 
solemn  argument,  that  no  State  officer  was  obliged  to  act  in 
such  case,  and  that  so  much  of  said  law  as  required  them 
to  act  was  unconstitutional.  In  this  manner  the  doctrine  laid 
down  in  my  last  communication  was  confirmed  by  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  in  regard  to  fugitive  slaves. 
There  were  many  other  important  points  decided  in  that  case, 
from  which  the  following  principles  are  deduced  :  — 

A  slave  by  escaping  to  a  Free  State  acquires  certain  impor 
tant  rights  and  privileges.  When  he  reaches  our  territory  we 
regard  him  as  a  man,  not  as  property.  If  he  work  for  me,  or 
sell  me  property,  he  may  sue  me  in  his  own  name,  and  col 
lect  his  pay.  Neither  I  nor  any  other  man,  except  his  mas 
ter,  can  take  advantage  of  his  having  been  a  slave.  If  any 
person  attempt  to  arrest  him,  as  a  slave,  without  process,  he 
may  defend  himself  with  just  so  much  force  as  becomes  neces 
sary  to  protect  his  person  and  his  personal  liberty.  In  this 
respect  he  enjoys  the  same  rights  and  privileges  which  our 
citizens  possess.  He  is  liable  to  be  arrested  and  taken  back 
to  slavery  by  his  former  master ;  in  all  other  respects  he  is 
regarded  in  law  as  a  freeman.  While  in  a  Slave  State  he  may 
not  resist  the  violence  of  his  master  by  any  act  of  self-defence  ; 
if  he  do  so,  he  may  be  instantly  slain  by  his  master,  or  other 
wise  severely  punished  under  the  laws  of  such  State.  It  is  this 
law,  declaring  it  criminal  in  him  to  defend  his  person  against 
the  violence  of  his  master,  which  constitutes  slavery.  That 
law  can  have  no  operation  in  our  State.  The  slave,  therefore, 
by  escaping  from  a  Slave  State,  escapes  from  the  operation  of 


APPENDIX.  42 1 

that  law.  Its  penalties  cannot  be  visited  upon  him  for  an  act 
done  in  Ohio.  There  is  no  such  law  here,  nor  is  it  in  the 
power  of  our  Legislature  to  enact  such  a  law.  Our  constitution 
forbids  its  existence. 

The  court,  in  the  case  referred  to,  expressly  decided  that 
the  jurisdiction  is  vested  solely  in  Congress ;  that  the  passing 
of  a  law  upon  the  subject  by  Congress  is  conclusive  that  the 
master  shall  have  the  benefit  conferred  by  the  Act,  and  that 
no  State  law  can  be  interposed  to  qualify  or  change  the  powers 
given  by  Congress.  They  further  decided  that  it  was  equally 
plain  that  Congress  intended  that  the  master  should  have  no 
other  or  further  facilities  for  capturing  his  slave  than  those  ex 
pressed  in  the  law  of  Congress ;  and  therefore,  no  State  law 
can  add  to  the  powers  conferred  in  the  Act  of  1 793.  It  there 
fore  follows  that  he  may  defend  himself  against  his  master 
while  in  this  State,  for  the  obvious  reason  that  self-defence  is 
a  natural  right,  and  there  is  no  law  having  force  within  the 
State  of  Ohio  which  forbids  its  exercise.  If  his  master  at 
tempt  to  arrest  him,  the  slave  may  defend  himself  with  so 
much  force  as  may  be  necessary  to  protect  his  person  and 
liberty.  If  the  master  press  upon  him,  and  it  becomes  neces 
sary  for  his  protection,  he  may  kill  his  master,  or  the  agents  of 
his  master,  be  they  few  or  many,  without  inquiring  whether 
they  come  from  a  Slave  State  or  be  citizens  of  Ohio.  It  is 
important  that  our  citizens  should  distinctly  understand  that 
if  they  volunteer  to  arrest  a  fugitive  slave  they  do  so  at  their 
peril.  I  speak  with  confidence  on  this  point.  There  is  nothing 
in  the  Act  of  Congress  forbidding  the  slave  to  exercise  his  nat 
ural  right  of  self-defence,  nor  does  it  mention  any  penalty  for 
so  doing.  The  Act  treats  him  as  property  merely,  and  visits  upon 
him  no  more  punishment  for  killing  his  master  than  it  would 
upon  a  mule  for  the  same  act.  The  law  of  Congress  settles 
the  rights  existing  between  the  master  and  the  people  of  the 
State  to  which  the  slave  may  flee,  but  it  does  not  attempt 
to  define  the  rights  existing  between  the  master  and  slave. 

It  follows,  therefore,  that  the  slave  when  he  reaches  our  ter 
ritory  becomes  at  once  reinstated  in  the  enjoyment  of  all  his 
natural  rights  which  belonged  to  him  while  in  Africa.  It  is 
true  that  we  lend  him  no  protection  against  his  master,  but  we 
leave  him  to  defend  himself  with  all  the  means  in  his  power. 


422  APPENDIX. 

He  may,  for  this  purpose,  provide  himself  with  weapons.  If 
there  be  two  or  more  of  them  together,  they  may  unite  their 
efforts  to  defend  themselves,  and  in  all  respects  put  forth  their 
physical  powers  to  the  same  extent  that  they  could  were  they 
on  the  soil  of  their  native  land.  I  am  aware  that  many  of  our 
people  think  it  wrong  to  do  anything  by  which  the  slave  shall 
learn  his  rights.  With  such  I  disagree.  If  it  were  in  my 
power,  every  person  should  know  his  rights  the  moment  he 
touches  our  soil.  To  withhold  from  him  this  knowledge 
would  aid  his  master  in  regaining  him.  We  are  under  no  con 
stitutional,  legal,  or  moral  obligation  thus  to  aid  the  master ; 
therefore  every  means  we  may  use  for  that  purpose  makes  us 
partakers  of  his  guilt.  On  the  contrary,  we  are  under  every 
moral  obligation  to  use  all  our  efforts  and  influence  to  the 
advancement  of  justice  and  liberty,  so  far  as  we  can,  without 
offending  against  the  laws  of  our  country.  It  is  on  this  prin 
ciple  that  every  citizen  of  our  State,  whether  he  be  a  judge, 
justice  of  the  peace,  or  any  other  State  officer,  incurs  as  much 
moral  guilt  when  he  assists  a  master  in  retaking  a  slave  as  he 
would  were  he  to  go  with  the  master  to  Africa  and  aid  him  in 
capturing  and  bringing  into  slavery  the  inhabitants  of  that  un 
happy  land.  It  must  be  a  vitiated  state  of  public  opinion  that 
regards  the  question  in  any  other  light.  The  offence  against 
mankind  is  the  same  in  either  case,  and  I  intend  that  no  false 
delicacy  shall  deter  me  from  an  unreserved  expression  of  our 
rights. 

One  of  these  rights  is  to  inform  every  person  within  our 
borders  of  all  his  legal  privileges.  I  would  as  soon  take  from 
a  slave  his  physical  powers  of  defence  as  I  would  rob  him  of 
his  moral  power.  I  would  as  soon  bind  his  body  with  chains 
as  I  would  bind  his  intellect  in  ignorance.  But  while  the 
slave  enjoys  these  natural  rights,  the  master  has  his  consti 
tutional  and  legal  privileges ;  and  these  we  are  bound  also  to 
respect  and  observe.  The  master  may  enter  our  State  and 
pass  through  it  in  pursuit  of  his  fugitive  slave,  and  we  have 
not  the  constitutional  power  to  prohibit  him.  As  individuals, 
we  may  refuse  him  admission  to  our  dwellings,  or  we  may 
deny  him  the  rights  of  hospitality ;  we  may  regard  him  with 
horror,  and  teach  our  children  to  detest  him ;  but  he  may, 
nevertheless,  travel  our  roads,  and  may  arrest  his  slave  in  our 


APPENDIX.  423 

presence ;  and  may  bind  him,  if  necessary,  and  transport  him 
back  to  the  State  from  whence  he  escaped.  We  have  no 
right  to  interfere  for  the  slave's  protection,  although  our  sym 
pathies  may  be  excited  in  his  favor.  On  this  subject  our 
faith  is  pledged,  and  must  not  be  violated. 

But  while  viz  permit  the  master  to  do  this,  we  do  not  pro 
tect  him  in  doing  it.  Far  from  it.  When  he  enters  our  State 
to  arrest  his  fugitive  slave,  so  far  as  they  two  are  concerned,  he 
does  it  at  his  own  peril,  as  much  as  he  would  if  he  should  go 
to  Africa  to  kidnap  a  native  of  that  country.  He  has  no  law 
to  protect  him,  and  must  depend  upon  physical  force  ;  yet  he 
must  respect  the  rights  of  our  people.  He  must  not  violate 
the  sanctity  of  our  private  dwellings,  nor  must  he  violate  the 
public  peace.  He  may  lay  "gentle  hands  "  upon  the  slave,  — 
he  may  arrest  and  secure  him ;  but  we  are  under  no  obliga 
tions  to  furnish  him  the  use  of  our  prisons,  or  to  guard  his 
captive  for  him.  If  the  slave  defends  himself,  the  master  is 
not  thereby  authorized  to  shoot  or  kill  him,  as  he  would  if  in 
a  Slave  State.  Should  he  do  that,  it  would  constitute  murder 
under  our  law,  for  which  he  would  be  hanged,  the  same  as 
though  he  had  killed  a  free  man.  After  he  has  arrested  the 
slave,  he  cannot  compel  him  to  perform  any  menial  service 
whatever,  nor  can  he  legally  beat  or  chastise  him.  Should  he 
do  this,  he  may  be  arrested  and  punished  for  the  assault  and 
battery.  The  master's  power  extends  so  far  as  is  necessary 
to  arrest  and  take  back  his  slave;  beyond  this  he  cannot  go. 
But  he  may  do  everything  to  effect  this  object  peaceably. 
Here  his  rights  terminate.  But  this  he  does  at  his  own  peril ; 
and  if  the  slave,  in  defending  himself,  kill  his  master,  it  is  a 
matter  in  which  we  have  no  concern.  Yet  he  must  not  do  it 
wantonly  or  unnecessarily.  Should  he  beat  off  his  master, 
and  while  the  master  is  retreating  shoot  him,  that  too  would 
be  murder,  and  we  should  then  hang  the  slave. 

These  are  some  of  the  rights  of  the  master  and  of  the 
slave  while  within  our  State ;  and  it  will  be  observed  by  every 
reader  that  it  is  a  matter  entirely  between  themselves.  It  is  a 
subject  in  which  our  people  are  under  no  obligation  to  inter 
fere.  If  the  slave  drive  back  the  master  when  attempting  to 
arrest  him,  there  is  no  moral  or  legal  duty  resting  upon  us  to 
step  in  to  the  master's  aid.  There  is  no  such  stipulation  con- 


424 


APPENDIX. 


tained  in  our  Constitution.  The  patriots  who  framed  that 
charter  of  American  liberty  made  no  such  degrading  com 
promise  for  the  people  of  the  Free  States.  Yet  by  the  Con 
stitution  our  State  is  made  the  race-ground  over  which  the 
master  may  pursue  his  slave,  and  may  use  every  means  to 
arrest  him  that  an  officer  may  use  to  arrest  a  citizen  on  legal 
process.  There  is  this  distinction,  however,  between  the 
master  and  officer  :  viz  protect  the  officer,  but  not  the  master  ; 
for  a  person  to  resist  an  officer  in  the  execution  of  process 
is  criminal  under  our  law. 

Not  so  with  the  slave ;  he  may  defend  himself  precisely  as 
he  would  in  Africa,  or  as  a  citizen  of  our  State  may  defend 
himself  against  a  person  who,  without  process,  attempts  to 
arrest  him  for  crime.  Nor  are  our  people  under  any  more 
obligation  to  assist  a  slaveholder  to  catch  a  slave  here,  than 
they  are  to  go  to  Africa  and  aid  in  kidnapping.  Indeed,  if 
you  will  show  me  a  man  who,  knowing  his  rights,  will  aid  a 
master  in  catching  a  slave  in  this  State,  I  will  show  you  a  man 
who  would  go  to  Africa  and  aid  in  kidnapping  the  people 
there,  and  bringing  them  into  slavery,  provided  he  could  do 
so  without  incurring  danger  of  the  halter.  Or  if  you  will 
show  me  a  judge,  or  justice  of  the  peace,  or  other  State 
officer,  who,  knowing  his  rights,  will  aid  in  sending  a  fugitive 
back  into  slavery,  or  in  detaining  one  for  further  proof  of  his 
being  a  slave,  I  think  I  hazard  little  in  saying  that  for  the 
same  fees  he  would  send  you  or  me  into  bondage,  if  he  had 
the  power  to  do  so. 

Yet  it  is  a  humiliating  fact  that  in  1839  our  Democratic 
Legislature  attempted,  by  legal  enactment,  to  make  our  State 
officers  and  citizens  the  catchpoles  of  Southern  slaveholders. 
I  say  they  attempted  to  do  this,  for  by  the  decision  of  the 
Supreme  Court  above  referred  to,  all  such  State  laws  are  de 
clared  "  UNCONSTITUTIONAL  AND  VOID."  Notwithstanding  they 
were  then  told  that  such  Acts  would  be  void,  they  gravely 
occupied  their  time,  and  expended  the  money  of  our  citizens, 
in  devising  the  best  mode  of  catching  slaves.  They  used  all 
their  power  and  influence  to  involve  you  and  me,  and  our 
people  generally,  in  the  guilt,  the  disgrace,  and  the  expense 
of  slavery.  In  this  they  violated  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  as  well  as  that  of  our  own  State. 


APPENDIX.  425 

And  now,  Mr.  Editor,  anti-slavery  mf  n  ask  that  the  party, 
the  men,  who  enacted  this  law  should  receive  the  full  benefit 
of  their  servility.  They  desire  that  public  sentiment  should  be 
expressed  through  our  public  papers  ;  that  this  law  be  re 
pealed  j  that  our  State  be  relieved  from  the  disgraceful  atti 
tude  in  which  it  now  stands ;  that  the  subject  of  fugitive  slaves 
be  left  where  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States 
have  placed  it.  And  can  there  be  any  difference  of  opinion 
on  this  subject  between  Whigs  and  anti-slavery  men?  Is  there 
a  Whig  editor  in  our  State  who  will  hesitate  to  raise  his  voice 
against  this  disgraceful  law,  and  to  maintain  the  clear,  abso 
lute,  and  indisputable  right  of  our  people  to  be  entirely  free 
and  exempt  from  the  guilt,  the  disgrace  and  expense  of 
catching  fugitive  slaves? 

PACIFICUS. 


NUMBER   III. 

SUPPRESSION    OF   DOMESTIC   VIOLENCE. 

MR.  EDITOR,  —  The  framers  of  our  Federal  Constitution  set 
forth,  in  the  preamble  of  that  instrument,  the  objects  for  which 
it  was  entered  into.  One  of  those  objects  is  "TO  SECURE  TO 

OURSELVES    AND    OUR    POSTERITY    THE    BLESSINGS    OF    LIBERTY." 

Mr.  Webster,  in  his  late  letter  to  Lore1  Ashburton,  says  :  "  Sla 
very  exists  in  the  Southern  States  of  this  Union  under  the 
guarantee  of  our  Federal  Constitution."  The  patriots  who 
framed  the  Constitution  declared  their  object  was  "  to  secure 
the  blessings  of  liberty"  Mr.  Webster  affirms  that  they  guar 
anteed  slavery.  Did  Madison  and  Washington  and  Franklin 
say  one  thing,  and  do  another,  or  is  Mr.  Webster  mistaken  in 
the  assertion  contained  in  his  letter?  If  this  doctrine  of  Mr. 
Webster  be  correct,  it  follows,  of  course,  that  the  Free  States 
are  involved  in  all  the  guilt,  disgrace,  and  responsibility  of 
slavery ;  and  the  position  assumed  in  my  first  communication, 
"  that  the  Free  States  are  no  more  liable  to  support  slavery  than 
the  Slave  States  are  to  abolish  it,"  is  erroneous  and  unfounded. 
This  doctrine  of  Mr.  Webster  is  often  asserted  by  Southern 


426  APPENDIX. 

slaveholders,  as  well  as  by  Northern  men,  who  appear  anxious 
to  impress  our  people  with  the  idea  that  the  Free  States  are 
thus  subsidiary  to  the  Slave  States,  and  involved  in  all  the 
hateful  consequences  of  slavery.  I  will  not  call  such  men 
doughfaces,  —  with  them  I  have  nothing  to  do ;  my  business  is 
with  their  arguments.  Our  country  and  posterity  will  hold 
them  responsible  for  their  attempts  to  induce  our  people  to 
yield  up  their  own  constitutional  rights  and  to  become  the 
voluntary  supporters  of  slavery  and  the  slave-trade.  To  arouse 
our  people  to  the  investigation  of  our  constitutional  rights  in 
regard  to  this  subject,  and  to  inspire  them  to  a  patriotic  and 
firm  maintenance  of  our  interests  and  honor,  is  the  duty  of  the 
public  Press  and  of  public  men. 

To  the  people  of  Ohio  and  of  the  Free  States  I  declare  this 
doctrine  unsupported  by  any  clause  in  our  Constitution.  No 
such  guarantee  is  found  in  that  instrument.  The  patriots  who 
framed  that  "  bond  of  union  "  made  no  such  degrading  stipu 
lation  on  the  part  of  Northern  freemen.  If  that  instrument  had 
contained  any  clause  susceptible  of  a  doubtful  construction  in 
this  respect,  all  will  agree  that  it  would  and  ought  to  be  so 
construed  as  to  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty,  rather  than  to 
perpetuate  slavery.  But  there  is  no  clause  that  can,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  writer,  be  deemed  doubtful,  or  that  by  any 
strained  construction  can  be  said  to  guarantee  slavery.  The 
fourth  section  of  the  Fourth  Article  is,  however,  quoted  in  sup 
port  of  the  doctrine  referred  to.  It  reads  as  follows  :  "  The 
United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State  in  this  Union  a 
republican  form  of  government,  and  shall  protect  them  against 
invasion,  and  on  application  of  the  Executive,  when  the  Legis 
lature  cannot  be  convened,  against  domestic  violence''  The 
word  "  guarantee  "  is  used  in  connection  with  a  "  republican 
form  of  government"  and  not  with  slavery.  It  can  hardly  be 
expected  that  any  one  will  suppose  these  terms  to  be  synony 
mous.  It  is  believed,  however,  that  those  who  adhere  to  the 
doctrine  now  contended  against,  rely  upon  the  last  clause, 
which  pledges  the  protection  of  the  United  States  against 
"  domestic  violence" 

The  history  concerning  the  insertion  of  this  provision  is 
this:  In  1786  the  "Shays  rebellion"  broke  out  in  the  State 
of  Massachusetts.  This  insurrection  threatened  the  overthrow, 


APPENDIX.  427 

not  only  of  the  government  of  that  State,  but  portended  the 
downfall  of  all  the  other  State  governments.  While  they  were 
thus  endangered,  it  was  discovered  that  no  authority  existed 
in  the  old  Articles  of  Confederation  by  which  the  troops  of 
one  State  could  be  employed  to  suppress  an  insurrection  in 
another.  This  difficulty  gave  rise  to  the  adoption  of  this 
clause  for  suppressing  domestic  violence.  Massachusetts  was 
then  the  only  State  that  had  abolished  slavery.  In  this  history 
it  is  difficult  to  trace  out  any  intention  to  guarantee  slavery. 
It  is  impossible  to  see  how  any  legal  mind  can  torture  this 
clause  into  such  a  guarantee.  It  is  simply  a  provision  for  sup 
pressing  insurrections.  It  applies  as  much  to  the  Free  States 
as  to  Slave  States,  and  would  have  been  adopted  had  no 
slavery  existed  in  any  of  the  States.  It  has  no  relation  to 
the  character  of  the  insurgents,  whether  they  be  black  or  white, 
bondmen  or  freemen,  masters  or  slaves.  If  an  insurrection  act 
ually  take  place,  the  power  of  the  Federal  Government  must 
be  employed  to  put  it  down,  if  milder  measures  will  not  effect 
that  object.  But  the  President,  when  called  on  for  aid  to  sup 
press  an  insurrection,  cannot  stop  to  inquire  into  the  cause 
from  which  it  arose.  He  is  entirely  unauthorized  to  withhold 
such  aid,  in  case  it  arise  from  the  abolition  of  slavery.  The 
truth  is,  the  Federal  Constitution  considers  slaves  as  persons ; 
and  draws  no  distinction  in  regard  to  the  character  of  the  in 
surgents.  When  the  United  States  troops  arrive  upon  the 
theatre  of  action,  they  must  direct  their  efforts  to  suppressing 
the  violence.  It  is  their  duty  to  slay  all  persons  found  in  arms 
against  the  public  tranquillity.  The  master  and  slave  fighting 
side  by  side  against  the  public  authority  must  both  be  slain 
without  distinction,  and  without  inquiring  into  their  relations 
to  each  other. 

When  the  violence  is  suppressed,  the  duty  of  the  troops 
will  have  been  performed.  If,  then,  every  slave  in  the  nation 
peaceably  leaves  his  master  and  starts  for  CANADA,  there  is  no 
power  in  the  Federal  Government  to  send  our  troops  after 
them,  or  to  set  them  as  a  guard  to  prevent  their  escape.  The 
duty  of  the  President  and  of  the  troops  is  to  suppress  the 
violence,  and  not  to  support  slavery.  Such  escape  of  slaves 
would  prove  a  total  abolition  of  slavery.  Where  then  would 
be  the  guarantee?  But  suppose  the  slaves  engage  in  and  con- 


428  APPENDIX. 

tinue  the  violence  :  it  will  then  be  the  duty  of  our  troops  to 
slay  them.  Would  such  killing  of  slaves  be  a  support  of 
slavery  ?  It  would  be  so  far  an  abolition  of  slavery,  and  if 
all  the  slaves  be  thus  slain,  slavery  would  be  abolished  (for  no 
new  importations  can  be  made  under  our  laws).  Where,  then, 
will  be  our  guarantee?  Again,  if  the  slaves  should  stubbornly 
refuse  to  labor  or  to  obey  their  masters,  they  would  thereby 
work  the  abolition  of  slavery.  But  would  such  act  obligate 
the  Federal  Government  to  furnish  obedient  servants?  Or 
should  they  commit  suicide,  and  thereby  abolish  the  institu 
tion,  would  the  United  States  become  liable  as  guarantors? 
Or  were  they  to  pursue  a  course  of  secret  destruction  of  their 
masters'  property,  and  thus  compel  their  owners  to  emancipate 
them,  could  the  slaveholders  demand  indemnity  of  the  Fed 
eral  Government?  Or  should  the  slaves  pursue  any  other 
course  which  would  inevitably  destroy  that  institution,  would 
the  Federal  Government  be  held  responsible?  I  apprehend 
but  one  answer  can  be  given  to  these  interrogatories. 

But  some  politicians  give  a  more  loose  and  indefinite  con 
struction  to  this  section.  They  hold  that  as  Congress  is 
bound  to  lend  its  protection  when  called  on  to  suppress  do 
mestic  violence,  it  is  their  duty,  in  time  of  peace,  to  provide 
arms,  troops,  and  fortifications  for  that  purpose,  and  to  have 
them  so  distributed  as  to  intimidate  the  slaves  to  obedience. 
If  this  construction  be  correct,  it  is  certainly  one  that  was  not 
foreseen  or  intended  by  the  framers  of  the  Constitution.  If 
it  be  correct,  the  freemen  of  the  North  may  be  taxed  to  erect 
a  fortification  on  every  plantation  south  of  "  Mason  and  Dix- 
on's  line,"  and  to  furnish  a  body-guard  to  every  slaveholder 
and  overseer  in  the  United  States.  Indeed,  such  construction 
would  render  it  the  duty  of  our  freemen  of  the  North  to  go  to 
the  Slave  States  and  act  as  life-guards  to  the  slaveholders. 
But  there  is,  in  this  section,  no  authority  for  the  Federal 
Government  to  act  on  the  subject  until  actual  violence  takes 
place.  The  President  cannot  order  out  the  troops  of  the 
United  States  to  suppress  an  insurrection,  even  when  actual 
violence  has  occurred,  unless  his  aid  be  invoked  by  the  State 
authority.  Every  reader  will  see  that  two  things  are  necessary 
to  authorize  the  President  to  interfere,  — 

i.  There  must  be  actual  violence. 


APPENDIX.  429 

2.  There  must  be  a  demand  of  aid  from  the  Federal 
Government  by  the  State  authorities. 

Without  these  the  President  has  no  power  to  act.  If  vio 
lence  arise,  it  is  the  privilege  of  the  State  Government  to  sup 
press  it,  and  to  enforce  their  own  laws,  if  they  please.  In 
such  case  the  President  has  no  power  to  order  the  troops  of 
the  United  States  into  the  field.  If  the  slaveholders  antici 
pate  violence  from  their  slaves,  they  are  at  full  liberty  to 
remove  all  danger  by  emancipating  them.  But  the  President 
has  no  power  to  send  our  troops  to  the  Slave  States  to  guard 
the  masters  and  overseers  while  they  whip  and  scourge  and 
torture  their  slaves,  to  compel  them  to  labor  for  the  support 
and  to  promote  the  luxury,  of  their  owners.  Yet  such  is, 
substantially,  the  doctrine  avowed  and  inculcated  by  some 
Northern  politicians,  as  well  as  Southern  slaveholders ;  and 
the  question  comes  home  to  our  editors  and  public  men 
whether  such  views  shall  be  pressed  upon  the  public  mind 
without  examination  and  contradiction. 

I  have  now  examined  the  only  clause  in  our  Constitution 
relied  upon  by  those  who  urge  that  slavery  exists  in  the  South 
ern  States  under  the  guarantee  of  our  Federal  compact.  The 
doctrine  has  no  foundation  except  in  the  servile  disposition  of 
those  who  appear  anxious  to  involve  the  people  of  the  Free 
States  in  the  guilt  and  dishonor  of  an  institution  with  which 
we  are  constitutionally  unconnected. 

Mr.  Webster,  probably  without  deliberation  or  close  ex 
amination  of  the  subject,  wrote  his  letter  of  directions  to  Mr. 
Everett,  under  the  dictation  of  a  slaveholding  President, 
giving  to  that  minister  orders  to  exert  our  national  influence 
to  obtain  indemnity  for  the  slave-dealers  who  claimed  the 
cargo  of  the  "  Creole."  In  this  manner  he  involved  the 
people  of  the  Free  States  in  the  disgrace  of  that  accursed 
traffic  in  human  flesh.  Having  done  this,  it  became  neces 
sary  that  he  should  sustain  the  doctrine  in  his  correspondence 
with  Lord  Ashburton.  In  his  letter  addressed  to  that  func 
tionary,  on  the  subject  of  the  "  Creole,"  he  substantially 
declares  the  people  of  the  Free  States  to  be  the  guarantors 
of  slavery  and  the  supporters  of  the  slave-trade,  —  which  they 
execrate  and  detest.  This  saying  of  Mr.  Webster  will  be 
quoted  by  thousands  of  Northern  doughfaces  to  establish 


430  APPENDIX. 

this  unfounded  doctrine.  It  is  believed  that  every  such  effort 
to  commit  us  to  the  support  of  slavery  should  be  promptly 
met  and  exposed  by  our  public  Press.  They  are  attempts  to 
surrender  up  our  constitutional  rights,  and  should  be  discarded 
by  every  friend  of  liberty  and  by  every  lover  of  his  country. 
On  this  point  it  would  seem  that  no  difference  of  sentiment 
could  exist  among  our  people,  whether  they  belong  to  the 
Whig,  the  Democratic,  or  Liberty  party.  All  are  desirous 
that  our  Press  and  public  men  should  speak  forth,  in  plain 
and  respectful  language,  our  constitutional  rights.  They 
neither  wish  nor  desire  that  language  offensive  to  Southern 
men  should  be  employed.  On  the  contrary,  they  would  have 
them  treated  with  respect  and  kindness.  It  is  proper  that  the 
public  mind  should  be  fully  informed  in  regard  to  our  rights, 
and  that  these  rights  should  be  respectfully  and  firmly  main 
tained.  Is  there  a  Whig  who  would  not  do  this?  Is  there  an 
editor  or  elector  in  the  Whig  ranks  who  feels  too  delicate  to 
assert  our  rights,  or  too  patriotic  to  maintain  them?  I  make 
these  remarks  in  consequence  of  the  feeling  so  often  expressed, 
that  the  agitation  of  our  rights  is  impolitic.  The  idea  is  one 
which  should  meet  with  universal  disapprobation.  We  ought 
never  to  remain  silent  when  our  rights  and  interests  are 
invaded. 

Having  examined  the  two  paragraphs  in  our  Constitution 
which  are  quoted  to  prove  that  we  are  involved  in  the  support 
of  slavery,  I  trust  the  reader  will  be  prepared  to  say,  with  me, 
that  the  Federal  Government  and  the  Free  States  have  the 
constitutional  right  to  be  separate  and  totally  exempt  from 
the  support  of  slavery  and  the  slave-trade,  and  that  this  right 
is  as  supreme,  absolute,  and  unconditional  as  is  the  right  of 
the  Slave  States  to  maintain  them. 

In  my  next  I  shall  ask  the  attention  of  my  readers  to  some 
of  the  instances  in  which  their  rights  have  been  invaded. 

PACIFICUS. 


APPENDIX.  43 


NUMBER   IV. 

VIOLATION   OF   THE   CONSTITUTION   FOR  THE   SUPPORT    OF 
SLAVERY. 

MR.  EDITOR,  —  In  my  first  communication  I  stated  that, 
by  our  Federal  Constitution,  the  Free  States  possessed  "  the 
absolute  and  unqualified  right  of  being  exempt  and  entirely 
free  from  the  expense,  the  guilt t  and  the  disgrace  of  slavery 
and  of  the  slave-trade."  To  establish  this  principle  beyond 
all  doubt  or  cavil  has  been  the  object  of  my  second  and  third 
numbers.  Having  thus  disposed  of  that  part  of  my  subject,  I 
shall  now  proceed  to  call  the  attention  of  my  readers  to  some 
few  of  the  instances  in  which  the  people  of  the  Free  States 
have  been  unconstitutionally  involved  in  the  expense  of  that 
institution ;  reserving  for  a  future  number  all  reference  to  the 
guilt  and  disgrace  which  have  been  forced  upon  us  in  order 
to  sustain  and  encourage  slavery. 

This  practice  of  sustaining  slavery  at  the  expense  and  incon 
venience  of  the  people  of  the  Free  States  had  its  origin  in  the 
days  of  our  Revolution.  In  1780,  the  authorities  of  South 
Carolina  sent  a  confidential  agent  to  inform  Congress  that 
their  State  could  furnish  no  troops  to  defend  her  territory 
against  the  British  forces,  as  it  was  necessary  that  her  men 
should  all  remain  at  home  to  defend  their  families  and  friends 
against  their  slaves  in  case  of  insurrection.  (  Vide  Secret  Jour 
nal  of  Congress.)  Under  these  circumstances,  troops  were 
taken  from  the  Northern  States  to  defend  them  against  the 
British,  while  they  defended  themselves  against  their  slaves 
and  compelled  them  to  labor  for  the  benefit  of  their  masters. 
In  this  way  Southern  plantations  were  rendered  productive, 
while  those  of  the  North  were  left  destitute  of  laborers,  and 
the  burden  of  supporting  slavery  was  thrown  almost  entirely 
upon  the  Northern  States.  By  the  subsequent  adoption  of 
the  Constitution,  slavery  was  made  strictly  a  State  institution, 
its  burdens  to  be  borne  by  such  States  as  continued  them ; 
while  those  States  which  preferred  to  do  so,  had  an  equal 
right  to  be  exempt  from  all  its  evils,  by  emancipating  their 


432  APPENDIX. 

slaves.  Yet  the  practice  of  throwing  the  burden  of  support 
ing  slavery  upon  the  nation  at  large,  thereby  involving  the 
Free  States  in  its  expense,  has  continued  down  to  the 
present  day. 

These  burdens  have  been  cast  upon  the  people  of  the  Free 
States,  —  firstly,  by  appropriations  made  by  Congress  for  the 
direct  and  avowed  purpose  of  sustaining  slavery  and  the  slave- 
trade  ;  and,  secondly,  by  such  action  of  the  executive  and 
legislative  branches  of  government  as  was  calculated  eventu 
ally  to  produce  that  effect,  and  in  some  instances  the  refusal 
of  Congress  and  the  Executive  to  act,  lest  such  action  should 
relieve  the  people  of  the  Free  States  from  this  burden. 

To  the  first  branch  of  this  proposition  I  shall  devote  the 
present  number. 

Our  first  treaty,  formed  with  the  Creek  Indians,  was  signed 
Aug.  7,  1790.  It  contained  a  stipulation  on  the  part  of  the 
Indians  to  surrender  up  all  negroes  then  in  their  territory. 

The  same  stipulation  was  contained  in  nearly  all  our  subse 
quent  treaties  with  that  savage  nation.  I  regret  that  the 
limits  prescribed  to  myself  will  not  admit  of  detail,  and  I  will 
here  state  that  if  any  reader  shall  call  for  details  on  any  point 
embraced  in  these  essays,  I  will  most  cheerfully  give  them 
hereafter.  This  covenant  of  the  Indians  to  surrender  up 
negroes  was  connected  with  stipulations  to  perform  other 
acts,  and  the  exact  amount  paid  for  surrendering  negroes 
is  therefore  unknown.  For  the  violation  of  this  clause  of 
the  treaty  we  compelled  them  to  pay  to  the  slaveholders  of 
Georgia,  at  one  time,  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars. 
I  think  it  a  fair  estimate  to  set  down  the  sum  paid  to  that 
nation,  for  the  purpose  of  inducing  them  to  return  fugitive 
slaves,  at  three  hundred  thousand  dollars.  In  our  treaty  with 
the  Florida  Indians,  concluded  at  Camp  Moultrie  in  1823,  we 
agreed  to  pay  them  six  thousand  dollars,  and  an  annuity  of 
five  thousand  dollars  for  twenty  years.  The  Indians,  on  their 
part,  stipulated  "  to  be  active  and  vigilant  in  preventing  fugitive 
slaves  from  passing  through  their  country,  and  in  apprehending 
and  returning  to  their  masters  such  as  should  seek  an  asylum 
among  them''  Official  reports  and  documents,  now  on  file  in 
the  War  Department,  show  beyond  contradiction  that  the 
Florida  War  was  commenced  and  prosecuted  for  the  purpose 


APPENDIX. 


433 


of  regaining  fugitive  slaves,  and  to  prevent  further  escapes  of 
that  class  of  people. 

The  expense  of  this  war  is  estimated  at  forty  millions  of 
dollars. 

After  the  close  of  the  late  war  with  Great  Britain,  our  Gov 
ernment  demanded  of  that  nation  compensation  for  the  own 
ers  for  such  slaves  as  escaped  to  their  army  during  hostilities. 
The  demand  was  resisted,  and  years  of  diplomatic  effort  were 
employed  in  extorting  from  them  the  price  of  liberty  thus 
gained  by  our  fellow-men.  After  much  effort  and  expense 
we  obtained  fourteen  hundred  thousand  dollars  for  the  slave 
holders  ;  but  the  people  of  the  Free  States  were  taxed  to  de 
fray  the  expense  of  obtaining  and  distributing  the  money.  In 
1825,  and  for  many  years  subsequent  to  that  time,  the  efforts 
of  our  Government  were  put  forth  "  to  prevent  the  abolition 
of  slavery  in  the  island  of  Cuba,  lest  the  example  might  affect 
the  institution  in  our  Southern  States."  And  an  agent  was 
sent  there  to  prevent  the  emancipation  of  slaves.  Our  people 
of  the  Free  States  were  thus  involved  in  the  expense  of  oppos 
ing  the  liberty  of  mankind.  In  1818,  General  Jackson  marched 
his  army  into  Florida ;  while  there,  his  soldiers  and  the  follow 
ers  of  his  camp  took  many  slaves  from  the  people  of  that  terri 
tory,  and  the  people  of  the  Free  States  have  been  taxed  to  pay 
for  the  negroes  thus  taken.1  (Vide  documents  on  file  in  the 
office  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.) 

In  1816,  certain  fugitive  slaves  took  refuge  in  the  Territory 
of  Florida  and  erected  a  fort  upon  the  banks  of  the  Appalachi- 
cola  River.  Here  they  made  their  gardens  and  cleared  their 
fields  and  cultivated  their  farms.  General  Jackson  sent  orders 
to  General  Gaines  to  enter  this  territory  of  the  king  of  Spain, 
to  destroy  the  fort,  and  "  to  arrest  and  return  the  fugitive  slaves 

1  In  the  last  clause  of  the  ninth  article  of  our  treaty  with  Spain,  en 
tered  into  in  1820,  the  United  States  agreed  "to  pay  the  Spanish  offi 
cers  and  the  private  Spanish  citizens  for  all  property  lost  by  the  move 
ments  of  the  late  American  army  in  Florida.'"  On  a  reference  of  the 
question  to  the  late  Attorney-General,  Felix  Grundy,  that  officer  gravely 
decided  that  slaves  were  property,  and  he  substantially  decided  also 
that  stealing  negroes  constituted  a  portion  of  the  movements  of  our  late 
army  in  Florida.  Upon  the  authority  of  this  opinion,  Secretary  Wood- 
bury  paid  for  the  negroes,  although  no  other  secretary  had  ever  enter 
tained  such  an  application. 

28 


434  APPENDIX. 

to  their  masters"  A  gunboat  was  despatched  for  the  purpose 
of  effecting  these  objects.  The  fort  was  cannonaded  with  hot 
shot  until  the  magazine  was  blown  up,  and  two  hundred  and 
seventy  men,  women,  and  children  were  instantaneously  mur 
dered  in  cold  blood,  for  no  other  crime  than  that  of  preferring 
liberty  to  slavery.  A  law  was  passed  in  February,  1838,  to  pay 
more  than  five  thousand  dollars  to  the  officers  and  crew,  as  a 
bounty  for  this  destruction  of  our  fellow-beings.  Our  people 
of  Ohio  and  the  other  Free  States  were  thus  involved  in  the 
expense  of  murdering  fugitive  slaves  for  the  benefic  of  that 
institution. 

The  bill  granting  this  sum,  as  a  merited  bounty  for  killing 
slaves,  was  reported  by  the  chairman  *  of  the  Naval  Com 
mittee,  and,  it  is  said,  was  passed  upon  their  authority,  without 
further  examination  in  the  House.  Many  of  the  Slave  States 
have  laws  authorizing  their  officers  to  arrest  and  imprison  free 
colored  persons  who  enter  their  States,  and  to  sell  them  as 
slaves  unless  the  expense  of  imprisoning  them  be  paid.  Many 
free  colored  men,  in  the  employ  of  the  United  States,  have 
been  thus  imprisoned,  and  the  expense  paid  by  Government 
in  order  to  release  them.  (  Vide  reports  of  committees  made 
at  the  last  session  of  Congress.)  Much  expense  has  also 
been  incurred  by  Government  in  sending  detachments  of 
troops  and  of  the  marine  corps  to  intimidate  the  slaves  of 
the  South  to  obedience.  These  instances  have  been  frequent ; 
so  much  so  that  officers  commanding  detachments  do  not 
even  wait  for  orders  from  the  War  Department  to  march  their 
forces  into  any  region  where  appearances  of  insurrection  are 
manifested.2 

Every  reader  is  aware  that  ships  engaged  in  the  slave-trade 
have  been  wrecked  on  or  near  the  British  West  India  islands, 
and  the  slaves,  finding  themselves  at  liberty,  have  refused  to 
return.  Our  Government  has  espoused  the  cause  of  the  slave- 
dealers,  and  for  many  years  has  involved  the  people  of  the 
Free  States  in  the  expense  of  obtaining  from  the  British  Gov 
ernment  remuneration  for  the  loss  which  the  slave-merchants 

1  Hon.  Isaac  Toucey,  a  Democratic  representative  from  Connecticut, 
was  the  author  of  the  bill. 

2  Most  appointments  in  the  army  and  navy  made  by  slaveholding 
Presidents  are  from  the  South. 


APPENDIX.  435 

sustained  by  the  liberation  of  their  slaves.  Thus  have  we  been 
taxed  for  the  support  of  the  slave-trade.  I  need  not  mention 
the  particulars  concerning  the  "Creole;  "  they  will  be  recol 
lected  by  every  reader.  More  than  a  hundred  thousand  dollars 
have  been  appropriated  for  the  erection  of  prisons  in  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia.  These  prisons  have  been,  and  still  are,  used 
by  slave-merchants  to  confine  their  slaves  until  their  cargoes 
or  coffles  for  Southern  markets  are  completed.  In  a  former 
number  I  referred  to  the  fact  that  a  Democratic  Legislature 
of  our  own  State  appropriated  the  money  of  our  fellow-citi 
zens  to  pay  themselves  their  per  diem  while  they  discussed 
the  proper  mode  of  catching  Southern  slaves.  These  are 
some  of  the  instances  in  which  the  people  of  the  Free  States 
have  been  involved  in  the  direct  expense  of  sustaining  and 
supporting  slavery.  The  amount  cannot  be  ascertained  with 
precision.  Many  have  estimated  it  at  one  hundred  million 
dollars,  or  more  than  one  eighth  part  of  the  whole  sum  ex 
pended  by  the  United  States  since  the  adoption  of  our  Fed 
eral  Constitution,  including  the  expense  of  the  late  war  with 
Great  Britain.  They  include  in  such  estimate  the  expense  of 
removing  Southern  Indians,  and  the  amount  paid  for  the  pur 
chase  of  Florida  and  Louisiana.  The  protection  of  slavery 
doubtless  entered  into  and  formed  a  part  of  the  objects  at 
tained  by  these  purchases  and  the  removal  of  the  Indians. 
But  the  writer  is  unwilling  to  bring  forward,  upon  his  own 
responsibility,  any  estimate  that  admits  of  dispute  or  ar 
gument.  The  amount  is  immense  when  viewed  in  the  most 
favorable  light.  Yet  the  abuse  consists  in  the  clear  and  pal 
pable  violation  of  our  constitutional  rights,  rather  than  in  the 
number  of  dollars  and  cents  taken  from  our  pockets  and 
appropriated  to  the  support  of  slavery. 

The  Constitution  has  been  violated,  and  these  violations 
have  become  so  frequent  as  to  create  alarm  among  our  pa 
triots  and  sages.  (  Vide  Mr.  Adams's  late  speech  at  Braintree.) 
The  writer,  however,  considers  the  most  alarming  circum 
stance  to  be  the  perfect  silence  of  our  Northern  Press,  and 
our  Northern  statesmen  and  politicians,  under  the  infliction 
of  those  abuses  and  violations  of  the  Constitution,  and  of 
our  rights  and  interests.  We  have  submitted  to  them  so  long 
and  so  patiently  that  many  of  our  people  begin  to  entertain 


436  APPENDIX. 

the  opinion  that  we  are  constitutionally  bound  to  contribute  a 
portion  of  our  substance,  accumulated  by  our  toil  and  labor, 
to  enable  the  slaveholders  of  the  South  to  keep  their  slaves 
in  subjection.  Sir,  this  supineness  of  the  Northern  Press  and 
Northern  men  is  unworthy  of  the  descendants  of  our  Revolu 
tionary  fathers.  Further  abuses  should  be  resisted.  While 
we  pay  all  possible  deference  to  the  rights  of  the  Slave  States, 
we  surely  ought  to  maintain  our  own.  We  should  stand  upon 
the  strict  line  of  the  Constitution.  We  ought  not  to  permit 
our  Southern  brethren  to  invade  our  rights,  while  we  should 
be  equally  careful  not  to  encroach  upon  theirs. 

PACIFICUS. 


NUMBER  V. 

VIOLATIONS   OF   THE   CONSTITUTION,    CONTINUED. 

MR.  EDITOR,  —  In  my  last  communication  I  referred  to 
some  of  the  instances  in  which  the  money,  collected  from  our 
people  of  the  Free  States,  had  been  appropriated  directly  to  the 
support  of  slavery.  It  is  now  my  purpose  to  refer  to  some 
instances  in  which  the  people  of  the  Free  States  have  been 
compelled  to  suffer  pecuniary  inconveniences  and  loss  for  the 
benefit  of  the  slaveholding  interests  of  the  South. 

It  is  more  than  forty  years  since  the  people  of  Hayti, 
following  the  example  which  we  have  set  them,  achieved  their 
independence  and  established  a  government  of  their  own. 
By  their  acts  of  valor  and  patriotism  they  became  as  much 
entitled  to  a  rank  among  the  governments  of  the  earth  as  we 
did  by  our  Revolution.  This  claim  has  been  acknowledged  by 
France  and  England,  and,  indeed,  so  far  as  I  am  informed, 
by  all  the  civilized  nations  of  the  earth,  except  the  United 
States.  So  far  from  recognizing  the  Government  of  Hayti,  at 
an  early  day  we  passed  a  law  to  suppress  all  commercial  in 
tercourse  between  our  people  and  the  people  of  that  island. 
(  Vide  Act  of  Congress  approved  28th  February,  1806.)  This 
was  done  because  the  people  had,  most  of  them,  been  slaves  ; 
and  it  was  designed  to  withhold  from  them  our  provisions  in 
order  to  bring  upon  them  famine  and  distress,  lest  their 


APPENDIX. 


437 


example  might  induce  the  slaves  in  our  Southern  States  to 
assert  their  liberty.  It  is  true  that  a  hazardous  and  uncertain 
trade  has  existed  between  our  people  of  New  England  and 
those  of  Hayti ;  but  we  have  been  virtually  cut  off  from  the 
profits  and  advantages  of  a  commerce  with  that  island,  for  the 
reason  that  intercourse  with  that  people  might  affect  the  slaves 
of  the  Southern  States  and  render  them  discontented  in  their 
chains  of  bondage.  Most  of  this  time  we  have  been  virtually 
excluded  from  the  commerce  of  the  British  West  India 
Islands.  In  the  mean  time  Hayti  has  offered  to  our  merchants 
golden  temptations  for  their  American  produce.  These 
temptations  they  were  compelled  to  forego,  in  order  that  the 
Southern  slaves  might  be  held  in  ignorance  of  their  rights. 
Our  farmers  of  Ohio  have  been  denied  a  market  for  their 
wheat,  flour,  beef,  pork,  and  other  produce,  in  order  to  main 
tain  such  a  state  of  ignorance  in  the  Slave  States  as  would 
enable  the  masters  to  hold  their  slaves  in  subjection. 

I  have  already  alluded  to  the  fact  that  by  a  law  existing  in 
most  of  the  Slave  States,  colored  seamen,  when  they  arrive  in 
port,  are  liable  to  be  seized  and  imprisoned,  lest  their  presence 
might  create  a  desire  for  liberty  among  the  slaves.  If  the 
persons  thus  imprisoned  are  found  unable  to  pay  the  ex 
travagant  charges  for  their  arrest  and  imprisonment,  they  are 
to  be  sold  into  slavery.  These  proceedings  have  operated 
as  a  tax  upon  the  commerce  of  our  Northern  States.  Thus 
have  our  interests  been  made  to  subserve  the  interests  of 
slavery.  In  this  way  the  Federal  Government  has  extended 
its  fostering  care  over  that  institution,  at  the  expense  of  the 
people  of  the  Free  States.  For  forty  years  we  have  thus  been 
rendered  tributary  to  the  Slave  States.  Our  Government  still 
refuses  to  enter  into  commercial  relations  with  that  of  Hayti, 
and  the  interests  of  our  shipowners,  our  sailors,  our  merchants, 
our  mechanics  and  farmers,  are  depressed  and  discouraged,  in 
order  that  ignorance  and  slavery  may  be  prolonged  in  the 
South.  And  where  are  our  statesmen  or  our  editors,  of  either 
party,  who  boldly  denounce  this  flagrant  abuse  of  Northern 
interests  and  Northern  rights?  Nay,  I  appeal  to  every  think 
ing,  candid  man  to  say  whether  a  frank  and  temperate 
maintenance  of  our  rights  on  this  subject  has  not  been  re 
garded  as  unconstitutional  and  dishonorable  by  a  portion  of 


438  APPENDIX. 

our  people  of  the  North?  So  long,  so  tamely  and  silently, 
have  we  been  accustomed  to  yield  up  our  interests  for  the 
benefits  of  slavery  that  an  open  assertion  of  our  rights,  and 
support  of  our  interests,  is  regarded  with  distrust  and 
jealousy. 

In  1816  our  people  of  the  Free  States  were  deeply  engaged  in 
commerce ;  our  ships  navigated  every  sea ;  our  sailors  were 
numerous ;  our  merchants  were  enjoying  a  profitable  com 
merce  ;  our  farmers  were  encouraged  by  a  ready  market  for 
their  products.  The  war,  then  but  just  closed,  had  left  our 
nation  in  debt ;  a  hundred  millions  of  dollars  were  to  be 
raised,  besides  the  current  expenses  of  government.  Southern 
statesmen  considered  that  the  interests  of  the  slaveholding 
States  would  be  promoted  by  levying  this  vast  sum  upon  the 
commerce  of  the  Free  States.  The  command  was  given  and 
the  blow  was  struck.  Twelve  thousand  seamen  were  turned 
out  of  employ,  commerce  was  crippled,  and  thousands  of  our 
shipowners  and  merchants  were  ruined,  and  the  industry  of 
the  North  was  for  a  season  paralyzed,  for  the  purpose  of 
relieving  the  Slave  States  of  their  due  proportion  of  our  public 
debt  and  the  expenses  of  our  government. 

At  length  our  people  of  the  North  gradually  conformed  to 
the  tariff  of  1816  and  subsequent  amendments.  They  vested 
their  fortunes,  accumulated  by  industry  and  economy,  in  the 
factories  designed  to  supply  our  nation  with  such  fabrics  as 
were  deemed  necessary  to  the  comfort  of  our  people.  Our 
laborers  again  found  employment.  Industry  was  encouraged. 
Our  farmers  of  Ohio  found  a  ready  market  for  their  produce  ; 
prosperity  again  cheered  every  department  of  society  in  the 
Free  States.  Our  public  revenues  were  ample.  Our  national 
debt  was  paid  off,  our  harbor  improvements,  the  improve 
ment  of  our  river  navigation  and  our  Cumberland  road,  were 
going  forward  with  rapidity,  when  the  slaveholding  influence 
became  dissatisfied,  and  threatened  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union.  One  of  the  Slave  States  arrayed  its  military  forces  to 
oppose  this  Northern  prosperity  and  to  reduce  the  Federal 
Government  to  the  necessity  of  changing  its  policy  for  the 
fancied  purpose  of  forcing  prosperity  upon  the  Slave  States,  in 
defiance  of  that  law  of  Providence  which  has  ordained  that  it 
shall  never  result  from  oppression  and  vice.  The  Compromise 


APPENDIX.  439 

Act  of  1833  was  nothing  more  nor  less  than  the  mandate  of 
Southern  statesmen,  by  which  they  directed  that  our  harbor 
and  river  improvements  should  cease ;  that  the  sale  of  Ohio 
wheat,  flour,  pork,  and  beef  in  New  England  should  stop, 
and  that  our  farmers  should  be  deprived  of  a  home  market 
for  their  produce ;  that  the  manufacturers  of  New  England 
should  be  ruined ;  that  hundreds  of  thousands  of  laborers 
should  be  turned  out  of  employment ;  that  the  revenues  of 
government  should  be  struck  down ;  that  a  national  debt 
should  be  incurred,  public  credit  impaired,  and  private  credit 
ruined,  —  for  the  purpose  of  sustaining  and  encouraging  the 
interests  of  the  Slave  States.  The  mandate  was  obeyed,  and 
the  people  of  the  Free  States  have  quietly,  and  almost  silently, 
submitted  to  the  loss  of  untold  millions  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Slave  States.  The  writer  would  not  be  understood  as  saying 
these  are  violations  of  the  Constitution,  but  that  they  were  as 
clearly  violations  of  the  rights  of  the  Free  States  as  were  the 
appropriations  of  money  for  the  express  purpose  of  capturing 
fugitive  slaves.  It  is  thus  that  our  commerce  with  Hayti  has 
been  cut  off,  and  our  domestic  labor  has  been  left  to  compete 
with  the  pauper  labor  of  Europe,  in  order  that  the  interests  of 
the  Slave  States  might  be  protected,  sustained,  and  upheld  at 
the  expense  of  Northern  freemen. 

Under  the  law  distributing  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands 
among  the  several  States,  a  fund  was  provided  by  which  all  our 
Northern  States  would  have  extricated  themselves  from  their 
present  embarrassments,  and  would  have  been  enabled  to 
complete  their  internal  improvements  already  commenced. 
Our  canals  and  railroads  would  have  given  increased  facilities 
to  our  internal  commerce,  stimulated  our  agricultural  and 
mechanical  laborers  to  greater  effort  by  offering  greater  en 
couragement.  They  would  have  aided  and  increased  our 
manufactures.  They  would,  in  a  degree,  have  annihilated 
the  space  which  now  divides  the  people  of  New  England  from 
those  of  our  Western  States  ;  our  associations  would  have  in 
creased  ;  refinement  and  taste  would  have  been  encouraged, 
intelligence  more  rapidly  disseminated,  and  learning  and  sci 
ence  promoted.  These  advantages,  though  highly  desirable 
to  a  free  people,  are  dangerous  to  the  interests  of  slavery, 
which  must  ever  depend  upon  the  ignorance  and  stupidity  of 


440  APPENDIX. 

the  slave  population  in  regard  to  their  rights  and  the  means 
of  regaining  them.  All  these  results  were  clearly  seen  by  that 
influence  which  is  ever  jealous  of  the  progress  of  knowledge, 
which  teaches  man  to  know  the  rights  that  God  has  given  him. 
Their  sacrifice  was  deemed  necessary  to  the  interest  of  slavery. 
A  slaveholding  President  became  the  willing  instrument  by 
which  the  object  was  effected.  Consistency,  self-respect,  rea 
son,  and  the  rights  of  the  Northern  States  presented  but  slight 
obstacles  to  the  attainment  of  his  purpose.  These  advantages 
to  the  Free  States,  increasing  and  expanding  as  we  look  for 
ward  to  coming  time,  were  sacrificed  by  the  Federal  Govern 
ment  for  the  purpose  of  preserving  the  slaveholding  influence 
from  all  hazard.  I  am  aware  that  a  portion  of  our  people  con 
sider  these  subjects  of  but  little  importance.  They  urge  that 
all  encroachments  upon  our  rights  in  favor  of  the  slaveholding 
interests  are  to  be  resisted,  but  deny  that  a  protective  tariff, 
the  distribution  of  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands,  the  im 
provement  of  our  harbors,  our  river  navigation,  or  of  the  Cum 
berland  road,  are  of  such  importance  as  to  require  their  aid 
and  support. 

If  these  important  interests  be  abandoned  by  those  who 
make  the  "  support  of  Northern  rights  "  their  motto,  how  can 
they  expect  the  friends  of  internal  improvements  and  of  the 
tariff  to  unite  with  them  in  matters  which  they  deem  of  far 
less  pecuniary  importance?  If  one  class  of  our  Northern  men 
will  tamely  surrender  our  pecuniary  interests,  may  we  not  ex 
pect  that  another  portion  will  be  as  willing  to  yield  up  our 
honor  to  the  demands  of  the  Southern  States  ?  Is  there  an  in 
dividual  who  is  not  perfectly  conscious  that  such  divisions  must 
prove  destructive  to  our  sectional  rights  ?  If  those  whose  minds 
dwell  mostly  on  the  moral  influences  of  slavery,  and  who  feel 
most  deeply  interested  in  removing  the  moral  desolation  it 
occasions,  abandon  all  support  of  our  pecuniary  interests,  sep 
arate  from  their  political  friends,  and  refuse  to  co-operate  with 
them,  can  they  expect  by  such  separation  to  facilitate  the  ac 
complishment  of  their  own  purposes  ?  Can  any  man  of  reflec 
tion  suppose  that  we  can  extricate  ourselves  from  the  moral 
influence  of  slavery  while  it  continues  to  control  our  pecuniary 
interests  ? 

The  safety  of  the  Free  States  depends  on  preserving  the 


APPENDIX.  441 

Constitution  in  its  purity,  and  in  the  firm  and  temperate  sup 
port  of  all  our  rights.  If  one  of  our  important  rights  suffer, 
all  must  be  affected.  They  will  either  stand  or  fall  together. 
Division  of  our  friends  is  itself  a  sacrifice  of  our  rights.  Union 
of  our  friends  will  secure  our  rights  and  our  interests.  I  am 
aware  that  I  shall  be  charged  with  speaking  mostly  in  regard 
to  the  rights  of  the  North,  while  I  say  but  little  of  those  of  the 
South.  But  I  beg  my  readers  to  understand  that  the  South 
has  not  only  maintained  its  own  rights,  but  they  have  made 
our  rights  subservient  to  their  interests ;  and  it  has  therefore 
become  necessary  that  public  attention  should  be  thus  particu 
larly  called  to  the  support  of  the  interests  and  the  honor  of  the 
Free  States. 

PACIFICUS. 


NUMBER  VI. 

VIOLATIONS   OF   THE    CONSTITUTION,    CONTINUED. 

MR.  EDITOR,  —  Having  in  my  last  two  numbers  made  some 
allusion  to  the  manner  in  which  the  people  of  the  Free  States 
have  been  involved  in  the  pecuniary  expense  of  slavery,  I  will 
now  proceed  to  examine  some  of  the  instances  in  which  we 
have  been  involved  in  the  moral  guilt  of  that  institution. 

By  Act  of  Congress  approved  Feb.  27,  1801,  slavery  and 
the  slave-trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia  were  re-estab 
lished  and  continued.  As  some  diversity  of  opinion  exists  in 
regard  to  the  power  of  Congress  over  the  subject  of  slavery  in 
that  District,  it  may  be  well  to  remark  that  the  States  of  Mary 
land  and  Virginia,  by  deeds  of  cession  bearing  date  in  1800, 
conveyed  the  territory  embraced  within  the  District  of  Colum 
bia  to  the  United  States.  These  deeds  of  cession  each  con 
tained  a  clause  providing  that  the  State  laws  should  continue 
in  force  within  the  territory  ceded,  until  Congress  should  accept 
the  grant.  Congress  accepted  the  grant,  and  from  that 
instant  the  State  laws  ceased  to  have  any  force  or  effect  within 
the  territory.  It  then  came  under  the  control  of  another 
sovereignty,  and  of  course  all  former  laws  must  cease.  When 
I  speak  of  former  State  laws,  I  refer  to  all  statute  or  munici- 


442 


APPENDIX. 


pal  laws,  including  the  laws  of  descent  and  distribution,  and 
the  laws  for  the  collection  of  debts  and  punishing  crimes,  as 
well  as  the  laws  of  slavery  and  the  slave-trade.  All  these  ceased 
to  exist  the  moment  Congress  accepted  the  grants. 

From  that  time  to  this,  there  has  been  no  municipal  law 
in  existence  within  said  District  except  Acts  of  Congress.  In 
order  that  the  people  within  the  District  shall  suffer  no  in 
convenience  for  the  want  of  laws,  Congress  passed  the  Act 
above  referred  to.  By  this  law,  the  statutes  formerly  in  force 
were  re-enacted,  and  became  the  laws  of  Congress,  and  have 
been  in  force  since  that  time.  In  this  way  slavery  was  re 
established,  and  by  virtue  of  this  Act  of  Congress  the  slave- 
trade  is  now  continued  in  the  city  that  bears  the  name  of 
WASHINGTON.  Repeal  that  Act  of  Congress,  and  the  slave- 
trade  will  instantly  be  abolished,  and  slavery  will  be  done 
away  forever.  Congress  refuses  to  repeal  this  law  of  its  own 
enacting,  and  by  such  refusal  upholds  the  slave-trade,  with  all 
its  horrors  and  its  attendant  guilt.  By  virtue  of  this  law, 
parents  are  separated  from  their  children,  husbands  from  their 
wives,  brothers  from  their  sisters,  and,  chained  to  the  coffle  or 
placed  on  board  the  slave-ships,  are  destined  for  a  Southern 
market.  By  virtue  of  this  law  of  Congress,  all  the  ties  of 
domestic  life  are  severed  by  the  mercenary  trader  in  human 
flesh.  Here  the  father,  in  the  presence  of  his  wife  and  chil 
dren,  has  been  known  to  lay  violent  hands  upon  himself,  and 
rush  into  the  presence  of  his  God,  rather  than  meet  the  hor 
rors  of  a  separation  about  to  be  inflicted  upon  him,  under  the 
sanction  of  this  Congressional  slave-code.  Here,  within  the 
walls  of  the  prison,  erected  by  funds  drawn  from  the  people 
of  the  Free  States,  the  mother  has  been  known,  in  the  un 
utterable  anguish  of  her  soul,  to  murder  the  children  of  her 
own  body,  to  prevent  their  otherwise  inevitable  doom  of  being 
exposed  to  a  Southern  slave-market ;  and  with  hands  reeking 
with  the  blood  of  her  offspring,  to  sever  the  thread  of  her 
own  existence,  rather  than  meet  the  tortures  of  that  "  execrable 
commerce,"  now  carried  on  under  the  sanction  of  this  law, 
passed  and  sustained  by  votes  of  Northern  representatives.^ 

Petitions  are  forwarded  every  year  to   Congress,  praying 

1  Every  Democratic  member  from  Ohio  has  for  years  opposed  all 
attempts  to  repeal  this  law  or  to  stop  the  traffic  in  slaves. 


APPENDIX.  443 

that  body  to  repeal  this  law,  and  thereby  release  the  people 
of  the  North  from  the  soul-sickening  guilt  attendant  upon  this 
trade  in  suffering  humanity.  Yet  these  petitions  are  treated 
with  contempt,  and  we  are  compelled  to  continue  involved  in 
this  turpitude,  fearing  that  our  release  from  it  would  affect  the 
interest  of  the  slave-dealers.  To  prevent  our  release  from 
this  guilt,  every  Democratic  member  of  Congress  from  Ohio 
has  for  years  united  his  influence  and  efforts  with  the  slave 
holders  of  the  South.  Indeed,  they  have  stood  before  the 
world  as  "the  Swiss  Guards  "  of  the  slave-dealers,  ready  on 
all  occasions  to  fight  the  battles  of  those  who  follow  a  traffic 
condemned  and  execrated  by  the  civilized  world,  cursed  of 
God  and  hated  by  man.  I  will  not  occupy  time  by  anything 
more  than  a  mere  reference  to  the  fact  that  slavery  and  the 
slave-trade  exist  in  the  Territory  of  Florida  under  the  sanc 
tion  and  approbation  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.1 
In  the  guilt  of  thus  sustaining  and  continuing  the  institution  in 
that  Territory  the  people  of  the  Free  States  are  deeply  in 
volved,  while  their  petitions  to  be  relieved  from  such  guilt  are 
indignantly  scouted  from  the  halls  of  legislation  by  their  ser 
vants  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 

In  a  former  number  I  referred  to  the  fact  that  the  Execu 
tive  of  the  United  States  has  put  forth  our  national  influence 
for  many  years  "  to  prevent  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
Island  of  Cuba"  for  the  reason  that  "the  sudden  emancipa 
tion  of  a  numerous  population  could  not  but  be  very  sensibly 
felt  upon  the  adjacent  shores  of  the  United  States."  2  How 
far  these  efforts  of  our  Government  have  involved  us  in  the 
guilt  of  slavery  and  of  the  slave-trade  as  they  have  been 
carried  on  there  for  the  last  fifteen  years,  I  am  unable  to 
determine.  I  refer  to  facts,  and  leave  them  for  the  con 
sideration  of  the  reader. 

1  Since  the  publication  of  this  article,  an  attempt  has  been  made  in 
Congress  to  disapprove  of  a  Territorial  law  of  Florida  which  authorizes 
the  sale  into  slavery  of  such  free  colored  persons  as  come  into  any 
port  of  that  Territory.     The  law  was  sustained  by  every  Democratic 
member  from   Ohio,  as  well  as  most  of  those  from  the  Free   States, 
whose  constituents  will  thereby  become  liable  to  be  sold  into  intermi 
nable  bondage.     (  Vide  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
3d  of  January,  1842.) 

2  See   letter  of   Mr.  Van  Euren,   Secretary  of   State,  to  Mr.   Van 
Ness,  our  Minister  in  Spain,  Oct.  22,  1829. 


444  APPENDIX. 

The  troops  of  the  United  States  have  often  been  called  on 
to  support  the  institution  of  slavery  by  the  direct  interposition 
of  our  arms.  More  than  five  hundred  slaves  were  captured 
by  our  army  in  Florida,  and  returned  to  a  state  of  interminable 
slavery.  (Vide  Ex.  Doc.  45,  of  last  session  of  Congress.) 
Thus  the  people  of  the  Free  States  have  been  involved  in  ail 
the  guilt  of  enslaving  our  fellow-men  in  order  that  the  slave 
holders  may  have  the  benefit  of  their  labor. 

In  my  fourth  number  I  referred  to  the  manner  in  which  a 
fort  within  the  Territory  of  Florida  was  blown  up,  and  two 
hundred  and  seventy  men,  women,  and  children  were  mur 
dered  by  the  crew  of  a  gunboat  detached  from  our  naval 
force,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  robbing  them  of  their  lives,  for 
no  other  reason  than  that  they  were  unwilling  to  be  robbed  of 
their  liberty.  This  murder,  unparalleled  in  the  history  of  any 
free  and  enlightened  government  on  earth,  was  committed  by 
persons  in  our  employ,  —  by  our  agents,  acting  in  our  name 
and  by  our  authority.  We  were  thus  involved  in  the  guilt  of 
violently  sending  two  hundred  and  seventy  of  our  fellow-be 
ings  to  their  final  doom,  in  order  that  slavery  may  continue 
and  prosper. 

"The  deep  damnation  of  their  taking  off"  rests  upon  us, — 
on  the  people  of  the  Free  States  as  well  as  on  those  of  the 
Slave  States. 

In  the  general  support  which  our  Government  has  given  to 
slavery  they  have  involved  our  people  of  the  Free  States  in 
the  general  guilt  of  that  institution.  The  late  census  has 
given  us  some  interesting  data  by  which  the  number  of  lives 
annually  sacrificed  among  the  slaves  may  be  estimated  with 
an  approximation  to  truth.  It  has  been  said  by  some  intelli 
gent  slaveholders  that  the  most  profitable  time  in  which  "  to 
use  up  a  slave  was  seven  years."  By  this  it  is  understood 
that  the  slaveholder  may  make  more  profit  from  his  slave  by 
driving  him  so  hard  as  to  make  the  average  length  of  life 
among  his  slaves  no  more  than  seven  years  after  they  reach 
maturity.  By  comparing  the  number  of  deaths  between  the 
ages  of  twenty  and  forty,  among  the  slaves  of  the  South  and 
the  laborers  of  the  North,  some  opinion  may  be  formed  as  to 
the  number  of  murders  by  the  abuse  of  slaves  in  the  United 
States.  The  writer  speaks  from  memory  when  he  states  that 


APPENDIX.  445 

such  comparisons  show  that  four  hundred  thousand  human 
lives  have  been  sacrificed  to  the  Moloch  of  slavery  within  the 
United  States  between  1830  and  1840.  In  the  guilt  of  these 
wholesale  murders  the  people  of  the  Free  States  have  been 
involved,  in  just  such  degree  as  they  have  lent  their  influence 
and  aid  in  supporting  that  institution.  Every  man  who  uses 
his  influence  to  withhold  from  our  people  a  knowledge  of 
these  facts,  and  of  their  rights  to  be  exempt  from  this  in 
conceivable  amount  of  guilt,  becomes  accessory  to  the  murders 
thus  committed.  Our  public  men  and  editors  who  endeavor 
to  suppress  the  agitation  of  our  rights  on  this  subject  become 
voluntary  participators  in  shedding  this  river  of  blood,  the 
stains  of  which  centuries  will  not  wash  from  our  national 
escutcheon. 

I  might  refer  to  numerous  instances  in  which  the  people 
of  the  Free  States  have  been  involved  in  the  guilt  of  slavery 
and  the  slave-trade ;  but  I  have  mentioned  enough  to  serve 
as  examples.  My  object  has  been  to  show  my  readers  the 
manner  in  which  their  constitutional  rights  to  remain  free  from 
the  guilt  and  moral  turpitude  of  slavery  have  been  invaded. 
If  the  Federal  Government  had  abolished  slavery  in  every 
State  of  this  Union,  the  outrage  upon  the  Constitution  would 
have  been  no  greater  than  has  been  that  of  involving  the  people 
of  the  Free  States  in  the  base  wickedness  of  slavery  and  of  the 
slave-trade.  Yet,  Mr.  Editor,  our  public  Press  and  public 
men  have  not  only  remained  supinely  inactive  under  these 
positive  violations  of  the  Constitution  and  of  our  rights,  but 
they  have  been  absolutely  silent. 

One  of  our  great  political  parties  has  constantly  aided  in  the 
perpetration  of  those  outrages  upon  the  people,  while  it  must 
be  acknowledged  that  the  other  has  exhibited  entirely  too 
much  insensibility  to  our  wrongs ;  although  their  votes  and 
acts,  for  some  years  past,  have  demonstrated  to  the  world  an 
unwillingness  entirely  to  yield  up  our  blood-bought  privileges. 
This  servile  yielding  up  of  the  Constitution,  as  well  as  the 
rights  and  interests  of  the  Free  States,  will  gain  no  favor  among 
the  people  for  either  party.  No  Southern  patriot 'will  demand 
it;  no  Northern  patriot  will  silently  submit  to  it.  If  our 
Union  be  maintained,  it  will  be  by  supporting  the  Constitu 
tion,  not  by  violating  it.  By  maintaining  the  rights  both  of 


446  APPENDIX. 

the  North  and  of  the  South,  not  by  trampling  upon  those 
of  either  section.  The  South  must  be  permitted  to  maintain 
their  slavery  while  they  wish  to  do  so ;  the  North  must  be 
permitted  to  enjoy  its  freedom  uncontaminated  and  unpol 
luted  by  the  guilt  of  slavery.  The  political  party  that  throws 
its  influence  into  the  support  of  all  these  rights  will  be  sus 
tained  by  the  people ;  while  the  party  that  either  invades  the 
rights  of  the  South,  or  supinely  surrenders  up  those  of  the 
North,  will  be  found  wanting,  when  weighed  in  the  balance 
of  public  sentiment. 

PACIFICUS. 


NUMBER  VII. 

VIOLATIONS   OF   THE    CONSTITUTION,   CONTINUED. 

MR.  EDITOR,  —  I  proceed  to  notice  briefly  some  of  the 
instances  in  which  the  people  of  the  Free  States  have  been 
involved  in  the  disgrace  of  slavery.  In  my  first  number  I 
alluded  to  the  unanimous  declaration  by  these  States  of  the 
self -evident  truth  "  THAT  MAN  is  BORN  FREE,  AND  is  ENDOWED 

BY  HIS  CREATOR  WITH  THE  INALIENABLE  RIGHT  OF  LIFE,  LIB 
ERTY,  AND  THE  PURSUIT  OF  HAPPINESS."  Every  act  of  our 
Federal  Government  which  denies  to  our  fellow-men  these 
rights,  exhibits  to  the  world  an  inconsistency,  and  renders  us 
obnoxious  to  the  charge  of  hypocrisy.  The  first  act  of  gross 
inconsistency  on  the  part  of  the  Federal  Government  was  the 
Act  of  Congress,  approved  27th  February,  1801,  by  which 
slavery  and  the  slave-trade  were  re-established,  continued,  and 
are  now  supported  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  Under  that 
law  the  people  of  the  Free  States  have  for  forty  years  been  in 
volved  in  the  disgrace  of  the  slave-trade,  which,  during  that 
period,  has  been  carried  on  in  the  city  of  Washington. 

At  an  early  day  it  was  found  that  the  slaves  of  the  South 
escaped  to  the  British  West  India  Islands,  to  Mexico,  and  to 
Canada.  Our  Government  espoused  the  cause  of  the  slave 
holders,  and  opened  a  correspondence  with  Great  Britain  and 
Mexico,  in  order  to  obtain  an  arrangement  with  those  Govern 
ments  for  the  return  of  such  slaves  ;  thus  endeavoring  to  make 


APPENDIX.  447 

the  Federal  Government  and  the  Free  States  the  protectors  of 
slavery,  and  holding  out  to  the  world  that  it  was  a  national 
institution,  in  palpable  violation  of  the  Constitution  and  of 
every  dictate  of  justice.  In  1835  tne  people  of  Florida  sent 
a  representation  to  General  Jackson  that  the  slaves  of  that 
Territory  and  of  the  adjoining  States  were  in  the  habit  of  flee 
ing  from  their  masters  and  taking  refuge  with  the  Seminole 
Indians.  Our  troops,  paid  by  the  Federal  Government  in 
money  drawn  from  the  people  of  the  North,  were  ordered 
there,  and  were  literally  made  the  catchpolls  of  slave 
holders,  —  thus  making  the  capture  of  fugitive  slaves  the  busi 
ness  of  the  nation,  and  involving  the  people  of  the  Free  States 
in  its  disgrace.  I  mentioned  in  a  former  number  the  fact 
that,  by  order  of  the  War  Department,  a  gunboat  went  up 
the  Appalachicola  River  for  the  purpose  of  destroying  a  fort 
in  which  fugitive  slaves  had  taken  refuge,  and  that  two  hun 
dred  and  seventy  human  beings  were  murdered  in  cold  blood 
by  the  agents  of  our  Government,  paid  by  the  freemen  of  the 
North. 

In  this  extraordinary  transaction  our  people  of  the  Free 
States  were  involved  in  the  disgrace  of  murdering  fugitive 
slaves. 

The  efforts  which  our  Government  put  forth  to  obtain  in 
demnity  for  the  owners  of  slaves  who  escaped  to  the  British 
army  during  the  late  war,  led  that  nation  and  the  civilized 
world  to  believe  that  slavery  was  a  national  institution,  sus 
tained  by  the  Free  States  as  well  as  the  Slave  States ;  and  we 
were  consequently  involved  in  all  the  odium  of  slavery.  The 
exertions  of  our  Government  to  prevent  the  abolition  of  slavery 
in  Cuba,  and  thus  to  stop  the  progress  of  human  liberty,  in 
volved  the  people  of  the  Free  States  in  all  the  disgrace  attached 
to  that  extraordinary  transaction.  The  spirited  manner  in 
which  our  Government  espoused  the  cause  of  the  slave-deal 
ers  who  owned  the  cargoes  of  the  "  Comet  "  and  "  Encomium  " 
brought  upon  the  people  of  the  Free  States  all  the  ignominy 
attached  to  the  supporters  of  the  slave-trade. 

But  the  honor  of  the  Free  States  has  suffered  most  deeply 
from  the  restraints  placed  upon  our  people  by  the  force  of 
public  sentiment  among  ourselves.  This  state  of  public  opin 
ion  originated  in  the  patriotism  of  the  Northern  States.  Prior 


448  APPENDIX. 

to  the  formation  of  our  Constitution,  our  people  felt  the  abso 
lute  necessity  of  a  confederate  government,  with  more  ample 
powers  than  existed  under  the  old  Confederation.  To  obtain 
this,  they  were  ready  and  willing  to  make  sacrifices.  Georgia 
and  South  Carolina  would  not  adopt  the  Constitution  unless 
they  were  permitted  to  follow  the  slave-trade  for  twenty  years  ; 
to  this  the  Northern  States  reluctantly  consented,  in  order  to 
bring  them  into  the  Union.  The  North  also  consented  to 
permit  the  South  to  be  represented  in  Congress  in  proportion 
to  the  number  of  their  slaves,  and  to  pursue  their  fugitive 
slaves  into  the  Free  States,  and  arrest  and  carry  them  back. 
These  concessions  were  sacrifices  of  Northern  sentiments  and 
Northern  interests,  made  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  a  more 
efficient  government,  in  order  to  strengthen  and  perpetuate 
the  institutions  of  our  country.  In  this  manner  the  Constitu 
tion  was  purchased  by  the  Free  States.  Since  the  adoption  of 
the  Constitution,  we  have  been  constantly  called  on  to  make 
further  sacrifices  to  purchase  its  continuance.  Thus,  in  1820, 
the  Slave  States  demanded  an  extension  of  the  slaveholding 
influence,  by  the  admission  of  Missouri  as  a  Slave  State,  in 
order  to  check  the  increasing  preponderance  of  the  Free  States. 
The  Free  States  objected.  The  South  threatened  an  immedi 
ate  dissolution  of  the  Union  unless  their  demands  were  com 
plied  with.  The  North  submitted  for  the  purpose  of  preserv 
ing  the  Union.  The  sacrifice  was  declared  an  act  of  patriotism, 
and  an  example  worthy  to  be  imitated  by  statesmen  and  poli 
ticians.  In  1833,  South  Carolina  demanded  a  surrender  of  the 
tariff,  and  distinctly  informed  us  that  unless  her  demands  were 
complied  with  she  would  dissolve  the  Union.  The  statesmen 
of  the  Free  States  hesitated,  trembled,  and  submitted.  The 
tariff  was  repealed,  and  the  interests  of  the  Free  States  yielded 
up  in  order  to  purchase  a  continuance  of  the  Union.  The  act 
is  yet  quoted  by  some  as  an  example  of  patriotism  on  the  part 
of  the  Free  States.  Our  Press,  our  statesmen  and  politicians 
treated  it  as  such ;  and  our  people  were  thus  led  to  believe 
that  the  sacrifice  of  Northern  rights  to  the  interest  of  the 
Slave  States  was,  in  fact,  a  duty  and  a  virtue. 

Whenever  the  interests  of  the  North  and  the  South  came 
in  conflict,  Southern  members  were,  for  more  than  a  quarter  of 
a  century,  in  the  habit  of  threatening  "  a  dissolution  of  the 


APPENDIX.  449 

Union/'  as  the  most  effectual  argument  in  favor  of  their  meas 
ures  ;  and  it  seldom  failed  to  convince  their  opponents.  This 
practice  became  so  common  that  dictation  appears  to  have 
been  regarded  as  the  right  of  the  South,  and  submission  was 
looked  upon  as  the  duty  of  the  North.  This  feeling  prevailed 
so  long  and  to  such  an  extent  that  any  deviation  from  the 
accustomed  submission  was  regarded  as  suspicious. 

In  our  circles  at  home  the  agitation  of  any  question  which 
embraced  the  institution  of  slavery  or  the  slave-trade  was  usu 
ally  denounced  as  abolition ;  and  without  further  examination 
was  regarded  as  dishonorable  to  him  who  proposed  it.  Our 
public  men  became  unwilling  to  raise  any  question  that  should 
affect  slavery,  lest  they  should  thereby  jeopardize  their  political 
standing ;  and  the  public  Press  discouraged  every  attempt  to 
assert  the  rights  of  the  Free  States  in  opposition  to  the  interests 
of  the  South.  To  support  slavery  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to 
suppress  all  knowledge  of  human  rights  among  those  held  in 
bondage. 

To  the  suppression  of  such  knowledge  our  people  of  the 
Free  States  became  accessory.  In  doing  this,  our  own  rights 
were  lost  sight  of;  we  saw  our  money  taken  from  our  pockets 
and  appropriated  to  the  recapture,  and  even  to  the  murder,  of 
fugitive  slaves,  and  were  silent  under  the  outrage.  The  spirit 
of  independence  and  honor  seemed  to  have  fled  from  our 
people.  We  saw  our  Presidents,  our  heads  of  departments, 
our  Speakers  of  the  House  of  Representatives  and  of  the 
Senate,  our  foreign  ministers,  our  officers  in  the  army  and 
navy,  mostly  taken  from  the  Slave  States,  and  we  meekly  sub 
mitted  to  the  abuse.  We  saw  our  respectful  petitions  to  Con 
gress  treated  with  contempt ;  and  our  citizens,  who  dared  thus 
to  approach  their  servants,  were  insulted  and  abused  by  the 
supercilious  advocates  of  slavery ;  while  scarcely  a  solitary 
voice  was  heard  in  defence  of  Northern  honor.  Even  such  as 
dared  to  stand  forth  in  defence  of  our  rights  and  interests  were 
generally  condemned  by  the  Press  or  "damned  with  faint 
praise."  This  was  the  point  of  our  lowest  degradation.  His 
tory  will  mark  the  commencement  of  1842  as  the  period  of 
the  deepest  humiliation  of  the  Free  States.  It  was  the  time 
when  the  slave-power  ruled  triumphant,  and,  untrammelled 
by  the  Constutition,  held  the  freemen  of  the  North  in  almost 

29 


450  APPENDIX. 

willing  subjection  to  its  dictates  ;  when  the  rights,  the  interests, 
and  the  honor  of  the  Free  States  were  regarded  as  of  little  im 
portance,  except  as  a  means  of  promoting  the  interests  of  the 
Slave  States.  At  this  period,  when  all  hope  of  supporting  the 
rights  of  the  North  appeared  about  to  expire,  a  most  import 
ant  incident  transpired  in  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States.  John  Quincy  Adams  presented  a  petition  to 
dissolve  the  Union.  I  say  nothing  in  favor  of  this  petition  ;  it 
was,  however,  a  request  that  Congress  would  carry  into  effect 
the  threats  which  for  twenty-five  years  had  been  put  forth  by 
Southern  statesmen.  It  was  a  request  that  those  States  which 
had  assumed  to  themselves  the  control  of  the  Federal  Govern 
ment  might  be  left  to  take  care  of  and  protect  themselves. 
The  proposition  horrified  those  who  had  so  often  menaced  us 
with  the  consequences  now  prayed  for  by  Northern  men. 

The  effect  produced  by  this  petition  was  most  important. 
Southern  statesmen  exhibited  to  the  world  a  consciousness  of 
their  entire  dependence  upon  the  Free  States.  It  was  distinctly 
avowed  by  one  of  their  ablest  and  most  influential  members 
that  "  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  would  be  the  dissolution  of 
slavery"  It  showed  to  the  people  of  the  Free  States  and  to 
the  world  that  our  institutions  and  national  independence  must 
ever  depend  upon  Northern  freemen  for  support.  From  this 
moment  Northern  men  felt  more  conscious  of  their  power, 
and  of  the  importance  of  our  free  institutions  of  the  North. 
The  sceptre  of  power  then  departed  from  the  South,  and  must 
hereafter  be  swayed  by  the  North,  if  our  people  prove  them 
selves  worthy  of  the  high  trust  reposed  in  them.  It  is  true, 
great  efforts  were  subsequently  made,  and  will  continue  to  be 
made,  by  members  from  the  Slave  States,  assisted  by  Northern 
Democrats,  to  stop  the  wheels  of  that  revolution  in  the  public 
mind  which  originated  in  the  attempt  to  censure  the  vener 
able  Adams.  But  their  efforts  have  only  served  to  awaken  our 
people  more  fully  to  the  maintenance  of  our  rights. 

PACIFICUS. 


APPENDIX.  45 1 


NUMBER  VIII. 

THE   REMEDY. 

MR.  EDITOR,  —  I  have  now  stated,  generally,  the  constitu 
tional  rights  of  the  people  of  the  Free  States  concerning  sla 
very,  and  have  referred  to  some  of  the  most  prominent  abuses 
to  which  those  rights  have  been  subjected.  It  remains  for  me 
to  call  the  attention  of  my  readers  to  the  remedy.  But  this  will 
at  once  suggest  itself  to  the  mind  of  every  reader,  and  each 
will  say  that  our  remedy  consists  in  a  united  vindication  of  our 
rights ;  that  the  real  difficulty  consists  in  our  divisions,  and 
our  first  efforts  should  be  to  unite  the  friends  of  Northern 
rights.  In  order  to  do  this  we  must  search  out  the  cause  of 
our  division,  and  understand  distinctly  the  point  on  which  we 
separated.  If  I  understand  our  Liberty  men,  they  are  anxious 
to  maintain  the  rights  of  the  Free  States,  and  they  ask  for 
nothing  more.  I  speak  upon  the  authority  of  many  leading 
men  of  that  party.  I  have  never  met  with  an  intelligent  man 
who  asked  or  demanded  anything  more  than  this ;  yet  they 
say  "  the  Whigs  have  neglected  a  portion  of  our  most  impor 
tant  rights,"  and  they  feel  it  their  duty  to  separate  from  them 
and  to  form  a  distinct  party,  whose  principal  efforts  are  to  be 
directed  to  the  maintenance  of  such  of  our  rights  as  have  been 
neglected  by  the  Whigs. 

It  was  not  my  intention  when  I  commenced  these  essays 
to  throw  censure  upon  any  class  of  men,  nor  is  such  my  pres 
ent  object ;  I  may,  however,  be  permitted  to  say  that  I  think 
our  Liberty  friends  did  not  well  "  define  their  position  "  before 
they  separated  from  us.  For  the  correctness  of  this  remark  I 
will  refer  to  the  recollection  of  the  great  mass  of  our  people 
of  all  parties.  At  the  time  of  separating  from  us  they  had  not 
clearly  set  forth  to  the  world  our  rights,  which  had  been  tram 
pled  upon ;  nor  did  they  state  with  perspicuity  the  abuses 
which  they  sought  to  correct.  Neither  did  they  definitely 
mark  the  boundaries  and  limit  the  extent  of  the  political  re 
form  which  they  were  endeavoring  to  effect.  On  the  contrary, 
there  was  a  degree  of  obscurity  pervading  their  objects.  They 


452  APPENDIX. 

professed  opposition  to  slavery,  and  left  the  public  to  infer  a 
design  to  invade  the  privileges  of  the  Slave  States,  instead  of 
maintaining  our  own.  This  idea  has  rested  in  the  minds  of  a 
large  portion  of  our  people  both  in  the  Free  and  in  the  Slave 
States.  It  is  true  the  charge  was  often  denied,  and  it  is 
equally  true  that  the  denial  was  not  carried  home  to  the 
minds  of  the  great  mass  of  our  people,  many  of  whom  to 
this  day  really  believe  the  object  of  the  Liberty  party  to  be 
an  unconstitutional  interference  with  the  privileges  of  the 
Slave  States.  But  so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  learn  their 
motives  and  to  analyze  their  views,  I  understand  them  to  be 
simply  the  preservation  of  our  own  rights ;  the  repeal  of  all 
Acts  of  Congress  passed  for  the  support  of  slavery  or  the 
slave-trade ;  to  separate  the  Federal  Government  and  the 
Free  States  from  all  unconstitutional  connection  with  that 
institution  ;  and  to  leave  it  with  the  individual  States  where 
the  Constitution  placed  it.  This  I  believe  to  be  the  boun 
dary  and  farthest  extent  of  their  political  intentions.  If  they 
entertain  any  other  or  farther  views,  I  hope  Judge  King  (the 
candidate  of  the  Liberty  party  for  Governor  of  Ohio)  will 
state  to  your  readers,  through  the  "  Chronicle,"  the  point  on 
which  I  have  failed  to  express  their  objects.  I  hope  also  that 
the  editors  of  the  "Philanthropist"  and  "Emancipator"  will, 
through  their  respective  papers,  set  forth  definitely  any  error 
into  which  I  may  have  fallen  in  regard  to  the  designs  and 
objects  of  their  party. 

But  for  the  present,  taking  these  to  be  the  definite  limits 
to  which  they  aspire,  I  will  respectfully  ask  the  Whigs,  as  a 
party,  and  the  Liberty  men  as  a  party,  to  show  me  the  line  of 
demarcation  between  them?  Is  there  an  individual  in  the 
whole  Whig  party  of  Ohio,  or  in  the  Free  States,  that  is  will 
ing  to  surrender  a  single  right  of  our  people?  If  there  be  such 
a  Whig,  I  have  not  met  him.  If  there  be  a  Whig  editor  north 
of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line  who  is  willing  to  yield  up  any  of 
the  constitutional  rights  of  the  Free  States,  I  hope  he  will  favor 
the  country  with  his  views,  and  that  he  will  inform  us  dis 
tinctly  which  part  of  the  Constitution  we  ought  first  to  surren 
der.  I  speak  with  great  confidence  when  I  say  that  I  believe 
no  such  man  can  be  found.  Let  the  rights  of  the  people  of 
the  Free  States  in  regard  to  slavery  be  fairly  and  distinctly 


APPENDIX.  453 

pointed  out,  and  there  will  be  no  want  of  firmness  nor  of 
patriotism  to  maintain  them.  It  is  true,  however,  that  many 
Whigs  have  and  still  do  oppose  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia  ;  but  they  will  assign  to  you  as  the  reason 
that  Congress  has  not  the  constitutional  power  to  abolish  it. 
If  you  then  ask  them  if  they  are  willing  that  Congress  should 
repeal  its  own  laws,  for  the  support  of  slavery  and  the  slave- 
trade  in  that  District,  they  will  at  once  answer  you  in  the  af 
firmative.  If  you  inquire  whether  they  are  willing  to  lend 
their  influence  or  their  property  to  support  slavery,  they  will 
answer  you  they  detest  the  institution.  If  you  interrogate 
them  in  regard  to  any  other  rights  of  the  North,  they  will 
unhesitatingly  assure  you  of  their  determination  to  sustain 
them. 

If,  then,  our  Whigs  are  willing  to  sustain  all  our  rights,  and 
our  Liberty  men  have  no  further  objects  in  view  than  the  sup 
port  of  such  rights,  the  question  at  once  suggests  itself,  Why 
do  they  divide?  What  principle  separates  them  from  each 
other?  And  it  is  a  question  of  high  and  solemn  import, 
which  the  writer  would  repeat  in  the  ear  of  every  Whig, 
every  anti-slavery  man,  and  of  every  lover  of  our  free  in 
stitutions,  Why  do  you  divide  your  political  influence,  and 
prostrate  your  political  energies,  while  you  agree  in  principle 
and  are  laboring  for  the  same  objects  ? 

We  have  the  same  interests  to  watch  over,  the  same  rights 
to  maintain,  and  the  same  honor  to  protect.  All  these  must 
receive  our  attention,  or  be  left  to  those  who  as  a  party  have 
uniformly  lent  themselves  to  the  slaveholding  influence.  If 
we  forget  those  rights,  and  spend  our  efforts  in  unmeaning 
contentions  and  useless  quarrels  with  each  other,  will  not  our 
country  hold  us  responsible  ?  Our  interests  have  been  sacri 
ficed,  our  rights  have  been  trampled  upon,  our  State  has  been 
disgraced,  as  I  have  heretofore  shown.  Yet  we  have  divided 
our  efforts,  and  separated  from  our  political  associates,  and 
delivered  the  honor  of  our  State  to  the  keeping  of  a  party  who, 
forgetful  of  the  dignity  of  freemen,  have  shown  themselves 
willing  to  become  the  catchers  of  slaves •,  and  to  degrade  them 
selves  and  their  State  by  legislating  for  the  sole  purpose  of 
robbing  their  fellow-men  of  that  liberty  with  which  the  God  of 
Nature  has  endowed  them.  But  I  desire  to  examine  a  little 


454  APPENDIX. 

further  the  cause  of  our  separation  at  the  late  election.  The 
Whigs  supported  our  tariff,  our  harbor  improvements,  the  dis 
tribution  of  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands,  with  zeal  and 
constancy.  But  our  commerce  with  Hayti,  the  right  of  peti 
tion,  the  slave-trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  received  from 
them,  generally,  much  less  attention,  although  they  were  not 
neglected  by  a  portion  of  that  party.  These  latter  subjects 
were  deemed  of  paramount  importance  by  a  portion  of  our 
political  friends ;  on  these  they  bestowed  their  principal 
thoughts,  and  treated  the  others  with  comparatively  little  at 
tention.  In  this  manner  each  party  felt  that  they  were  exerting 
their  efforts  upon  subjects  of  vital  interest  to  our  country,  and 
each  considered  the  other  as  laboring  in  behalf  of  interests 
that  were  not  worthy  of  the  attention  paid  to  them. 

In  this  way  each  party  became  dissatisfied  with  the  other. 
Here,  then,  is  the  precise  point  of  division  among  our 
friends,  —  not  because  either  did  wrong,  but  because  each 
felt  that  the  other  was  not  sufficiently  zealous  in  supporting 
all  their  interests.  The  division  did  not  arise  from  any  politi 
cal  sin  of  commission,  but  for  omitting  some  part  of  our  duties. 
The  Democratic  party  has  violently  opposed  those  rights  which 
Liberty  men  deemed  sacred.  The  Whigs  were  lukewarm  in 
supporting  them,  and  on  this  account  our  Liberty  friends  with 
drew  from  us,  and  thereby  delivered  over  our  interests  to  the 
disposal  of  those  whose  bitterness  against  the  rights  of  man 
can  scarcely  find  utterance  in  our  language.1  Having  thus 
ascertained  the  cause  and  the  precise  point  of  our  separation, 
the  remedy  is  plain.  It  consists  simply  in  doing  our  duty,  —  in 
maintaining  our  rights  and  interests  and  firmly  resisting  all 
abuses,  in  placing  ourselves  upon  the  exact  line  of  the 
Constitution,  and  temperately,  but  resolutely,  opposing  all 
encroachments  upon  our  interests,  our  honor,  or  our  con 
stitutional  privileges. 

I  am  aware  that  many  of  our  editors  and  public  men  fear 
that  the  assertion  and  maintenance  of  our  rights  in  regard  to 
slavery  would  drive  from  us  our  Whig  friends  in  the  Slave 
States.  If  these  fears  were  well  grounded,  they  would  form 
no  good  reason  why  we  should  surrender  our  constitutional 
rights  in  order  to  purchase  their  adherence.  This  is  the 
1  Vide  the  late  number  of  the  "  Ohio  Statesmen." 


APPENDIX.  45  5 

policy  of  the  opposite  party.  They  appear  anxious  to  sur 
render  up  our  rights,  our  interests,  and  our  honor  for  the  pur 
chase  of  Southern  votes.  If  the  Whigs  attempt  to  rival  that 
party  in  servility,  they  must  fail.  The  independent  spirit,  the 
high  sense  of  honor,  the  patriotic  sentiment  of  our  Whigs,  will 
not  permit  them  to  become  subservient  to  the  slaveholding 
interest.  But  the  argument  is  not  well  founded.  Our  South 
ern  Whigs  are  generally  men  of  liberal  and  patriotic  senti 
ments.  They  will  not  ask  of  us  the  sacrifice  of  our  constitu 
tional  rights.  On  the  contrary,  they  will  be  as  willing  to  grant 
us  the  enjoyment  of  all  our  rights  as  to  demand  the  en 
joyment  of  all  their  own.  If  they  are  not  such  men,  they  are 
unfit  to  be  the  associates  of  Northern  Whigs.  It  is,  however, 
true  that  they,  as  well  as  Northern  men,  have  not  heretofore 
fully  understood  our  rights,  for  the  reason  that  we  ourselves 
dared  not  assert  them  ,  and  they,  as  well  as  Northern  men,  have 
unconsciously  voted  and  acted  in  opposition  to  the  rights  of 
the  Free  States,  under  the  impression  that  they  were  sustaining 
the  Constitution.  But  when  the  attention  of  our  Southern 
and  Northern  W7higs  shall  be  directed  to  this  subject,  when 
they  shall  have  fully  investigated  it,  and  shall  understand  the 
constitutional  limits  of  slavery,  I  apprehend  there  will  be  no 
difference  between  them.  It  is,  therefore,  all  important  that 
public  attention  should  be  directed  to  this  matter.  Indeed, 
intelligence  in  regard  to  Northern  rights  cannot  be  longer  sup 
pressed.  A  spirit  of  inquiry  is  abroad  among  the  people,  and 
it  is  increasing  daily,  and  becoming  stronger  and  stronger. 

A  marked  and  palpable  change  has  taken  place  in  the  pub 
lic  mind  within  the  past  year.  In  February  last  almost  the 
entire  Press  united  in  the  opinion  that  we  were  bound  to  sup 
port  the  coastwise  slave-trade  of  the  South.  At  this  time  who 
is  willing  to  hazard  his  reputation  by  advocating  such  doctrine  ? 
Yet,  with  such  examples  before  us,  a  portion  of  our  Press  and 
of  our  public  men  exhibit  much  timidity  as  to  asserting  and 
maintaining  our  constitutional  rights.  So  long  have  the  peo 
ple  of  the  North  been  accustomed  to  silent  submission  when 
our  rights  have  been  invaded  that  many  of  our  editors,  our 
statesmen  and  politicians,  still  appear  to  doubt  the  safety  of 
an  open,  frank,  and  manly  defence  of  our  interests  and  our 
honor.  It  however  needs  no  spirit  of  prophecy  to  foretell 


456  APPENDIX. 

the  downfall  of  any  party  which  has  not  the  moral  and  politi 
cal  courage  to  maintain  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  North. 
If  the  Whigs  come  forth  to  the  defence  of  these  interests  and 
maintenance  of  these  rights,  their  success  is  not  less  certain 
than  the  continuance  of  time  ;  and  if  the  opposite  party  con 
tinue  to  oppose  these  rights  and  interests,  their  defeat  is 
inevitable. 

PACIFICUS. 


NUMBER   IX. 

EJECTIONS    ANSWERED. 

MR.  EDITOR,  —  In  this,  my  closing  number,  it  is  my  inten 
tion  to  answer  some  objections  that  have  been  urged  against 
a  union  of  the  friends  of  Northern  rights.  The  first  and 
most  important  objection  urged  by  the  "Liberty  men"  is, 
that  "  Henry  Clay  is  the  Whig  candidate  for  President,  and 
they  cannot  vote  for  him  because  he  is  a  slaveholder."  My 
first  answer  to  this  objection  is  that  Mr.  Clay  is  not  the  candidate 
of  the  Whig  party  at  present ;  and  whether  he  will  be  is  quite 
uncertain.  Nor  can  I  admit  it  to  be  good  or  sound  policy  for 
me  to  withdraw  from  the  support  of  good  men,  at  this  time,  for 
the  reason  that  I  think  a  bad  man  may  be  a  candidate  two 
years  hence  for  another  office.  Again,  should  Mr.  Clay  die 
before  the  next  Presidential  election,  or  should  he  not  be  a 
candidate,  how  can  they  justify  their  withdrawal  at  the  late 
election  from  the  support  of  men  who  openly  avow  and  sup 
port  every  principle  which  they  do  themselves?  My  next 
answer  is  that  Mr.  Clay,  under  the  laws  of  Kentucky,  is  per 
mitted  to  hold  slaves.  By  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  that  is  made  no  disqualification  for  office.  It  is  an 
objection  unknown  to  the  Constitution,  and  we  ought  to  be 
careful  how  we  attempt  innovations  upon  that  instrument,  un 
less  they  be  made  in  the  mode  pointed  out  for  its  amendment. 

The  first  President  under  the  Constitution  was  a  slave 
holder;  and  the  slaveholders  of  those  States  have  an  equal 
right  to  hold  office  that  gentlemen  who  reside  in  the  Free 


APPENDIX.  457 

States  have.  For  us,  at  this  day,  to  establish  such  a  rule  as  a 
test  for  office  would  be  a  violation  of  the  rights  of  the  people 
of  the  Slave  States.  This  is,  in  my  opinion,  highly  objection 
able.  It  would  show  us  willing  to  invade  their  rights,  while 
we  profess  to  maintain  our  own.  This  would  be  inconsistent. 
Our  inquiry  should  be,  Will  he  maintain  the  Constitution,  and 
will  he  support  the  constitutional  rights  of  all  parts  of  the 
Union  ?  If  we  are  satisfied  that  he  will  do  this,  we  ought  not 
to  throw  away  our  political  influence,  and  suffer  our  interests, 
our  honor,  and  our  constitutional  rights  to  be  trampled  under 
foot  by  a  party  who  appear  anxious  to  bring  us  under  the  sub 
jection  of  the  South.  I  would,  in  all  candor,  ask  our  Liberty 
men  whether  they  would  not  prefer  the  support  of  our  rights 
by  a  slaveholding  President  rather  than  their  destruction  by 
"a  Northern  man  with  Southern  principles"?  I  certainly 
prefer  that  our  candidates  should  not  be  slaveholders ;  for 
I  believe  slaveholding,  even  in  a  Slave  State,  to  be  immoral 
and  wrong,  and  must  detract  from  the  moral  character  of  those 
who  practise  it.  Like  all  other  vices,  it  should  have  its  due 
weight  in  our  estimate  of  character ;  but  it  is  entitled  to  noth 
ing  more.  Should  Mr.  Clay  or  his  friends  satisfy  me  that, 
if  elected  President,  he  will,  in  good  faith,  support  all  these 
rights  to  which  I  have  alluded,  and  which  have  been  so  often 
and  so  long  trampled  upon,  and  he  be  the  only  candidate 
who,  in  my  opinion,  will  sustain  those  rights,  and  who  at  the 
same  time  has  a  reasonable  chance  for  election,  I  could  not 
justify  myself  to  my  conscience  were  I  to  withhold  my  support 
from  him.  Were  I  to  do  so,  and  thereby  elect  a  man  who  I 
believed  would  violate  our  Constitution  and  disregard  our 
rights,  I  should  thereby  become  accessory  to  his  acts. 

In  order  to  satisfy  myself  in  regard  to  Mr.  Clay's  views  on 
this  subject,  I,  as  one  of  the  sovereign  people,  may  propound 
to  him  any  and  all  questions  that  I  may  deem  important  on 
this  subject ;  and  if  he  be  worthy  of  that  high  office,  he  will 
not  hesitate  to  answer  them  fully  and  frankly.  If  I  then  be 
come  satisfied  that  he  will,  if  elected,  disregard  those  consti 
tutional  rights  of  the  North,  I  cannot  support  him,  —  it  would 
be  wrong  for  me  to  do  so ;  for  I  should  become  accessory 
to  the  violation  of  our  Constitution  and  the  subversion  of 
the  rights  of  the  Free  States.  Questions  of  policy  constantly 


458  APPENDIX. 

require  of  us  mutual  concessions  of  opinion ;  but  no  cir 
cumstances  can  justify  the  yielding  up  of  any  portion  of  the 
Constitution.  When  that  shall  be  done,  society  will  be 
resolved  into  its  original  elements. 

Another  objection  is,  that  slaveholders  when  in  office  do 
injustice  to  the  Free  States.  This  assertion  has  proven  too 
true  in  many  cases,  but  is  not  correct  in  all  instances.  I 
quote  the  example  of  the  present  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  the  Hon.  John  White.  No  Northern  man 
has  condemned  his  official  acts.  He  has  discharged  his 
duties  honorably,  and  is  as  much  entitled  to  confidence  as 
though  he  lived  in  a  Free  State.  Here  I  would  caution  our 
anti-slavery  men  not  to  permit  their  lofty  principles  of  human 
rights  to  dwindle  down  to  mere  local  jealousies.  We  should 
no  more  invade  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution  by  making  the 
holding  of  slaves  a  test  for  office,  than  we  should  permit  our 
Southern  friends  to  invade  its  letter. 

Again,  it  is  said  that  the  Whigs  have  done  nothing  in  favor 
of  those  rights  which  anti-slavery  men  consider  so  important. 
Is  the  assertion  correct?  Have  not  J.  Q.  Adams,  William 
Slade,  Seth  M.  Gates,  and  other  Whigs  done  what  they  could 
for  the  defence  and  support  of  Northern  rights?  But  it  is 
said  these  are  individuals.  Yet  they  belong  to  the  Whig 
party,  and  constitute  a  part  of  it ;  and  surely  their  acts  can 
not  be  placed  to  the  credit  of  the  other  party.  But  do  not 
our  friends,  who  make  this  objection,  charge  over  to  the  Whig 
party  the  acts  of  individuals  belonging  to  that  political  sect 
when  they  oppose  the  cause  of  human  rights?  The  great 
body  of  the  Whig  party  in  Congress  voted  to  repeal  the  ob 
noxious  Twenty-first  Rule.  A  few  individuals,  joining  with  the 
opposite  party,  prevented  its  repeal.  Our  Liberty  papers  and 
their  party  charged  this  as  the  act  of  the  Whig  party ,  while 
they  deny  to  that  party  any  credit  for  the  efforts  of  Mr.  Adams 
and  others.  This  practice  is  unjust,  and  ought  to  cease.  But 
have  not  the  Whig  party  (and  when  I  speak  of  the  party,  I 
mean  the  majority  of  the  party)  voted  in  support  of  these 
rights  for  the  last  two  years  ?  Have  they  not  voted  against 
the  odious  gag  and  in  favor  of  the  right  of  petition  when  these 
questions  came  before  them?  Did  they  not  sustain  Mr. 
Adams  when  an  attempt  was  made  to  censure  him?  Did 


APPENDIX.  459 

they  not  sustain  Mr.  Giddings  when  censured  ?  Did  not  the 
Whig  party  in  his  district  sustain  him?  I  ask  in  what  in 
stance,  for  the  last  two  years,  have  the  Whigs  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  failed  to  sustain  these  rights  when  agitated 
upon  the  floor  of  Congress  ?  I  will  not  say  that  they  have  at 
all  times  maintained  our  rights ;  but  I  do  not  hesitate  in  say 
ing  that  I  know  of  no  instances  when  the  question  of  North 
ern  rights  has  been  brought  distinctly  before  them,  for  the  last 
two  years,  in  which  a  majority  of  the  members  of  the  Whig 
party  present  have  not  sustained  those  rights. 

Yet  it  is  asserted  by  some  that  "  the  two  great  political  par 
ties  have  been  equally  opposed  to  the  rights  of  mankind  and  to 
the  interests  of  the  people  of  the  Free  States."  I  can  hardly 
believe  that  any  intelligent  man  would  make  such  statement 
while  under  the  exercise  of  a  suitable  regard  to  candor.  It  is 
well  known  that  for  the  last  two  years  in  every  instance  in  which 
those  rights  so  dear  to  our  friends  have  come  before  Congress, 
every  Democratic  member  from  this  State  has  opposed  them, 
and  that  every  Whig  member  from  this  State  has  sustained 
them  ;  and  such,  too,  has  been  substantially  true  of  the  two 
parties  generally,  though  not  to  the  same  extent.  A  Whig 
member  from  this  State  introduced  resolutions  declaring  the 
rights  of  the  Free  States  as  set  forth  in  my  second  number, 
and  was  sustained  by  every  Whig  colleague ;  while  one  of  his 
Democratic  colleagues  moved  a  resolution  to  censure  him  for 
thus  presuming  to  assert  our  rights,  and  every  Democratic 
member  voted  for  the  resolution  of  censure.  And  is  it  pos 
sible  that  any  man  can  now  be  sincere  in  saying  that  the  two 
parties  are  alike  subservient  to  the  interests  of  the  South  ? x 

But  it  is  said  that  the  Whigs  have  been  subservient  to  South 
ern  dictation  ;  and  their  acts,  in  former  years,  are  quoted  to 
prove  the  fact.  This  charge  is  too  true.  Up  to  a  certain 
time  both  parties  appear  to  have  been  submissive  to  the  de 
mands  of  the  Slave  States.  Such,  too,  was  the  case  generally 
with  the  men  who  now  make  this  charge.  Their  attention  had 

1  The  votes  in  Congress  for  suppressing  the  slave-trade  in  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia,  and  for  repealing  the  Territorial  law  of  Florida 
which  authorizes  selling  freemen  into  slavery,  were  given  since  the 
above  was  published.  On  these  questions  the  representatives  from  the 
Free  States  were  divided  almost  entirely  by  party  lines. 


460  APPENDIX. 

not  been  aroused  to  the  subject.  They,  with  the  Whigs  and 
Democrats,  were  equally  unconscious  of  the  encroachments 
upon  our  rights ;  and  the  Whigs  or  the  Democrats  may 
now  make  this  charge  against  the  "  Liberty  party "  with 
the  same  propriety  that  the  latter  can  urge  it  against  the 
others.  The  truth  is,  the  abuse  of  Northern  rights  has  but 
just  begun  to  attract  attention.  But  whatever  has  been  done 
in  Congress  has  been  done  by  the  Whigs.  Up  to  this  time 
there  has  been  no  Liberty  man  in  that  body  or  in  our  State 
Legislature.  But  such  has  been  the  revolution  in  public 
opinion  that  if  it  continues  to  progress  as  it  has  for  the  last 
year,  it  will  be  completed,  our  rights  secured,  and  the  Con 
stitution  will  be  vindicated  before  that  party  will  get  any 
members  elected  to  either  body.  Would  it  not  be  far  better 
for  the  cause  of  Northern  rights  if  our  Liberty  men  were  to 
deal  justly  and  candidly  with  both  of  the  great  political  par 
ties,  and  to  approve  as  frankly  that  which  is  praiseworthy,  as 
they  condemn  that  which  is  wrong? 

But  it  is  said  that  the  present  political  parties  have  be 
come  corrupt,  and  it  is  therefore  necessary  to  form  a  new 
party  that  shall  be  free  from  such  political  corruptions.  But  I 
ask  from  whence  are  we  to  find  the  men  for  this  new  party? 
Must  they  not  come  from  the  present  parties?  And  will 
they  be  more  pure,  more  honest,  and  more  patriotic  when 
transferred  to  a  new  party  than  they  now  are  ?  Are  there  any 
regenerating  influences  to  act  upon  such  as  join  the  new 
party?  Are  their  political  transgressions  to  be  washed  out? 
Will  the  Whig  who  has  always  acted  honestly,  and  been 
guided  by  a  sincere  desire  for  his  country's  good,  be  more 
likely  to  leave  his  party  than  the  demagogue  and  the  office- 
seeker?  I  would  not  by  any  means  be  understood  as 
impugning  the  motives  of  those  who  now  constitute  the 
Liberty  party ;  on  the  contrary,  I  believe  them  as  honest  and 
patriotic  as  any  other  class  of  men.  But  I  ask  them  if  the 
formation  of  a  new  party  will  not  be  likely  to  draw  to 
them  the  profligate  and  the  unprincipled  from  both  of  the 
other  parties? 

Again,  it  is  said  to  have  become  necessary  to  form  a  party 
whose  principal  object  shall  be  the  maintenance  of  those 
rights  which  our  anti-slavery  men  may  deem  important.  If  by 


APPENDIX.  461 

this  form  of  expression  it  be  understood  that  those  who  unite 
with  that  party  are,  in  any  degree,  to  neglect  the  protection  of 
free  labor  by  a  proper  tariff  of  duties ;  or  if  they  intend  to 
abandon  the  improvement  of  our  lake  harbors,  and  our  river 
navigation,  and  other  Northern  interests  which  the  Whigs  deem 
important,  —  then  I,  for  one,  cannot  unite  with  them,  nor  can  I 
believe  their  prospect  of  success  very  flattering,  Our  people 
may  easily  be  persuaded  to  maintain  our  rights  when  their 
attention  is  called  to  them  ;  but  it  will  be  difficult  to  convince 
them  that  it  has  become  their  duty  to  neglect  either  their 
rights  or  their  interests. 

But  if  a  portion  of  our  friends  form  a  distinct  party  for  the 
support  of  the  right  of  petition  and  to  maintain  the  freedom 
of  debate,  and  for  that  purpose  they  should  oppose  those  who 
are  engaged  for  the  protection  of  the  free  labor  of  the  North, 
while  another  portion  turn  their  attention  to  this  latter  object, 
and  oppose  their  influence  to  the  former,  is  it  not  perfectly 
clear  that  both  must  fail ;  while  a  union  in  support  of  both 
would  inevitably  secure  the  triumph  of  each  ? 

But  I  have  not  time  to  pursue  the  subject  further ;  I  have 
already  occupied  more  of  your  paper  and  more  of  the  atten 
tion  of  your  readers,  than  I  designed  when  I  commenced 
these  essays.  It  has  been  my  object  to  call  public  attention 
to  what  I  believe  the  true  points  in  issue.  I  have  intended  to 
speak  with  such  plainness  that  no  man,  nor  party,  nor  editor, 
should  say  that  I  feared  to  state  the  whole  truth,  or  that  Whig 
papers  dare  not  publish  arguments  touching  all  our  rights. 
And  if  I  have  fallen  short  of  this,  I  again  call  upon  the  editors 
of  the  "  Philanthropist  "  and  the  "Emancipator"  to  show 
wherein.  And,  on  the  other  hand,  if  there  be  a  Whig  editor 
who  is  unwilling  to  support  all  our  rights,  or  who  thinks  the 
assertion  and  support  of  all  our  rights  and  interests  impolitic 
or  imprudent,  I  desire  him  to  place  his  objections  before  the 
public.  It  is  surely  time  that  our  papers  and  our  people  bad 
ceased  to  contend  about  names  and  terms  y  and  that  they 
should  search  out  some  principle,  or  some  constitutional  or 
political  right,  as  the  foundation  of  their  quarrels. 

Again,  the  writer  would  say  to  his  readers  that  he  has  put 
forth  no  opinion  upon  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  several 
States  without  mature  investigation,  or  on  which  he  enter- 


462  APPENDIX. 

tains  any  doubt.  Yet  he  claims  for  himself  no  infallibility. 
And  if  any  man  desire  explanations,  or  authorities  on  any 
point,  he  will  most  cheerfully  furnish  them. 

In  taking  leave  of  my  readers  I  wish  to  say  that  I  was 
induced  to  appear  before  the  public  on  this  subject  from  the 
most  thorough  conviction  that  no  fixed  and  established 
policy  will  be  framed  by  the  General  Government  while  the 
rights  of  the  Free  States  remain  unsettled  concerning  slavery. 
Looking  at  Ohio,  New  York,  and  all  of  New  England,  and 
considering  the  result  of  our  late  elections,  and  the  divisions 
which  distract  and  divide  the  friends  of  the  North  and  of 
liberty  in  those  States,  we  must  all  acknowledge  that  we  have 
little  hope  of  seeing  our  interests,  our  honor,  or  our  rights 
protected  until  union  shall  characterize  our  political  efforts. 
Since  the  commencement  of  these  essays  many  things  have 
transpired  to  rivet  this  conviction  more  thoroughly  upon  the 
mind.  I  refer,  among  other  things,  to  the  Latimer  case  at 
Boston,  and  the  absorbing  interest  now  felt  on  the  subject  in 
Massachusetts  and  in  Virginia.1  Feeling  desirous  to  call  the 
attention  of  our  people,  as  well  as  that  of  our  politicians  and 
statesmen,  to  the  importance  of  a  speedy  settlement  of  those 
questions  which  involve  the  most  vital  interests  of  the  Free 
States,  I  have  seized  upon  such  moments  as  I  could  spare  from 
other  employments  to  place  some  of  my  views  before  the 
public.  I  have  done  this  under  the  strong  conviction  that  every 
true  patriot  should  put  forth  his  influence  to  sustain  our  rights 
and  to  unite  our  people  in  the  protection  of  our  interests,  our 
honor,  and  the  Constitution  of  our  common  country. 

PACIFICUS. 

1  Since  this  article  was  published,  the  Norfolk  meeting  in  Virginia 
have  passed  resolutions  recommending  to  their  Legislature  the  "  arming 
and  disciplining  of  their  militia,"  preparatory  to  the  coming  conflict 
between  the  Slave  and  Free  States.  Yet  while  Virginia  is  thus  urged  to 
arm  her  militia  in  support  of  slavery,  some  Northern  editors  feel  it 
their  duty  to  remain  silent  in  regard  to  Northern  rights. 


INDEX. 


A. 


ABBOTT,  A.,  231,  260. 

Abolitionists,  the,  45,  73,  87,  97,  136,  157, 
212,  214,  287,  311,  377,  383  ;  Henry  Clay's 
famous  speech  against,  65-66,  159 ;  di 
vided  between  support  of  Birney  and 
Harrison  for  the  Presidency,  88  ;  alarm 
the  slaveholders  by  organized  political 
action,  91;  many  support  Clay  for  Presi 
dent,  158. 

Adams,  Charles  Francis,  210,  214,  269; 
correspondence  with  Giddings,  199-200, 
213-214,  228-229,  278;  a  "Conscience 
Whig,"  206;  an  intimate  friend  of  Gid 
dings,  208  ;  editor  of  the  "  Boston 
Whig,"  232  ;  supported  Giddings  in  his 
controversy  with  Winthrop,  232. 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  44,  54,  56,  57-58,  64, 
75.  92-93,97,  122-123,  124,  125,  128,  131, 
133,  141,  145,147,  150,  173,  178,  190,  212, 
214,  245,  248-249,  258,  355,  357,  359,  360, 
381,  384,  385,  390,  406;  representative  to 
Congress,  48 ;  his  friendship  for  Gid 
dings,  48,  168-170,  208,  398;  his  posi 
tion  in  the  House,  48;  independent  in 
politics,  49,  79 ;  occasions  dissension 
among  the  Whigs,  49;  champion  of  the 
rightof  petition,  49,  91-92, 102,  103  etseq., 
140,  148-149,  380;  disregard  of  legisla 
tive  rules,  51-52;  his  position  on  the 
slavery  question,  61-63  !  counsel  for  the 
anti-slavery  men  in  the  "Amistad  "  case, 
76-77 ;  his  service  in  the  Twenty-sixth 
Congress,  78-79 ;  memorable  action  in 
the  Newjersey  delegation  contest,  78—79; 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Affairs,  102  ;  presents  a  petition  for  the 
dissolution  of  the  Union,  103-104,  332  ; 
his  trial  and  punishment  demanded  by 
Southern  members,  104-105,  105-106 ; 
zeal  of  his  friends  to  assist  him,  105  ;  re 
plies  to  the  Southern  leader,  H.  Mar 
shall,  106 ;  insulted  by  Southern  mem 
bers,  106-107;  his  defence  of  his  actions, 
107-110;  effect  of  his  triumph  on  the 
anti-slavery  movement,  iio-in  ;  his  ac 
tion  in  the  case  of  the  "Creole,"  118, 
119-120  ;  maintained  the  right  of  the 
Federal  Government  to  abolish  slavery 
in  the  States,  119-120;  claims  of  the 
West  Florida  slaveholders,  142;  failing 
in  health,  148  ;  appointed  chairman  of  a 
committee  to  provide  rules  for  the  House, 
148 ;  introduces  memorial  of  the  Massa 
chusetts  Legislature,  151-152  ;  chairman 


of  a  committee  to  report  on  the  memo 
rial,  151  ;  his  report,  151-152  ;  loss  of 
friends  through  devotion  to  anti-slavery 
cause,  168-169;  obtains  the  repeal  of  the 
"  gag-rule,"  171  ;  his  position  on  the 
Oregon  question,  189 ;  votes  against 
the  Mexican  War  Bill,  192  ;  supports 
Winthrop  for  Speaker,  217,  222;  his 
death,  239-240;  Giddings's  lectures  on, 

"Alabama,"  the,  390. 

Alford,  J.  C.,  of  Georgia,  threatens  Gid 
dings,  98. 

Allen,  Charles,  206,  252,  258,  271,  274,  283. 

Allen,  William,  of  Ohio,  83,  188,  190. 

American  Anti-Slavery  .Society,  the,  foun 
dation  of,  87  ;  Arthur  Tappan  its  first 
president,  89. 

"Amistad,"  case  of  the,  73-77,  153-155, 
205,  256,  309-3(0. 

Andrews,  S.  J.,  33,  128,  147. 

Arnold,  T.  D.,  of  Tenn.,  146. 

Ashburton,  Lord,  129. 

Ashmun,  George,  192,  206,  260,  274,  276, 
283,  373- 

Atchison,  D,  R.,  of  Mo.,  308. 

Atherton,  C.  G.,  of  N.  H.,  his  gag  resolu 
tions,  51. 


B. 


BAILEY,  Dr.  Gamaliel,  90 ;  editor  of  the 
"  Philanthropist  "  and  "  National  Era," 
88  ;  an  ardent  anti-slavery  man,  88  ;  let 
ter  to  Giddings,  88-89;  his  house  the 
rendezvous  of  reformers,  284,  346. 

Baldwin,  Judge,  76. 

Banks,  Nathaniel  P.,  322,  336;  elected 
Speaker,  325-326. 

Barringer,  D.  M.,  of  N.  C..  277. 

Barrow,  Senator,  114. 

Bayly,  T.  H.,  274,310,316- 

Bell,  John,  283,  344,  377. 

Benezett,  Anthony,  37. 

Benton,  Thomas  H.,  83,  183,  283,  384,  385. 

Berrien,  J.  M.,  of  Georgia,  152. 

Bingham,  John  A.,  a  warm  friend  of  Gid 
dings,  398-399. 

Birdseye,  Victory,  147. 

Birney,  James  G.,  62,  91,  131,  157,  160, 
411  ;  Abolitionist  candidate  for  Presi 
dent  in  1840,  88;  nominated  by  the  Lib 
erty  party  for  President  in  1844,  158. 

«  u?k',EwJ  '  97~?,8'  I72~7l'  398< 
Black  Warrior,    case  of  the,  314-315. 


464 


INDEX. 


Blair,  Francis  P.,  346. 

Blair,  Francis,  P.,  Jr.,  373. 

Borden,  Nathaniel  B.,  147. 

"  Boston  Atlas,"  226-227,  229. 

"Boston  Whig,"  229,  232. 

Botts,  J.  M. ,  109 ;  his  motion  to  censure  Gid 
dings  for  his  action  in  the  "Creole" 
affair,  121—122  ;  condemned  Giddiugs's 
resolutions  as  ill-timed,  126. 

Bowditch,  H.  I.,  Dr.,  188,  189. 

Brainerd,  Lawrence,  242. 

Brengle,  Francis,  156. 

Briggs,  George  N.,  98,  147. 

Briggs,  J.  A.,  188. 

Bronson,  David,  147. 

Brooks,  James,  295,  297 ;  speech  on  joint 
resolution  in  honor  of  Kossuth,  291-293. 

Brooks,  Preston  S.,  his  assault  on  Sum- 
ner,  and  subsequent  trial  by  the  House, 
332-334- 

Brougham,  Lord,  147. 

Brown,  John,  letters  to  Giddings,  327- 
328  ;  assisted  by  Giddings,  370  ;  his  Vir 
ginia  raid,  370. 

Brown,  Milton,  182. 

Brown,  William  J.,  his  attempt  to  obtain 
the  Speakership,  273-275  ;  rage  of  South 
ern  members  against,  275. 

Buchanan,  James,  83,  339;  nomination  and 
election  to  the  Presidency,  337  ;  favored 
the  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  Slave 
State,  341. 

Buffum,  Arnold,  352. 

Burke,  Edmund,  151,201,  239. 

Burlingame,  Anson,  334. 

Burritt,  Elihu,  282. 

Burt,  A.,  262. 

Butler,  General,  387. 


C. 


CALHOUN,  JOHN  C.,  65,  80,  114,  116,  120, 
127,  128,  283  ;  his  action  in  the  "  Enter 
prise"  affair,  81-84;  offers  resolutions  to 
nationalize  slavery,  82-83,  126-127,  IDO  ; 
Secretary  of  State,  157;  his  treaty  for 
the  annexation  of  Texas,  178-182  ;  posi 
tion  on  the  Oregon  question,  189-190  ; 
opposed  Polk's  call  for  additional  troops 
for  Mexican  War,  198;  his  address  to  the 
South  in  support  of  slavery,  268. 

Calhoun,  William  B.,  105,  145,  147. 

California,  257,  269-270,  281,  310. 

Campbell,  Lewis  D.,  322,  348. 

Campbell,  Mr.,  217. 

Cartter,  David  K.,  372,  373. 

Cass,  General,  185,  190,  271,  278,  283,  306  ; 
minister  to  France,  117;  candidate  for 
President,  251 ;  his  "  Nicholson  Letters," 

Chase,  Salmon  P.,  organizer  of  the  Lib 
erty  party  in  Ohio,  130;  correspondence 
with  Giddings,  130-133  ;  elected  to  the 
Senate,  257,  266-268,  271  ;  his  election 
distasteful  to  the  Whigs,  267  ;  his  con 
nection  with  the  Free-Soil  address  re 
garding  the  Missouri  Compromise,  311, 

Chatham,  Lord.     See  William  Pitt. 
Cherokee  Indians,  the,  175,  367. 


Chittenden,  Thomas  C.,  105,  147. 

Choate,  Rufus,  n. 

Cilley,  J.,  S8,  108. 

Clark,  Mr.,  329. 

Clarke,  Staley  N.,  147. 

Clay,  Cassius  M.,  165. 

Clay,  Henry,  13,  54,  57,  83,  90,  140,  213, 
214,  219,  271,  282,  347,  381 ;  speech 
against  the  Abolitionists,  65-66;  de 
fends  the  Whigs  for  favoring  Abolition 
ism,  80 ;  his  sympathy  with  Giddings 
because  of  the  House  censuie,  125; 
nominated  for  President,  157  ;  position 
on  the  annexation  of  Texas  and  slavery, 
157  et  seq.  ',  his  friendship  with  Gid 
dings,  158-159,  208,  299;  Giddings's  con 
fidence  in,  159.  160;  he  causes  the 
Whigs  great  anxiety,  161  et  seq*  ;  corre 
spondence  with  Giddings,  161-163,  164- 
165,  208-210;  his  Alabama  letter,  163- 
164  ;  his  vacillation  costs  him  his  elec 
tion,  165—168  ;  his  gratitude  to  Giddings, 
167;  opposed  to  the  Mexican  War  Bill, 
193  ;  sacrificed  by  the  Whigs  in  1848, 
252 ;  his  admirers  unite  with  the  Free- 
Soil  party,  253  ;  connection  with  the 
"  Monroe  Doctrine,"  295-296;  death  of, 
299. 

"  Cleveland  Daily  Herald,"  the,  223. 

Clifford,  Nathan,  92. 

Clinton,  General,  201. 

Cobb,  Ho  well,  177,  178,  272,  276. 

Coe,  Rev.  Harvey,  20. 

Colcock,  W.  F.,  of  S.  C.,  309. 

Coleman,  Nathaniel,  21. 

Collamer,  Jacob,  of  Vt,  277. 

"Comet,"  the,  113,  120,  142. 

Conklin,  Rev.  Mr.,  395. 

Cooper,  James,  142. 

Cooper,  Mark  A.,  97,  123,  125. 

Corwin,  Thomas,  13,  47,  131,  255,  283; 
his  speech  opposing  the  Mexican  War, 
199-200 ;  proposed  as  a  Presidential 
candidate,  199,  200,  207;  his  attitude 
on  slavery  unsatisfactory  to  anti-slavery 
Whigs,  210-213 ;  disappoints  his  anti- 
slavery  supporters,  214-215;  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  215  ;  approves  the  Com 
promise  Measures  of  1850,  215. 

Cotton,  Captain,  18. 

Cox,  J.  D.,  opposes  Giddings's  renomina- 
tion  to  Congress,  355. 

Cranston,  Henry  T.,  192. 

Crawford,  W.  H.,  Secretary  of  the  Trea 
sury,  141. 

Creek  Indians,  the,  175-177,  196,  299,  361, 
366-368. 

"  Creole,"  case  of  the,  114  etseq.,  160,  359. 

Crittenden,  John  J.,  his  amendment  to  the 
Lecompton  Bill,  341  et  seq. 

Crocket,  David,  46. 

Cuba?  its  annexation  to  the  United  States 
desired  by  the  Democrats,  315-317.  405. 

Culver,  Erastus,  192,  229,  230,  231,  235. 

Curtis,  George  T.,  228. 

Curtis,  George  William,  delegate  to  the 
Republican  Convention  in  1860,  373;  his 
efforts  to  embody  the  principles  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  in  the  Re 
publican  platform,  373-374. 

Gushing,  Caleb,  121. 


INDEX. 


465 


D 


DADE,  Major,  262. 

Dana,  Richard  H.,  Jr.,  206. 

Davis,  Garrett,  80,  151. 

Davis,  Mr.,  of  Massachusetts,  83,  90. 

Davis,  Jefferson,  of  Mississippi,  244. 

Davis,  Henry  Winter,  of  Maryland,  347. 

Dawson,  J.  B.,  of  Louisiana,  insults  and 
threatens  Giddings  in  the  House,  145- 
146,  174. 

Declaration  of  Independence,  340,  377, 
380 ;  infidelity  to,  by  politicians  North 
and  South,  336 ;  efforts  to  embody  its 
principles  in  the  Republican  platform 
of  1860,  372-376. 

Delano,  Columbus,  192,  229,  230,  231-232  ; 
defends  Giddings's  action  regarding  the 
Mexican  War,  203  204. 

Democrats,  their  status  in  the  Twenty-sixth 
Congress,  77-78  ;  control  all  the  depart 
ments  of  government,  77  ;  ascendency 
in  the  House  dependent  on  admission 
of  New  Jersey  members,  77-79  ;  charge 
the  Whigs  with  sympathy  with  Abolition 
ism,  So ;  themselves  in  sympathy  with 
slavery,  137 ;  nominate  Polk  for  Presi 
dent,  158 ;  defeated  in  Ohio,  167  ;  profit 
by  the  Plaquemine  frauds  in  Louisiana, 
168 ;  Oregon  question  divides  them, 
189-191 ;  adverse  effects  of  Van  Buren's 
defeat,  207,  251  ;  some  of  them  vote  for 
Winthrop  as  Speaker,  222  ;  nominate 
Cass  for  President,  251  ;  anti-slavery 
members  unite  in  forming  a  third  party, 
253;  forced  to  show  their  position  on 
slavery,  259-260;  support  Chase  for 
Senator  from  Ohio,  267  ;  shaken  by  the 
question  of  prohibition  of  slavery  in  na 
tional  Territories,  279 ;  elect  Cobb  as 
Speaker  in  the  Thirty-first  Congress, 
272  ;  try  to  suppress  the  discussion  of 
slavery,  266-291 ;  nominate  Pierce  for 
President,  302 ;  their  platform  favors 
the  suppression  of  freedom  of  speech, 
302 ;  Giddings's  arraignment  of,  302- 
305 ;  control  a  majority  of  the  State 
Legislatures  and  both  Houses  of  Con 
gress  in  1853,  309;  denounce  Giddings 
for  agitating  the  slavery  question,  310; 
desire  the  annexation  of  Cuba,  315-317  ; 
willing  to  subordinate  the  slavery  issue 
to  political  success,  318;  in  a  minority 
in  the  House  in  the  Thirty-fourth  Con 
gress,  321 ;  united  in  support  of  Bu 
chanan  in  1856,337;  attempt  to  involve 
the  Republicans  in  Brown's  Virginia 
raid,  370-371  ;  forewarned  by  Giddings 
of  the  effects  of  the  annexation  of  Texas, 
404. 

Dennison,  Governor,  378,  382. 

DeWitt,  Alexander,  311. 

Dickey,  Mr.,  of  Penn.,  263. 

Dix,  John  A.,  306. 

Dixon,  N.  F.,  of  R.  I.,  83. 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  190,  283,  298,  307, 
380  ;  first  asserts  his  doctrine  of  popular 
sovereignty,  184;  favors  the  repeal  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise,  310-312; 
leader  of  the  Northern  Democrats  in 
1856,  236  ;  opposes  the  admission  of 
Kansas  with  Lecompton  constitution, 


342  et  seq.  ;  measures  which  led  to  his 

debate  with   Lincoln,   351. 
Downing,   Charles,  of  Fla.,  98,  99. 
Drayton,  Captain,  241-243. 
Duncan,   Alex.,  of  Ohio,  183. 
Duncan,  J.  H.,  309. 
Dunlap,  James,  165. 
Durkee,  Charles,  271,  274,  341. 


E. 


EDWARDS,  Jonathan,  38. 

Emerson,  Benjamin,  103. 

"Encomium,"  the,  113,  120,  142- 

English,  W.  H.,  of  Indiana,  350. 

"Enterprise,"  case  of  the,  81-84,  ri4>  u6, 
120,  160. 

Everett,  Edward,  Chairman  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  141. 

Everett,  H.,  of  Vermont,  120,  121. 

Ewing,  Thomas,  13,  255,  283  ;  his  criti 
cism  of  the  Republican  party,  377-378 ; 
supports  Lincoln  for  President,  377 ; 
arraigns  the  Legislature  and  Governor 
of  Ohio,  378;  Giddings's  reply  to,  in 
defence  of  the  Republican  party,  378- 
383. 

"  Exiles  of  Florida,"  the,  360,  365-369. 


F. 


FASSETT,  Henry,  137-138,  279. 

Fessenden,  W.  P.,  121. 

Ficklin,  O.  B.,  270. 

Field,  David  Dudley,  306. 

Fillmore,  Millard,  33,  121,  122,282,302; 
nominated  by  the  Know-Nothings  for 
President  in  1856,  337. 

Florida,  purchase  of,  43  ;  admission  to  the 
Union,  43,  184;  Indian  wars  in,  43.  80, 
92-96,  135,  175-178)  262  ;  slavery  in  its 
constitution,  184. 

Floyd,  C.  A.,ofN.  Y.,  121. 

Foote,  H.  S.,  of  Mississippi,  244,  288,  291. 

Foote,  Solomon,  of  Vermont,  174. 

Fox,  Charles  James,  201,  202,  239. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  39,  41. 

Frasier,  Major,  17. 

Free-Soil  Party,  the,  44-45,  207,  252,  261, 
272,  284  ;  its  convention  in  Massachu 
setts  addressed  by  Giddings,  247  ;  Buf 
falo  convention  of,  253  ;  nominates  Van 
Buren  for  President,  254;  bitterness  of 
the  Whigs  towards,  254-255;  effect  of 
its  action  in  1848,  257;  helps  elect 
Chase  Senator  fromOhio,  266-267  ;  favors 
Thaddeus  Stevens  for  Speaker  of  the 
House  in  the  Thirty-first  Congress,  272  ; 
charged  with  causing  the  defeat  of 
Winthrop  for  the  Speakership,  272, 
276;  its  opposition  to  Winthrop  vindi 
cated  by  his  subsequent  career,  272;  its 
attempt  to  elect  W.  J.  Brown  Speaker, 
273-275 ;  defence  of,  by  Giddings,  276- 
277 ;  enduring  work  of  its  leaders,  284- 
285 ;  helps  elect  Wade  Senator  from 
Ohio,  287 ;  its  prophecies  regarding  the 
Whigs  verified,  302 ;  its  political  out 
look  in  1852,  306;  its  address  in  refer 
ence  to  the  Missouri  Compromise,  311- 


466 


INDEX. 


312;  its  rapid  advance  in  public  favor, 

320;  unites  forces  with  the  Republicans 

in  the  Speakership  contest  of  1855,  322  ; 

based  on  the  principle  that  slavery  was 

a  State  institution,  410. 
Fremont  John  C.,     Republican  candidate 

for  President  in  1856,  257,  335. 
Fugitive  Slave  Law,  282,  283,  284, 286,  288, 

301.  302,  304,  324,  379- 
Furness,  Rev.  W.  H.,  402. 

G. 

GAG-RULE,  known  as  the  Twenty-first  rule 
of  the  House,  91 ;  efforts  of  J.  Q.  Adams 
to  repeal,  91-92,  102,  140,  148-149;  re 
peal  of  171. 

Gaines,  General,  176,  299. 

Garner,  Margaret,  328. 

Garnet,  Rev.  Hiram,  364. 

Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  opposes  the  for 
mation  of  a  political  anti-slavery  party, 
89  ;  his  religious  principles,  402. 

Gates,  Seth  M.,  105,  142  ;  member  of  Con 
gress,  79-80  ;  high  moral  character  of, 
79;  an  ardent  sympathizer  with  the  anti- 
slavery  movement,  80,  103  ;  opposes  the 
annexation  of  Texas,  146-147 ;  retires 
from  public  life,  148,  406. 

Gedney,  Lieutenant,  74. 

Ghent,  treaty  of,  112,  115,  361. 

Giddings,  Comfort  Pease,  25. 

Giddings,  George,  12. 

Giddings,  Grotius  Reed,  25;  began  the 
practice  of  law  in  1860,  25;  his  distin 
guished  action  in  the  Rebellion,  26;  in 
jured  in  the  New  York  riots,  26;  his 
death,  26. 

Giddings,  John,  12. 

Giddings,  Joseph  Addison,  25  ;  practises 
law,  later  judge  of  the  Probate  Court,  25  ; 
editor  of  "The  Ashtabula  Sentinel,"  25. 

Giddings,  Joshua,  12. 

Giddings,  Joshua,  Jr.,  12;  fought  in  the 
Revolution,  12 ;  married  twice,  12  ;  moves 
to  western  New  York,  12;  moves  to 
Ohio,  13. 

Giddings,  Joshua  Reed,  27,  76-77,  88,  105, 
108,  in,  116,  129,  141,  147,  190,  230,  260, 
271,  272,  274,  281,  283;  ancestry,  11-12; 
birth,  12  ;  his  Ohio  home,  13  ;  youth, 
15-20;  education,  16-17,  19-20;  in  the 
War  of  1812, 17-18;  teaches  school,  19-20; 
studies  law,  21-22  ;  first  essay  in  public 
speaking,  22  ;  admitted  to  the  Bar,  23-24; 
marriage,  24  ;  begins  practice  of  law,  25 ; 
his  children,  25-26;  moves  to  Jefferson, 
28;  early  practice  in  court,  29-30;  the 
Williams  vs.  Hawley  case,  30-32  ;  great 
success  in  criminal  cases,  32-33 ;  elected 
to  the  State  Legislature,  33-34 ;  chair 
man  of  the  Committee  on  Military  Af 
fairs,  34 ;  defeated  for  the  State  Senate, 
34;  forms  a  partnership  with  B.  F. 
Wade,  34;  dissolution  of  partnership 
and  retirement  from  practice,  35;  suffers 
financial  losses,  35  ;  fails  in  health,  35; 
travels,  35-36;  engages  again  in  law 
practice,  36 ;  enters  Congress  as  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Whig  party,'  36-37,  44-45  ; 
first  becomes  interested  in  the  slavery 
question,  45 ;  extracts  from  his  private 


journal,  46-72;  tedious  journey  to  Wash 
ington,  46;  warm  friendship  for  J.  Q. 
Adams,  48,  168-170,  208,  398;  visits 
Van  Buren,  50 ;  a  fearless  opponent  of 
slavery,  52-53  ;  makes  his  first  regular 
speech  in  the  House,  58-60 ;  action  for 
the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District 
of  Columbia,  64-65  ;  makes  his  first  anti- 
slavery  speech,  67-70;  steadfastness  of 
purpose  in  the  face  of  sectional  opposi 
tion,  70-71;  action  in  the  "Amistad" 
case,  77,  153-155,  205,  309-310;  first  de 
fection  from  the  Whig  party,  79 ;  speech 
on  the  Calhoun  resolutions  in  the  "  En 
terprise"  affair,  84-85;  supports  Gen 
eral  Harrison  for  President  in  1840,  91 ; 
action  regarding  the  Florida  War,  92-96, 
177-178,  380;  incurs  the  odium  of  the 
slaveholders,  97-99 ;  insulted  in  the 
House  by  Southern  members,  97-98; 
timely  service  in  rousing  the  Free  States 
to  an  appreciation  of  the  encroachments 
of  slavery,  99-100;  letter  from  William 
Jay,  100 ;  President  Harrison's  displeas 
ure  with,  loo ;  chairman  of  the  Commit 
tee  on  Claims,  102-103  ;  presents  peti 
tion  for  dissolution  of  the  Union,  no; 
letter  to  his  wife  describing  J.  Q.  Adams's 
trial  in  the  House,  iio-m;  action  in 
the  "Creole"  affair,  118  et  seq.  ;  his 
resolutions  on  the  "Creole  "  case,  118- 
120,  384;  withdraws  these  resolutions, 
121  ;  his  censure  demanded,  121-122; 
preparations  for  his  defence,  122-123 ; 
denied  the  privilege  of  defending  himself, 
123-124;  censured  by  the  House,  124;  his 
note  of  protest  to  the  "  National  Intelli 
gencer,"  124-125;  resigns  his  office  as 
representative,  125;  sympathy  of  Mr. 
Clay,  125  ;  his  resolutions  condemned  as 
ill-timed,  126,  127;  his  position  justified 
by  law  and  precedent,  126-127;  re- 
elected  to  the  House,  and  instructed  to 
re-assert  his  principles,  128,  129;  letter 
to  his  son,  128;  vindicates  his  position 
in  a  public  speech,  129-130;  his  firm 
ness  results  in  re-establishing  freedom  of 
debate  in  the  House,  130 ;  letters  from 
Salmon  P.  Chase,  130-133;  considers 
a  third-party  movement  unwise  in  1842, 
133;  his  "Pacificus"  essays,  133-137, 
!58»  159?  to  establish  the  principle  of 
Federal  non-intervention  with  slavery, 
the  aim  of  his  public  life,  136,409-411; 
effect  of  his  essays,  136-137;  mistake  in 
exhorting  the  opponents  of  slavery  to 
support  the  Whig  party,  137 ;  deter 
mines  to  retire  from  public  life,  137 ; 
declines  a  re-election  to  Congress,  137- 
138;  prevailed  upon  to  remain  in  office, 
138;  letters  to  his  wife,  138-139,  158-159, 
198,  245-246,  389,  397 ;  commended  on  all 
sides  for  his  firmness  in  maintaining  his 
doctrines,  139 ;  attempt  to  deprive  him  of 
the  chairmanship  of  the  Committee  on 
Claims,  140;  opposes  the  claims  of  the 
West  Florida  Slaveholders,  142 ;  speaks 
on  the  "Comet"  and  "Encomium" 
claims,  143-144 ;  insulted  and  threat 
ened  in  the  House  by  Dawson,  145-146; 
denounced  as  an  ''Abolitionist1'  and 
"agitator,"  148;  removed  from  the 


INDEX. 


467 


chairmanship  of  the  Committee  on 
Claims,  148,  177;  assigned  to  the  Com 
mittee  on  Revolutionary  Pensions,  148  ; 
assists  J.  Q.  Adams  in  fighting  for  the 
repeal  of  the  gag-rule,  149;  exposes  the 
home  squadron  as  the  tool  of  slavery, 
150-151;  member  of  the  committee  to 
consider  the  Massachusetts  memorial, 
151,  152;  letter  to  his  daughter,  155; 
his  first  speech  in  opposition  to  the  an 
nexation  of  Texas,  156-157;  friendship 
with  Henry  Clay,  158-159,  208;  confi 
dence  in  Clay's  anti-slavery  character, 
159,  160;  his  active  support  of  the  Whig 
cause,  160,  161-167;  correspondence 
with  Clay,  161-163,  164-165,  208-210; 
charged  by  the  Liberty  party  with  hav 
ing  sold  himself  to  Clay,  166—167 ;  un 
tiring  efforts  in  the  Ohio  State  election 
in  1844,  167 ;  mistaken  opinion  of 
Clay  and  the  Whigs,  168;  insulted  and 
threatened  by  Southern  members,  172- 
175  ;  speech  on  Calhoun's  treaty  for  the 
annexation  of  Texas,  178-182 ;  his  feel 
ings  on  the  final  vote  for  annexation, 
183 ;  speech  on  the  Oregon  question, 
186-188,  317 ;  receives  letters  regarding 
the  Oregon  question,  188-189;  opposes 
the  Mexican  War  Bill,  192;  denounces 
Polk  for  declaring  war  with  Mexico,  195- 
196 ;  speech  on  the  Indian  Appropria 
tion  Bill,  196-197;  series  of  public 
speeches  in  Maine,  197-198;  correspond 
ence  with  Charles  Sumner,  199;  202-203, 

2O5,  208,  2IO-2I3,   214,  2IO-2I7,  222,  227, 

258,  260-261,  267-268,  277-278,  287,  334- 
335,  357-358,  384-3S5.  386-387,  388-389, 
390,  391-394  ;  correspondence  with  C.  F. 
Adams,  199-200,  213-214,  228-229,278; 
arraignment  of  Folk's  Mexican  War 
policy,  200 ;  action  in  opposing  the  Mex 
ican  War  based  on  British  precedents, 
200-201 ;  position  attacked  by  Mr.  Win- 
throp,  201-202  ;  defended  by  Mr.  Delano, 
203-204;  leader  of  the  liberal  Whigs  in 
the  West,  206 ;  chief  representative  of 
the  anti-slavery  cause  in  Congress,  207  ; 
warm  friendship  for  C.  F.  Adams  and 
Charles  Sumner,  208,  398 ;  disapproved 
of  Clay's  nomination  in  1847,  208; 
steadfast  in  his  faith  in  Corwin,  214; 
letter  to  Horace  Greeley,  215-216;  oppo 
sition  to  Winthrop  for  Speaker,  216  et 
seq.;  reluctant  to  oppose  his  party  friends, 
218,  219-220;  abused  by  the  Whigs  for 
his  opposition  to  the  party,  222  et  seq.  ; 
letter  to  the  "Cleveland  Daily  Herald," 
223-226;  controversy  with  Mr.  Winthrop, 
226  et  seq.  ;  276-277,  280-281  ;  his  state 
ment  answered  by  the  "  Boston  Atlas," 
226-227,  229,  232  ;  his  defence  in  the 
"Boston  Atlas"  and  "Boston  Whig," 
229;  supported  by  C.  F.  Adams  and 
Sumner,  232  ;  vindicated  in  his  refusal 
to  support  Winthrop,  235-238,  241; 
appointed  to  the  Committee  on  Indian 
Affairs,  236 ;  his  solitary  vote  against 
thanking  Generals  Scott  and  Taylor,  238- 
239,  406;  slighted  by  Winthrop  in  the  ap 
pointment  of  a  committee  to  attend  J.  Q. 
Adams's  funeral,  240;  predicts  the  dis- 
bandment  of  the  Whig  party,  241 ; 


ridicules  the  claims  of  General  Taylor  as 
a  Whig,  241 ;  brave  action  in  the  case  of 
the  "Pearl,"  241-244;  series  of  public 
speeches  in  Massachusetts,  245-247  ;  a 
recognized  authority  on  slavery  matters, 
247-249;  speech  on  indemnities  for  lost 
slaves,  249-251 ;  activity  in  the  Presiden 
tial  campaign  of  1848,  255-256:  charges 
against,  by  Elisha  Whittlesey  and  Tru 
man  Smith,  255-256;  his  answer  to 
Smith,  256-257;  under  the  social  ban, 
258,  284 ;  action  in  the  Pacheco  case,  263- 
266 ;  extracts  from  his  diary,  263-264,  267, 
269-270,  344-349;  a  candidate  for  Sena 
tor  from  Ohio,  266-268 ;  replies  to  Cal 
houn's  address  to  the  South,  268-269; 
opposed  to  the  admission  of  California 
and  New  Mexico  as  Slave  States,  269- 
270;  letter  from  Rev.  Joshua  Leavitt, 
275 ;  defends  the  Free  Soilers  against  the 
charges  of  the  Whigs,  276-277 ;  attacked 
by  the  Whig  Press,  278-280 ;  letter  to 
Henry  Fassett,  279;  charged  with  pur 
loining  papers  from  the  General  Post- 
OfBce,  279-280;  speech  on  the  Texas 
Boundary  Bill,  281-282  ;  disapproves  of 
armed  defence  of  the  Union,  282  ;  de 
nounces  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  282, 
283  ;  speech  on  "the  agitation  of  the 
Slavery  Question,"  282-283  ;  speech  on 
the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  288-289;  Stan- 
ly's  reply  to,  289-291 ;  charged  with  a 
design  of  involving  the  nation  in  war,  291  ; 
293,  294;  attends  a  meeting  of  the  Penn 
sylvania  Anti-Slavery  Society,  294-295  ; 
letter  to  his  son,  294-295  ;  speech  in  de 
fence  of  foreign  intervention  in  Hungary, 
295-298  ;  criticises  Webster's  foreign  pol 
icy,  296-297  ;  visits  Clay  shortly  before 
the  latter's  death,  299 ;  speech  on  the 
compromise  measures,  300-301 ;  arraign 
ment  of  the  Whigs  and  Democrats,  301, 
302-305 ;  declares  civil  war  to  be  im 
minent,  304;  sonnet  dedicated  to,  305; 
unsuccessful  attempt  to  defeat  his  re 
election,  306-307  ;  a  member  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  Territories,  307  ;  opposes  the 
claim  of  W.  H  Wigg,  308 ;  denounced 
by  the  Democrats  for  agitating  the 
slavery  question,  310;  connection  with 
the  Free-Soil  address  regarding  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  311;  speech  on 
the  Kansas- Nebraska  Bill,  313-314; 
speech  on  the  Homestead  Bill,  314;  ac 
tion  in  the  case  of  the  "  Black  Warrior," 
314-318;  rebukes  President  Pierce,  316- 
317;  not  in  sympathy  with  the  Know- 
Nothing  movement,  318;  opposed  to  the 
restoration  of  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
318-319;  vigilance  in  the  matter  of  slav 
ery,  319  ;  his  resolution  submitted  at  the 
Speakership  conference  of  Republicans 
and  Free  Soilers,  322-324;  his  activity 
in  the  Speakership  contest,  324-325 ; 
administers  the  oath  of  office  to  Speaker 
Banks,  325  ;  his  satisfaction  at  the  elec 
tion  of  Banks  as  Speaker,  326,  327 ;  at 
tends  the  Republican  Convention  at  Pitts- 
burg  in  1856,  326-327 ;  letters  from  John 
Brown  to,  327-328 ;  speech  on  the  De 
ficiency  Bill,  328-332  ;  defence  of  the  In 
dians,  329-330 ;  denounces  the  action  of 


468 


INDEX. 


United  States  troops  in  Kansas,  330-331 ; 
arraignment  of  the  slave-code  of  Kansas, 
331-332  ;  vigorous  protest  in  regard  to  the 
Brooks  assault  on  Sumner,  332-335  ;  del 
egate  to  the  first  nominating  convention  of 
the  Republican  party,  335  ;  his  part  in  the 
preparation  of  the  Republican  platform, 
335  :  his  satisfaction  at  the  indorsement 
of  his  principles  by  the  Republicans,  336 ; 
activity  in  the  Presidential  campaign  of 
1856,  337  ;  speech  on  the  Kansas  policy 
of  Buchanan,  337-338',  prostrated  by 
heart-trouble,  338;  letter  from  J.  P.  Hale, 
338-339;  letters  to  Chief-Justice  Taney 
regarding  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  340  ; 
opposes  the  Lecompton  Bill,  341 ;  his 
perplexity  regarding  the  Crittenden 
Amendment,  343  etseq. ;  speech  on  "The 
Conflict  between  Religious  Truths  and 
American  Infidelity, "351-352  ;  speech  on 
English  right  of  visitation,  352;  prostrated 
a  second  time  by  heart-trouble,  353  ;  de 
feated  for  renomination  to  Congress,  353 
et  seq.  ;  his  serenity  over  his  defeat,  352  ; 
messages  of  sympathy  from  his  friends, 
356-358 ;  universal  regret  at  his  retirement 
from  public  life,  358-360;  his  '%  Exiles  of 
Florida,"  360,  365-369 ;  farewell  speech 
in  Congress,  361-363  ;  testimonials  from 
his  friends,  363-364 ;  assists  in  raising 
funds  for  the  relief  of  John  Brown,  370; 
charged  with  being  accessory  to  Brown's 
Virginia  raid,  370-371;  leaves  Congress 
a  poor  man,  371  :  delivers  a  course  of 
lectures  on  J.  Q.  Adams,  371  ;  a  delegate 
to  the  Republican  Convention  of  1860, 
371—376;  his  efforts  to  embody  in  the 
Republican  platform  the  principles  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  372-376; 
his  congratulation  to  Lincoln  on  his 
nomination  for  President,  376 ;  activity 
in  the  Presidential  campaign  of  1860, 
376;  his  "History  of  the  Rebellion," 
384,  386,  391 ;  accepts  the  position  of 
Consul-general  to  Canada,  384  ;  his  anx 
iety  to  be  in  Washington,  385-386;  his 
interest  in  reciprocity  with  Canada,  386- 
387,  391-394  ;  letter  from  Horace  Greeley, 
387-388  ;  health  rapidly  failing,  388-3^9, 
391,  394;  completion  of  his  book,  391  ; 
death,  394-395  ;  eulogized  by  the  Press 
of  Montreal  and  the  Northern  States, 
395 ;  funeral,  395 ;  personal  traits,  396- 
397  ;  devotion  to  his  family,  397-398  ;  his 
friendships,  398-399;  his  fondness  for 
athletic  sports  and  music,  399;  his  relig 
ious  principles,  399-403  ;  his  political 
foresight,  403-405 ;  moral  earnestness 
h''s  dominating  characteristic,  405-407; 
his  practical  qualities  as  a  reformer,  407- 
412;  the  father  of  the  Republican  party, 
411;  his  place  in  history,  412-413; 
Lowell's  lines  in  praise  of,  413. 

Giddings,  Laura,  26;  marries  George  W. 
Julian,  26;  her  death,  26;  letter  from 
her  father,  391. 

Giddings,  Lura  Maria,  25 ;  among  the 
early  workers  in  the  anti-slavery  reform, 
25  ;  with  her  father  in  Montreal  at  time 
of  his  death,  25,  395  ;  her  part  in  the 
erection  of  a  monument  to  her  father,  25. 

Giddings,  Mrs.  J.  R.,  24,  26;  letters  from 


her  husband,  138-139,  158-159,  198,  245- 

246,  389,  397- 
Giddings,  Thomas,  12. 
Gilmer,  T.  W.,  of  Va.,  103,  105,  109,  151. 
Gott,  Daniel,  259,  260,  277,  278. 
Granger,  Ralph,  37. 
Greeley,  Horace,  215,  252,  263  ;  his  belief 

in  the  right  of  the  Slave  States  to  secede, 

282  ;  attends  the  Republican  Convention 

at  Pittsburg  in  1856,  326. 
Green,  Beriah,  402. 
Grinnell,  Joseph,  192,  231,  260. 


H. 

HABERSHAM,  R.  W.,  of  Georgia,  93. 

Hale,  John  P.,  271,  283,  288,  337;  candi 
date  of  the  Liberty  party  in  1847  f°r 
President,  207,212;  solitary  vote  in  the 
Senate  against  thanking  Generals  Scott 
and  Taylor,  238-239;  proposes  a  bill  to 
prevent  riots  in  Washington,  243  ;  Free- 
Soil  candidate  for  President  in  1852,  306  ; 
letter  to  Giddings,  338-339;  charged 
with  being  accessory  to  Brown's  Virginia 
raid,  371. 

Halleck,  General,  388. 

Halsted,  Murat,  quoted,  374. 

Hamlin,  E.  S.,  of  Ohio,  242. 

Hamlin,  Hannibal,  Republican  candidate 
for  Vice-President  in  1860,  371. 

Hammet,  W.  J.,  173,  178. 

Harmegan,  Senator  E.  A.,  rupture  with 
President  Polk  on  the  Oregon  question, 
190;  reconciliation,  and  appointment  as 
minister  to  Russia,  191. 

Haralson,  H.  A.,  259. 

Harney,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  96;  General, 
329- 

Harrison,  William  Henry,  54-55,  88- 
89,  90,  131,  378,  380,  381  ;  Whig  candi 
date  for  President  in  1840,  84-86  ;  a 
pro-slavery  Virginian,  86-87  ;  elected 
President  in  1840,  91  ;  charged  with  en 
couraging  Abolitionists,  97  ;  displeased 
with  Giddings's  speech  on  the  Seminole 
War,  100  ;  disappoints  the  anti-slavery 
men,  100-101. 

Haskell,  W.  T.,  of  Tenn.,  243. 

Hawley,  Dr.,  30-32. 

Hawthorne,  Nathaniel,  n. 

Hayes,  General,  17. 

Henry,  T.,  of  Penn.,  105. 

"  Hermosa,'!  the,  113,  114. 

Hewell,  a  slave-dealer,  114. 

Hillyer,  Junius,  of  Ga  ,  300. 

Hinsdale,  Mr.,  quoted  14,  note  i. 

Hoar,  E.  R.,  206. 

Hoar,  Samuel,  206. 

Hodges,  Mr.,  250,256. 

Holmes,  Isaac  E.,  103,  121,  122,  142,  222, 
242,  261. 

Hopkins.  Dr.  Samuel,  38. 

Hopkins,  G.  W.,  of  Va.,  104,  108. 

Howard,  Jacob  MM  142,  147. 

Howe,  John  W.,  271,  307. 

Hubbard,  Henry,  of  N.  H.,  83. 

Hudson,  Charles,  147,  174,  192,  231. 

Hull,  General,  17. 

Hunter,  R.  M.  T.,  Speaker  of  the  House 
in  the  Twenty-sixth  Congress,  79. 


INDEX. 


469 


Hutchins,  John,  defeats  Giddings  for  the 
nomination  to  Congress,  353-354 ;  an 
ardent  anti-slavery  man,  354. 


I. 


INGERSOLL,  Charles  J.,  77,  153. 
Ingersoll,  J.  R.,  151. 
Iowa,  admitted  to  the  Union,  184. 
Irwin,  Alexander,  277. 


J. 

JACKSON,  Andrew,  55,  81,  86,  99,  113,  14*1 
142,  144,  176,  180,  249,  314. 

Jackson,  J.,  of  Georgia,  288. 

James,  Francis,  295. 

Jay,  John,  39,  202,  203,  204. 

Jay,  William,  letter  to  Giddings,  100,  247- 
248  ;  a  contributor  to  anti-slavery  litera 
ture,  249. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  39,  144,  157,  243  ; 
Lincoln's  tribute  to,  375. 

Jessup,  General,  commander  of  the  United 
States  army  in  the  Florida  wars,  92,  94, 
95.  i75-I77»  262>  265i  299- 

Jones,  Anson,  21. 

Jones,  Mr.,  of  Wisconsin,  58-59. 

Jones,  G.  W.,  Senator  from  Iowa,  288. 

Jones,  Submit,  12. 

Tones,  William,  case  of,  149-150. 

Julian,  George  W.,  271,  295;  marries  the 
daughter  of  Giddings,  26;  opposed  to 
W.  J.  Brown  for  Speaker  in  1849,  273, 
275. 

K. 

KANSAS,  325,  326,  337,  370  ;  effort  to  estab 
lish  slavery  in,  312-313,  320,  327-328, 
330-332,  340  et  seq. ;  bill  for  organizing 
the  Territory  of,  313  ;  slave-code  of,  331  ; 
Lecompton  Bill  for  its  admission  as  a 
State,  341  et  seq. 

Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  307,  313,  323. 

King,  Daniel  P  ,  192. 

King,  Judge,  of  Ohio,  132. 

King,  Preston,  212,  252,  271,273,  306. 

Knight,  N.  P.,  83. 

Know-Nothing  party,  319.  322  ;  the  policy 
and  organization  of,  318;  controlled  by 
demagogues,  318;  divided  on  the  slavery 
issue,  321  ;  its  phenomenal  success,  32  c  ; 
puts  forward  two  candidates  for  the 
Speakership  in  1855,  322 ;  nominates 
Fillmore  for  President  in  1856,  337. 

Kossuth,  Louis,  invited  to  visit  the  United 
States,  291  ;  resolutions  of  sympathy 
with,  291,  294;  his  doctrine  of  foreign 
intervention,  295,  297. 


LAWRENCE,  Joseph,  of  Penn.,  105. 
Lay,  Benjamin,  37. 
Leavitt,  Rev.  Joshua,  105,  275. 
Lecompton  constitution,  341. 
Letcher,  John,  of  Va.,  322,  323. 
Levin,  L.  C.,  of  Penn.,  283. 


Lewis,  Mr.,  329. 

Liberty  party,  the,  44-45,  91,  160,  218; 
organized  in  Ohio,  130-133  ;  failed  to 
rally  the  people,  137  ;  nominates  James 
G.  Birney  for  President  in  1844,  *58; 
joined  by  many  anti-sfevery  Whigs, 

166  ;   controversy    with    Giddings,   166- 

167  ;  John  P.  Hale  its  Presidential  can 
didate  in  1847,  207  ;  withdraws  its  candi 
date,  253  ;  unites  in  a  third-party  move 
ment,  253-254. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  13,  14,  63,  257,  343, 
377)  37*>,  379.  380;  voted  against  the 
abolition  of  the  slave-trade  in  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia,  261  ;  a  moderate  Wil- 
mot-Proviso  man,  261;  measures  which 
led  to  his  debate  with  Douglas,  351  ; 
Republican  nominee  for  President  in 
1860,371,  376;  his  tribute  to  Jefferson, 
375  ;  replies  to  Giddings's  congratu 
latory  letter,  376  ;  his  Proclamation  of 
Emancipation,  405. 

Lincoln,  Levi,  206. 

Linn,  Archibald  L.,  147. 

Louisiana,  importance  of  its  acquisition, 
40,  43- 

Lovejoy,  Elijah  P.,  45. 

Lovejoy,  Owen,  326. 

Lowell,  James  Russell,  editor  of  the  "  At 
lantic  Monthly,"  368  ;  his  favorable  no 
tice  of  Giddings's  "  Exiles  in  Florida," 
368-369  ;  his  lines  in  praise  of  Giddings, 


M. 

MADISON,  James,  40,  117,  265. 

Mann,  Horace,  236,  264. 

Marsh,  George  P.,  231,  277. 

Marshall,  Humphrey,  prosecutes  the  trial 
of  J.  Q.  Adams  in  the  House,  105-106  ; 
his  charges  against  Mr.  Adams,  106, 
107  ;  Mr.  Adams's  chastisement  of,  108- 
ioq;  the  Southern  Know-Nothing  can 
didate  for  Speaker  in  1855,  322. 

Mason,  General,  59. 

Mason,  J.  M.,  Senator  from  Virginia,  370; 
charges  Giddings  with  conspiracy  in 
Brown's  Virginia  raid,  370. 

Mattocks,  John,  147. 

McClellan,  General,  237,  388. 

McDowell,  James,  of  Va.,~283. 

Mcllvaine,  A.  R.,  229,  230,  231. 

McLean,  Judge,  207,  208. 

McMullen,  Fayette,  of  Va.,  324. 

Medill,  Joseph,  338. 

Mexico,  190,  248;  cause  of  war  with  the 
United  States,  147,  185,  195  ;  United 
States  declares  war  with,  191  ;  General 
Taylor's  invasion  of,  193  ;  sufferings  of 
the  United  States  army  in,  198;  unpopu 
larity  in  United  States  of  war  with, 
198-199  ;  success  of  United  States  ar 
mies  in,  206. 

Miles,  General,  329. 

Miller,  J.  W.,  Senator,  288. 

Missouri,  43,  307,  330. 

Missouri  Compromise,  the,  283,  307,  308, 
324,  352  ;  repeal  of,  310-313;  its  resto 
ration  favored  by  the  Whigs,  320-321; 
effect  of  its  repeal,  325,  377,  380;  popu 
lar  cry  for  its  restoration,  318. 


470 


INDEX. 


Monroe,  James,  his  first  proclamation  of 
the  "  Monroe  Doctrine,"  295. 

Montez,  P.,  73-77,  153. 

Montgomery,  William,  of  Penn.,  his 
amendment  to  the  Lecompton  Bill,  342. 

Moore,  John,  of  La.,  145. 

Morgan,  Christopher,  147. 

Morrill,  Justin  S.,  302. 

Morse  (of  Maine),  151. 

Morse  (of  Ohio),  266,  267. 


N. 


NEBRASKA,  320 ;  bill  for  organizing  a 
government  of,  307,  313 ;  conflict  over 
the  slavery  question  in,  312-313. 

New  Mexico,  269-270,  311. 

Newton,  Eben,  of  Ohio,  307. 

Nowell,  Senator  from  Michigan,  83. 


O. 


OGLETHORPE,  General,  37. 

Ohio,  admitted  to  the  Union,  13  ;  charac 
ter  of  its  settlers,  14-15  ;  state  of  its 
society,  28. 

Oregon,  329,  404  ;  question  of  its  annexa 
tion,  183-191 ;  saved  from  slavery,  257. 

Oyler,  Mr.,  372. 


P. 


PACHECO,  Antonio,  262-266. 

"Pacificus"  Essays.     See  Appendix. 

Paine,  Thomas,  38. 

Palfrey,  John  G.,  210,  213,  214,  217,  219, 
225,  259,  264,  267,  269,  272,  281,  321  ; 
a  "  Conscience  Whig,"  206  ;  representa 
tive  to  Congress,  220 ;  personal  charac 
teristics,  220 ;  opposed  to  Winthrop  for 
Speaker,  221-222  ;  abused  by  the  Whigs 
for  opposing  Winthrop,  222  ;  ill-feeling 
of  Winthrop  towards,  232  ;  appointed  to 
the  Committee  on  Agriculture,  236 ;  vin 
dicated  in  his  refusal  to  support  Win 
throp,  238 ;  his  action  in  the  case  of  the 
"Pearl,"  243;  letter  to  Giddings,  356- 

Palmerston,  Lord,  387. 

Parker,  Theodore,  letters  to  Giddings, 
248-249 ;  contributed  to  anti-slavery 
literature,  249. 

Payne,  W.  W.,  of  Ala.,  172. 

Peabody,  Dr.  Andrew  P.,  220. 

"Pearl,"  the,  case  of,  241-244. 

Pease,  Elizabeth,  12. 

Pease,  John,  12. 

Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society,  39,  294. 

Phillips,  P.,  of  Alabama,  315. 

Phillips,  Stephen  C.,  206,  210,  217. 

Phillips,  Wendell,  245. 

Pickering,  Timothy,  202. 

Pierce,  Franklin,  83 ;  Democratic  nomi 
nee  for  President,  302 ;  elected  Presi 
dent,  305-306;  approves  the  compromise 
measures,  309;  recommends  payment 
of  indemnity  in  the  "Amistad"  case, 


309  :  his  action  in  the  case  of  the 
"Black  Warrior,"  315-317;  rebuked 
by  Giddings,  316-317. 

Pitt  William  (Lord  Chatham),  201,  202, 
239- 

Polk,  James  K.,  65,  129;  nominated  by 
Democrats  for  President  in  1844,  158; 
committed  to  the  policy  of  the  annexa 
tion  of  Texas,  158;  supported  by  the 
worst  classes  of  society,  160-161  ;  his 
Kane  letter,  167-168 ;  his  election  has 
tened  the  advent  of  the  Civil  War,  168 ; 
violated  his  promises  to  his  party,  183; 
his  inauguration,  184;  his  position  on 
the  Oregon  question,  184,  185,  187 ; 
message  on  the  Oregon  dispute  with 
England,  185;  charges  of  Democratic 
leaders  against,  190;  his  settlement  of 
the  Oregon  question,  190;  reconcilia 
tion  with  Democratic  leaders,  191  ;  or 
ders  General  Taylor  to  Corpus  Christi, 
191  ;  denounced  by  the  Whigs  for  caus 
ing  the  Mexican  War,  194  ;  Giddings's 
charges  against,  195-196 ;  his  call  for 
additional  troops  for  the  Mexican  War, 
198 ;  his  action  on  the  Oregon  question 
prophesied  by  Giddings,  404. 

Pomeroy,  General,  327. 

Porter,  A.  S.,  of  Michigan,  83. 

Prentiss,  S.  S.,  54,  56. 

Preston,  W.  B.,  277. 

Proclamation  of  Emancipation,  405. 


Q. 

QUAKERS,  their  hostility  to  slavery  in  the 

colonies,  37. 
Quincy,    Josiah     P.,    praises    Giddings's 

"  Exiles  in  Florida,"  369. 


R. 


RANNEY,  Rufus  P.,  35. 

Rantoul,  Robert,  Jr.,  306. 

Raymond,  Henry  J.,  290. 

Raynor,  Kenneth,  173. 

Republican  party,  the,  first  organized,  321  ; 
joins  forces  with  the  Free  Soilers  in  the 
Speakership  contest  of  1855,  322  ;  elects 
N.  P.  Banks  Speaker,  325  ;  call  for  a 
National  Convention  of,  326-327  ;  nomi 
nates  John  C.  Fremont  for  President  in 
'856,  335!  indorses  Giddings's  resolu 
tion  in  their  platform,  236 ;  coalition 
with  the  Douglas  Democrats  and  South 
ern  Whigs  to  defeat  the  Lecompton  Bill, 
342  et  seq.  ;  disastrous  results  of  this  co 
alition,  350-351  ;  its  disruption  arrested 
by  the  Illinois  Republicans,  351 ;  charged 
with  being  accessory  to  Brown's  Virginia 
raid,  370 ;  disposition  to  abandon  its 
position  of  1856,  371-372 ;  nominates 
Lincoln  and  Hamlin  for  President  and 
Vice-President  in  1860,  371  ;  criticised 
by  Thomas  Ewing,  377-378  ;  Giddings's 
defence  of,  378-383  ;  founded  on  the 
principle  that  slavery  was  a  State  insti 
tution,  410  ;  Giddings  the  father  of,  411. 

Rhett,  R.  B.,  79,  151. 


INDEX. 


471 


Richardson,  William  A.,  the  Democratic 
candidate  for  Speaker  in  1855,  322. 

Robinson,  Governor  of  Kansas,  346. 

Robinson,  J.  M.,  of  Illinois,  83. 

Rockwell,  Julius,  264,  276. 

Root,  Joseph  M.,  192,  199,  245,  269,  271, 
273,  28x. 

Ross,  Dr.,  394. 

Ross,  John,  175. 

Ruiz,  I.,  73-77,  153. 

Ruggles,  Senator  John,  83. 


S. 


SAMPLE,  S.  C.,  of  Indiana,  151. 

Sandiford,  Ralph,  37. 

Saunders,  R.  M.,  of  N.  C.,  150. 

Sayres,  Mr.,  241-243. 

Schenck,  Robert  C.,  229,  230,  276,  283. 

Schouler,  James,  his  "  History  of  the 
United  States,"  126,  note  i. 

Scott,  Dred,  case  of,  351,  352;  repudiated 
the  principles  of  the  Declaration  of  In 
dependence,  339-340 ;  political  signifi 
cance  of,  340. 

Scott,  General  Winfield,  233,  238  ;  advo 
cated  the  right  of  Slave  States  to  secede, 
282  ;  the  Whig  nominee  for  President 
in  1852,  301 ;  defeated  for  the  Presi 
dency,  305. 

Seminole  Indians,  the,  war  with,  43,  80, 
92-96,  175-176,  196,  262, 366-368. 

Severance,  Luther,  192,  229,  231. 

Seward,  William  H.,  131,  283,  356. 

Sharpe,  Granville,  40. 

Simonton,  William,  of  Penn.,  105. 

Skelton,  Charles,  309. 

Slade,  William,  64,  105,  142,  147,  406 ;  an 
ardent  anti-slavery  man,  61,  79,  103; 
retired  from  public  life,  148  ;  letter  to 
Giddings,  189. 

Siatter,  Hope  H.,  244. 

Slavery,  its  early  history  in  America,  37- 
45  ;  repugnant  to  most  of  the  colonies, 
37-39;  efforts  of  the  Quakers  to  pro 
hibit,  37;  the  slave-trade  forbidden  by 
the  Continental  Congress,  38;  Thomas 
Paine's  anti-slavery  articles,  38 ;  the 
champions  of  independence  its  chief 
foes,  38-40 ;  formation  of  Abolition  so 
cieties,  39  ;  the  churches  anti-slavery,  39  ; 
forbidden  in  the  territory  under  National 
Government,  39;  abolished  in  seven  of 
the  States,  39;  foreign  slave-trade  for 
bidden  in  the  new  Constitution,  39  ;  con 
cessions  of  the  Constitution  to,  39-40, 
44 ;  a  State  institution,  40,  409-410  ;  con 
sidered  a  temporary  evil,  40  ;  the  idea  of 
property  in  man  avoided  in  the  Constitu 
tion,  40,  265 ;  its  rise  to  great  political 
power,  40-45 ;  stimulated  by  invention 
of  the  cotton-gin  and  acquisition  of 
Louisiana,  40,  43 ;  effect  of  Franklin's 
anti-slavery  petition  to  Congress,  41 ; 
treaty  with  Cherokee  Indians  for  re 
covery  of  fugitive  slaves,  41-42  ;  fugitive- 
slave  law  of  1793,  42  ;  first  threats  of  dis 
solving  the  Union,  42;  nationalized  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  42-43,  62-63, 
135;  the  regulation  by  Congress  of  the 
coastwise  slave-trade  unconstitutional, 


43,  112,  135;  subserviency  of  the  Na 
tional  Government  to  its  methods,  43-44, 
135;  Florida  purchased  in  the  interest 
of,  43  ;  the  Missouri  struggle  in  1820,  43  ; 
the  Florida  wars  carried  on  in  its  behalf, 
43,  80,  92-96,  135,  175-178,  365-368 ;  the 
churches  its  bulwarks,  44 ;  dangers  of 
opposing  it,  44 ;  right  of  petition  and 
freedom  of  debate  on,  forbidden  in  the 
House,  45,80,  n8;  Lovejoy  murdered 
for  his  opposition  to,  45  ;  prostitutes  the 
mail  service,  45  ;  its  supremacy  during 
the  first  session  of  the  Twenty-sixth 
Congress,  80-84  ?  submission  of  public 
nien  to  its  demands,  84  ;  not  a  prominent 
issue  in  the  Presidential  campaign  of 
1840,  86,  88  ;  foundation  of  the  American 
Anti-Slavery  Society,  87  ;  the  people  of 
the  Free  States  aroused  to  an  apprecia 
tion  of  its  evils,  99-100,  103,  127-128, 
206  ;  questions  arising  from,  cause  seri 
ous  complications  with  England,  112  et 
seq.  ',  the  Senate  a  unit  in  the  service  of, 
118  ;  its  power  illustrated  in  the  treat 
ment  of  Giddings,  125;  the  "  Pacificus  " 
papers  on,  133-134,  141  ;  its  extension 
sought  by  the  annexation  of  Texas,  146- 
147,  161  ;  the  home  squadron  employed 
in  the  interests  of,  150-151;  the  memo 
rial  of  the  Massachusetts  Legislature, 
I5'~IS3;  the  Georgia  resolutions,  152- 
,'  153;  strengthened  by  the  annexation  of 
Texas,  186 ;  its  prohibition  in  newly 
:  acquired  Mexican  territory  a  vital  is- 
i  sue,  206  ;  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
\  259-262  ;  Calhoun's  address  to  the 
South  in  support  of,  268  ;  attempts  to 
secure  its  territorial  extension,  269-270 ; 
the  most  important  question  which  con 
fronted  the  Thirty-first  Congress,  270, 
271  ;  Giddings  speaks  on,  282-283;  the 
compromise  measures  of  the  Thirty- 
first  Congress  regarding,  283-284  ;  efforts 
of  Whigs  and  Democrats  to  prevent  dis 
cussion  of,  286-291  ;  subserviency  of 
Whigs  and  Democrats  to,  302  ;  efforts 
to  establish  it  in  Kansas,  312-313,  320, 
327-328,  330-332,340^^^.;  logically 
opposed  to  the  Declaration  of  Indepen 
dence,  336  ;  Giddings's  manner  of  deal 
ing  with,  407-412  ;  principal  cause  of  its 
overthrow,  412. 

Slicer,  Rev.  Henry,  244-245. 

Slidell,  John,  168,  173. 

Smith,  Caleb  B.,  260,  277. 

Smith,  Gerrit,  his  connection  with  the 
Free-Soil  proclamation  regarding  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  311  ;  charged 
with  being  accessory  to  Brown's  Vir 
ginia  raid,  371 ;  his  religious  principles, 
402. 

Smith,  O.  H.,  Senator  from  Indiana,  47. 

Smith,  Truman,  83,  147,250-251,  260,  277; 
abuses  Giddings,  255  ;  Giddings's  reply 
to,  255-256. 

Southard,  S.  L.,  83. 

Stanly,  Edward,  of  N.  C.,  54,  143,  294, 
295 1  297;  his  scurrilous  attack  on  Gid 
dings,  289-291. 

Stephens,  Alexander  H.,  178,  198-199, 
283,  338. 

Stevens,  Thaddeus,  272,  283. 


472 


INDEX. 


Stevenson,  Andrew,  his  action  on  the  sla 
very  question  while  minister  to  England, 
113,  142. 

Stiles,  W.  H.,  of  Georgia,  174. 

Strahan,  John,  192. 

Stuart,  A.  H.  H.,  124. 

Sturgeon,  Daniel,  of  Penn.,  83. 

Sumner,  Charles,  214,  215,  235,  236,  271, 
282,  406  ;  correspondence  with  Giddings, 
199,  202-203,  205,  210-213,  214,  216-217, 
222,  227,  258,  260-261,  267-268,  277-278, 


Giddings,  208,  398 ;  enters  the  Senate, 
208, 287  ;  supported  Giddings  in  his  con 
troversy  with  Winthrop,  232  ;  urges  Gid 
dings  to  speak  in  Massachusetts,  245  ; 
his  account  of  Giddings's  visit  to  Massa 
chusetts,  247  ;  indignant  at  the  attacks 
of  the  Whig  Press  on  Giddings,  278  ;  his 
connection  with  the  Free-Soil  address 
regarding  the  Missouri  Compromise,  311, 
312  ;  assaulted  by  P.  S.  Brooks,  332. 

Sutliff,  Flavel,  forms  a  law  partnership 
with  Giddings,  36. 

Sutliff,  Milton,  opposes  the  renomination 
of  Giddings  to  Congress,  355. 

T. 

TEXAS,  General  Taylor  ordered  to  guard 
the  southern  boundary  of,  191 ;  hostili 
ties  with  Mexico  regarding  the  bounda 
ries  of,  191  ;  Boundary  Bill,  281,  283. 

Texas,  annexation  of,  a  vital  issue,  146  ;  the 
slaveocracy  secretly  plotting  for,  146; 
J.  Q.  Adams  first  to  sound  the  alarm 
against,  146;  its  undesirability,  146-147; 
the  cause  of  war  with  Mexico,  147,185, 
195;  action  of  the  Mexican  government 
regarding,  147  ;  Giddings  makes  the  first 
speech  in  opposition  to,  156-157  ;  an  im 
portant  issue  in  the  Presidential  election 
of  1844,  157  etseq.  ;  Calhoun's  treaty  for, 
178-182  ;  achieved  by  the  joint  resolu 
tion  of  Congress,  182-183,  191  ;  gave 
the  Slave  States  a  majority  in  the  Senate, 
186;  effects  of  on  the  tariff  of  1842,  404. 

Tallmadge,  Senator  N.  P  ,  83. 

Taney,  Chief-Justice,  340. 

Tappan,  Arthur,  first  president  of  the 
American  Anti- Slavery  Society,  89. 

Tappan,  Benjamin,  senator  from  Ohio,  83. 

Tappan,  Lewis,  a  pioneer  in  the  anti- 
slavery  cause,  89  ;  letter  to  Giddings, 


Taylor,  General,  176-177,  215,  219,  229, 
238,  256,  261,  271,  278,  287,  302,  378, 
406;  ordered  to  Corpus  Chnsti,  191  ; 
invades  Mexico,  193  ;  the  Mexican  War 
makes  him  a  prospective  candidate  for 
President,  207  ;  his  non-committal  atti 
tude  in  politics,  241 ;  nominated  by  the 
Whigs  for  President,  252  ;  his  political 
principles,  252;  elected  President,  258 ; 
appointments  to  office,  277  ;  death  of, 
281. 

Thayer,  Eli,  372. 

Thompson,  Wad Jy,  51-52,  92,  98,  100. 

Tilden,  Daniel  R.,  192. 


Tilden,  Samuel  J.,  306. 
Tomlinson,  Thomas,  147. 
Tompkins,  P.  W.,  222. 
Toombs,  Robert,  263,  281. 
Townshend,  Dr.,  266,  267. 
Triple tt,  Philip,  of  Ky.,  124. 
Tuck,  Amos,  271. 
Tyler,  John,  102,  115,  116,  129,  147. 


U. 

UPSHUR,  A.  P.,  Secretary  of  State,  157. 
Utah,  311. 


V. 


VALLANDIGHAM,  C.  L.,  charges  Giddings 
with  conspiring  in  Brown's  Virginia  raid, 
370. 

Van  Buren,  Martin  (President),  36,  50,  51, 
66,  89,  99,  113,  143,  144,  212,  213,  214, 
271,  306 ;  his  attempt  to  shelter  the  slave- 
trade  under  the  national  flag,  74-77  ;  ""a 
Northern  man  with  Southern  princi 
ples,"  86;  his  anti-Texas  letter,  158;  a 
possible  anti-slavery  candidate  for  Presi 
dent  in  1847,  207 ;  his  followers  unite  in 
a  third-party  movement,  253  ;  nominated 
for  President  by  the  Free-Soil  conven 
tion,  254. 

Vance,  Joseph,  177,  192,  230. 

Venable,  A.  W.,  of  N.  C.,  259. 

Vinton,  S.  F.,  of  Ohio,  261,  276,  277. 

Von  Hoist,  Dr.,  his  "  Constitutional  His 
tory  of  the  United  States"  quoted,  194. 


W. 

WADE,  Benjamin  F.,  34-35,  45,  211,  256, 
307,  311,  348;  Senator  from  Ohio,  287. 

Wade,  Edward,  311,  348;  elected  to  Con 
gress,  307. 

Walker,  Senator  from  Mississippi,  182. 

Wall,  G.  D.,  Senator  from  N.  J.,  83. 

Wallace,  Governor,  128. 

Walsh,  Mike,  of  N.  Y.,  309. 

Ward,  General,  120. 

Warren,  Lott,  of  Ga.,  92. 

Washburne,  E.  B.,  of  Illinois,  394. 

Washington,  George,  42,  298. 

Waters,  Abner,  24. 

Waters,  Laura,  24. 

Watson,  James  C.,  176-177,  299-300. 

Webster,  Daniel,  83,  90,  127, 128,  129,  283  ; 
Secretary  of  State,  116;  his  action  in  the 
"Creole"  affair,  116-118,  120;  retired 
from  the  State  Department,  157;  con 
sidered  by  anti-slavery  men  as  a  candi 
date  for  President,  207 ;  nominated  for 
President  by  the  Massachusetts  Whig 
convention,  210;  in  favor  of  the  Wilmot 
Proviso,  210  ;  claimed  Free  Soil  as  a 
Whig  doctrine,  254;  Secretary  of  State, 
281,  287  ;  criticism  of  his  foreign  policy, 
in  1842,  296-297. 

Weed,  Thurlow,  188. 

Weld,  Theodore,  ir,  45,  105. 

Weller,  John  B.,  122,  123. 

Wesley,  John,  37. 


INDEX. 


473 


Whigs,  91,97,  131,  132,  213,  229,  274,  282, 
301,  307,  380 ;  their  power  in  the  Twenty- 
sixth  Congress,  78  ;  their  majority  in  the 
House  depends  on  the  admission  of  New 
Jersey  members,  78-79;  charged  by  the 
Democrats  with  favoring  Abolitionism, 
80;  defended  byHenry  Clay,  80 ;  Harrison 
their  candidate  for  President  in  1840,  85  ; 
their  sole  issue,  85-86;  in  a  majority  in  the 
Twenty-seventh  Congress,  102 ;  divided 
into  warring  factions,  102  ;  choose  John 
White  Speaker  of  the  House,  102  ;  cred 
ited  with  anti-slavery  tendencies,  137  ; 
nominate  Clay  for  President  in  1844, 157  ; 
represented  the  best  elements  of  society 
in  the  campaign  of  1844,160;  manyoftheir 
anti-slavery  members  join  the  Liberty 
party,  166;  their  success  in  Ohio  due  to 
the  efforts  of  Giddings,  167;  foreign-born 
citizens  the  bitter  opponents  of,  168 ;  not 
a  trustworthy  agency  in  combating  the 
South,  168;  their  cowardice  leads  them 
to  vote  for  the  Mexican  War  Bill,  192-194; 
unworthy  of  their  leader,  Henry  Clay, 
193  ;  denounce  President  Polk  for  bring 
ing  on  the  Mexican  War,  194  ;  threatened 
with  disruption,  206-207  ;  "  Conscience  " 
and  "  Cotton,"  206,  253  ;  their  attitude  in 
1847  stated  by  Giddings,  215-216  ;  in 
Massachusetts,  219;  their  abuse  of  Gid 
dings  and  Palfrey  for  refusing  to  support 
Winthropfor the  Speakership,  222etseg. ; 
their  disbandment  predicted  by  Giddings, 
241  ;  nominate  General  Taylor  for  Presi 
dent  in  1848,  252  ;  their  readiness  to  sac 
rifice  principle  for  success,  252,  318; 
their  treachery  to  Clay,  252  ;  many  mem 
bers  withdraw  from  the  party,  252-253, 
254 ;  their  bitterness  towards  the  Free 
Soilers,  254-255;  their  treatment  of  Gid 
dings,  258;  forced  to  show  their  position 
on  slavery,  259-260  ;  defeat  Giddings 
for  the  Ohio  Senatorship,  267  ;  seriously 
divided,  270-271  ;  nominate  R.  C.  Win- 
thrpp  for  Speaker  of  the  House  in  the 
Thirty-first  Congress,  272  ;  move  the 
"  plurality  rule  "  to  govern  the  election  of 
Speaker,  272,  276 ;  charge  Winthrop's 
defeat  to  the  Free  Soilers,  272,  276 ; 
their  efforts  to  suppress  the  discussion  of 
slavery,  286-291  ;  General  Scott  their 
nominee  fpr  President  in  1852,  301  ;  de 
precate  in  their  platform  the  agitation  of 
the  slavery  question,  301-302  ;  demorali 
zation  of,  302 ;  Gidclmgs's  arraignment 
of,  302-305  ;  overwhelming  defeat  in 
1852,  305-306;  disruption  of,  306,  318, 
320;  maintain  their  party  organization  in 
New  York,  321  ;  conservative  members 
of,  a  discordant  element  in  the  Republican 
party,  372. 

White,  John,  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  102. 

Whitefield,  George,  37. 

Whitney,  Eli,  41. 

Whittlesey,  Elisha,  21,  23,  24,  34,  37,  255. 


Whittlesey,  William  A.,  22,  23. 

Wickliffe,  C.  A.,  Postmaster-general,  173, 

Wigg,  William  Hazzard,  308. 

Wilder,  Horace,  37. 

Williams,  of  North  Carolina,  79. 

Williams  vs.  Hawley,  case  of,  30-32. 

Wilmot,  David,  271,  273,  275. 

Wilmot    Proviso,   210,  211,  212,  214,  219, 

220,   236,   237,    252,256,   263,28l,    284,   JII. 

Wilson,  Henry,  206,  252,  334,  384;  letter 
to  Giddings,  356. 

Winthrop,  Robert  C.,  211,  213,  217,  220, 
276,  277,  278,  283  ;  criticises  Giddings 
for  voting  to  withhold  supplies  for  the 
Mexican  War,  201-202  ;  Delano's  reply 
to,  in  defence  of  Giddings,  203-204;  a 
"Cotton  Whig,"  206;  elected  Speaker 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  216, 
222 ;  his  election  opposed  by  Giddings, 
216  et  seg.,  274  ;  personal  characteristics, 
218;  his  famous  toast,  218-219;  opposes 
the  anti-slavery  spirit  of  Massachusetts, 
219;  desires  General  Taylor's  nomina 
tion  for  President,  219,  237;  favors  the 
Mexican  War,  219  224,  233-234;  ques 
tioned  as  to  his  organization  of  the  House 
if  chosen  Speaker,  221-222  ;  elected 
Speaker  by  the  aid  of  Democratic  votes, 
222  ;  supported  for  Speakership  by  J.  Q. 
Adams,  222  ;  controversy  with  Giddings, 
226  et  seg.  ;  his  feelings  towards  C.  F. 
Adams  and  Sumner,  232  ;  Giddings  justi 
fied  in  refusing  to  support  him,  235-238  ; 
his  hostility  to  the  Free-Soil  movement, 
237;  declines  to  vote  for  the  Wilmot 
Proviso,  237 ;  espouses  the  policy  of 
Congressional  "non-action  "  with  slavery 
in  the  Territories,  237;  opposes  the  for 
mation  of  the  Republican  party  in  1856, 
237;  opposes  the  election  of  Lincoln  in 
1860,  237;  supports  General  McClellan 
in  1864,237;  slights  Giddings,  240,  258; 
Whig  nominee  for  Speaker  of  the  House 
in  the  Thirty-first  Congress,  272  ;  his  de 
feat  charged  to  the  Free  Soilers,  272,  276  ; 
withdraws  from  the  Speakership  contest, 
273  ;  corrrectness  of  Giddings's  prophe 
cies  regarding,  404. 

Wise,  H.  A.,  his  abuse  of  J.  Q.  Adams, 
106-107. 

Woodbury,  Levi,  141. 

Woods,  Mr.,  of  Ohio,  307. 

Wool,  General,  330. 

Woolman,  John,  37. 

Wright,  John  C.,  30-31. 

Wright,  H.  B.,  of  Penn  ,  314. 

Y. 

YOUNG,  R.  M.,  of  Illinois,  83. 
Young,  Augustus,  of  Vermont,  103. 

z. 

ZOLLICOFFER,   F.   K.,  325. 


T  IFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  By  the  Hon. 
•*-'  ISAAC  N.  ARNOLD.  With  Steel  Portrait.  8vo, 
cloth,  471  pages.  Price,  $1.50. 

In  half  calf,  or  half  morocco,  $3.50. 


It  is  decidedly  the  best  and  most  complete  Life  of  Lincoln  that  has  yet  appeared.  — 
Contemporary  Review,  London. 

Mr.  Arnold  succeeded  to  a  singular  extent  in  assuming  the  broad  view  and  judicious 
voice  of  posterity  and  exhibiting  the  greatest  figure  of  our  time  in  its  true  perspective.  — 
The  Tribune,  New  York. 

It  is  the  only  Life  of  Lincoln  thus  far  published  that  is  likely  to  live,  —the  only  one 
that  has  any  serious  pretensions  to  depict  him  with  adequate  veracity,  completeness,  and 
dignity.  —  The  Sun,  New  York. 

The  author  knew  Mr.  Lincoln  long  and  intimately,  and  no  one  was  better  fitted  for 
the  task  of  preparing  his  biography.  He  has  written  with  tenderness  and  fidelity,  with 
keen  discrimination,  and  with  graphic  powers  of  description  and  analysis.  —  The  Interior, 
Chicago. 

Mr.  Arnold's  "  Life  of  President  Lincoln  "  is  excellent  in  almost  every  respect.  .  .  . 
The  author  has  painted  a  graphic  and  life-like  portrait  of  the  remarkable  man  who  was 
called  to  decide  on  the  destinies  of  his  country  at  the  crisis  of  its  fate.  —  The  Times, 
London. 

The  book  is  particularly  rich  in  incidents  connected  with  the  early  career  of  Mr. 
Lincoln  ;  and  it  is  without  exception  the  most  satisfactory  record  of  his  life  that  has  yet 
been  written.  Readers  will  also  find  that  in  its  entirety  it  is  a  work  of  absorbing  and 
enduring  interest  that  will  enchain  the  attention  more  effectually  than  any  novel.  — 
Magazine  of  American  History,  New  York. 

For  those  who  deem  the  work  of  these  authors  (Messrs.  Nicolay  and  Hay,  whose 
exhaustive  Life  of  Lincoln  is  published  at  a  high  price  in  ten  octavo  volumes)  too  com 
prehensive,  and  wish  to  know  what  can  be  comprised  in  a  single  volume,  his  life  by  Mr. 
Arnold  will  have  no  competitor.  Mr.  Arnold  was  Mr.  Lincoln's  associate  at  the  bar,  and 
his  friend  of  many  years.  The  two  friends  were  unlike  each  other,  and  yet  I  think  Mr. 
Arnold  possessed  many  of  the  qualities  which  made  Mr.  Lincoln  so  attractive.  His  book 
was  a  labor  of  love,  and  is  everywhere  worthy  of  its  subject  and  its  author.  Although  Mr. 
Arnold  did  not  survive  to  witness  its  publication,  it  is  one  of  the  most  reliable  of  American 
biographies.  —  L.  E.  Chittenden,  Register  of  the  Treasury  under  President  Lincoln,  in 
his  "  Recollections  of  President  Lincoln  and  his  Administration.™ 

The  completeness  of  this  work  in  respect  to  its  facts,  its  criticisms,  and  its  estimate  of 
character  would  seem  to  have  fulfilled  all  requirements  of  a  perfect  life  of  Lincoln,  and  to 
have  left  nothing  more  for  future  biographers  to  do.  .  .  It  will  remain  a  just,  sympathetic, 
wholly  exhaustive,  and  permanently  valuable  life  of  its  illustrious  subject.  —  The  Saturday 
Evening  Gazette,  Boston. 

To  Mr.  Arnold  belongs  the  credit  of  having  written  the  most  satisfactory  "  Life  of 
Abraham  Lincoln"  which  has  yet  been  published.  .  .  .  His  portrayal  of  the  character  of 
Mr.  Lincoln  is  distinct  and  just  in  every  line  ;  his  picture  of  the  times  in  which  he  lived, 
and  of  the  mighty  straggle  between  freedom  and  slavery,  vivid  and  complete.  His  selec 
tion  of  the  materials  for  his  work  is  judicious,  and  their  arrangement  admirable.  Nothing 
trivial  is  admitted,  nothing  important  is  omitted.  .  .  .  Altogether,  the  work  is  one  which 
on  its  own  merits  will  doubtless  take  rank  as  an  American  classic.  —  The  New  York 
Evangelist. 

Sold  by  all  booksellers,  or  mailed  on  receipt  of  price,  by 

A.  C.  McCLURG  &   CO.,  PUBLISHERS, 

COR.  WABASH  AVE.  AND  MADISON  ST.,  CHICAGO. 


THE  GREAT  FRENCH  WRITERS. 

A    SERIES     OF    STUDIES     OP    THE     LIVES,     WORKS, 

AND    INFLUENCE   OF   THE  GREAT    WRITERS   OF  THE  PAST,  BY 
GREAT  WRITERS  OF  THE  PRESENT. 

One  of  the  most  notable  literary  enterprises  of  recent  years.  —  The  Nation. 


MADAME   DE   SEVIGNE.     By  GASTON  BOISSIER,  of  the  French 
Academy.     Translated    by    Prof.  MELVILLE  B.  ANDERSON.     I2mo, 
205  pages,  $1.00. 
There  has  been  no  such  charming  account  of  this  charming  and  celebrated  woman. 

.  .  .  The  volume  is  altogether  one  that  shows  keen  study  and   a  delicate  appreciation 

that   distinguishes   French   literary  work  above   that  of  England.  — Evening  Bulletin, 

Philadelphia. 

GEORGE    SAND.     By  E.  CARO,  of  the  French  Academy.     Trans 
lated  by  Prof.  M.  B.  ANDERSON.     i2mo,  235  pages,  $1.00. 

It  is  an  extremely  brilliant,  not  to  say  dazzling,  performance,  full  of  French  acumen, 
thoroughly  intelligible ;  and  the  original  is  a  model  of  pure  French.  It  is  not  a  biography, 
but  an  essay,  and  such  an  essay  as  only  the  French  can  write,  for  they  are  better  writers 
than  other  people.  —  The  Beacon,  Boston. 

MONTESQUIEU.    By  A.  SOREL.    Translated  by  Prof.  M.  B.  ANDER 
SON  and  EDWARD  P.  ANDERSON.     i2mo,  218  pages,  $1.00. 

No  'prentice  hands  are  admitted  to  this  undertaking.  The  story  of  Montesquieu's 
life  and  work  is  skilfully  told  by  a  well-trained  pen.  .  .  .  The  value  of  the  English  version 
contributes  largely  to  the  worth  of  the  book.  .  .  .  The  brilliant  current  of  this  book  makes 
it  difficult  to  call  a  halt  before  turning  the  final  page.  —  Public  Ledger,  Philadelphia, 

VICTOR  COUSIN.     By  JULES  SIMON.     Translated  by  Prof.  M.  B. 
ANDERSON  and  EDWARD  P.  ANDERSON.     i2tno,  220  pages,  $1.00. 

This  monograph  on  Victor  Cousin,  his  life,  and  philosophical  opinions,  is  exception 
ally  attractive,  not  only  because  of  its  keen  and  vivacious  observations,  but  also  because  it 
is  written  by  Jules  Simon.  —  The  Congregationalist,  Boston. 

TURGOT.     By   LEON   SAY,  of  the  French  Academy.     Translated  by 
Prof.  M.  B.  ANDERSON.     I2mo,  231  pages,  $1.00. 

To  one  who  wishes,  at  a  small  expenditure  of  time,  to  arrive  at  a  correct  estimate  of 
Turgot's  rank  as  an  economist,  or  to  study  in  the  historical  circumstances  of  their  origin 
the  birth  of  principles  which  a  century  has  tested  and  found  firm,  we  can  heartily  commend 
this  clear  and  logical  little  monograph.  —  Boston  Daily  Advertiser. 

THEIRS.      By    PAUL   DE    REMUSAT,  Senator.      Translated  by  Prof. 
M.  B.  ANDERSON.    i2mo,  243  pages,  $1.00. 

The  sketch  of  his  life  and  personality  is  brilliant,  and  the  little  bourgeois,  with  his 
white  cravat  and  broadcloth  coat,  the  representative  of  all  that  is  best  and  most  solid  in 
France,  stands  before  the  reader  clearly,  succinctly  as  if  cut  in  marble.  —  Book-Chat, 
New  York. 

MADAME   DE    STAEL.     By   ALBERT    SOREL,   of   the   Institute. 
Translated  by  FANNY  HALE  GARDINER.     i2mo,  262  pages,  $1.00. 

These  volumes  are  brief  by  virtue  of  compression,  but  in  completion  of  detail,  breadth 
of  view,  and  critical  judgment,  they  are  surprisingly  full ;  one  is  given  a  larger  and  more 
intimate  acquaintance  with  both  the  writer  and  the  social  environment  in  which  he  lived. 
...  To  read  Madame  de  Stael's  life  is  to  become  acquainted  with  almost  every  man  and 
woman  of  note  of  her  age  in  every  country  of  Europe,  and  what  a  wonderful  host  it  is  ! 
Public  Opinion,  Washington. 

OTHER    VOLUMES    OF    THE    SERIES    IN    PREPARATION. 


Sold  by  all  booksellers,  or  mailed,  on  receipt  of  the  price,  by 

A.  C.  McCLURG   &   CO.,  PUBLISHERS. 


I         __,„ 


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